Suchergebnisse

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

This paper is a continuation & an extension of the longitudinal monitoring & analysis of the party dynamics, social structure & certain political features of the representatives in the Croatian Parliament (Sabor). The goal of the research was to discern the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite by means of a comparative analysis of social & political characteristics of the representatives in all five compositions of the Parliament & -- in the last, fifth composition -- by comparing the representatives' political party affiliations & their parliamentary experience. It has turned out that the representatives are mostly male (average age 49 years), of urban provenience & residence, Croats, Catholics, diploma-holders (largely in social sciences & humanities), & politicians with a remarkable managerial & political experience gained primarily through their work in political parties. The conclusion is that in Croatia the trends regarding the patterns of political recruitment of the parliamentary elite are in line with those in developed democratic systems. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Slovenia & Croatia differ greatly concerning the political position of their trade unions & their clout in political decision-making. The Slovenian way & pattern is inclusive & the Croatian conflictual. The difference -- despite the common historical legacy of Yugoslav self-management -- can be explained by the political interventions of the governments & the elites that played the dominant role in the early, formative, years of the transition. The pattern entrenched in that period persists, even when some radical reform is attempted & a new path chosen. Such a reversal was attempted after 2000 both in Slovenia & Croatia, but both attempts failed. References. Adapted from the source document.

Although it is not the primary reason for Russian economic collapse in Aug 1998, the permanent crisis of the Russian political system after 1991 had contributed to this breakdown. A major role in all this was played by the process of privatization by which Russian natural & economic resources remained in the hands of the political/economic elite. The crisis of the political system in Russia has another consequence -- bringing into question not only the attained degree of democratic development but also the future of democracy in Russia. 34 References. Adapted from the source document.

What are the reasons for change of electoral system in a country in transition? Who are the actors involved and how they do that? What consequences it has for parliament and the party system? This paper attempts to provide answers to these questions in the case of Ukraine. In that country, in less than two decades three types of electoral systems have been implemented: majority system in 1994, mixed system in 1998, 2002 and 2012, and proportional system in 2006 and 2007. Such frequent changes occurred due to elite-manipulation which aimed at satisfying self-interests of political elites. Both parliamentary and non-parliamentary elites have been involved in that process, and the most important actors among them have been oligarchs and the President. When the Ukrainian oligarchs as veto-players began to intensively participate in parties' activities, parties began to play a more important role than they did before. We conclude that the type of electoral system and oligarchic influence on parties and elections impacted the way how the party system has been shaped. We show that this system has been instrumentalised to achieve particular objectives of the dominant segments of political and business elites in Ukraine. Adapted from the source document.

Following the military defeat of the secular strategic orientation (Drang nach Westen) in Croatia of Serbian political & intellectual elite, a question arises: which are the feasible strategic options of Serbian nationalist elites? Theoretically, three options are possible: (1) radical strategic reorientation: giving up entirely on the existing orientation & setting up new strategic priorities; (2) a respite & mustering of strength for a new round (a reprise of the tactical variant of 1991); or (3) hatching a novel, long-term tactical variation that would enable the achievement of strategic objectives step by step, by "peaceful means." The author finds the third option most viable, though there are no hints that such a choice has actually been made. However, supposing this option might eventually be acted upon, the author goes on to envisage the quandaries & dilemmas that political & intellectual elites in Serbia might be faced with. Adapted from the source document.

This paper has two objectives. Firstly, I would like to introduce the conceptual framework for foreign policy analysis: the so-called role theory. In order for us to explain & understand the foreign policies of nation-states, the role theory focuses on the reasoning of national political elites, their understanding of the international system & the perceived role of their own states within this larger system. I will introduce the concepts of the role theory, its epistemological underpinning & the most important analytical applications of it. Secondly, I intend to make a contribution to the discussions about the application of social constructivism (as an IR theory) to foreign policy analysis. Thanks to its metatheoretical assumptions & conceptual outfit, the role theory is an appropriate candidate for bridging the gap between constructivist IR theory & FPA. Adapted from the source document.

Taking as his starting point the methodological instructions of the American liberal politologist, Adam Przeworski, about the importance of the action-theory analysis of the transformational dynamics of postauthoritarian societies, the author looks into the prospects of liberal reforms in Eastern Europe. The central thesis of the article is that the reforms' success depends on the balance of power between the liberal & the national-populist elites, who vie for public support. The outcome of that struggle will depend on the way in which the competing elites will act in response to the five essential contextual factors: the need for economic & social security, the expectations of social justice, the dynamics of the integration with the West, the articulation of the national identity within a national state, &, perhaps, the existence of ethnic minorities (ie, the threat of interethnic conflicts). Adapted from the source document.

This paper gives an overview of the socially clearly expressed desire & need for social security, promoted by means of various measures & policies known under the common designation: elements of the social state