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"This exciting new text consolidates the how's and why's of researching powerful people. Written by a leading authority in the field, this book introduces the reader to a significant area of methodology, and provides a research-based contribution to elite and leadership studies. It offers a truly international perspective that will appeal to those studying and working with elites in a variety of contexts. Useful features include: A variety of case studies and examples linked to over 1000 sources and resources; Extensive use of figures throughout the text to illustrate key points; Templates and models for planning and presentations The book promotes a practical future-oriented approach to support and inspire academic, professional and civil society researchers at all levels. It introduces new research frameworks and facilitates critical techniques through Critical Process Analysis. This is a must-have resource and an excellent new addition to the field of elite and leadership studies." -- Publisher's website

Die mittels der Reputationsmethode erstellte Analyse der politischen Elite unter El'cin basiert auf empirischen Erhebungen unter 48 politischen Entscheidungsträgern in Rußland. Diese wurden nach dem ihrer Ansicht nach entscheidenden Einfluß sowohl einzelner politischer Führungspersönlichkeiten als auch von soziopolitischen Gruppen auf das Verbot der KPdSU, die Auflösung der UdSSR und die Ausweitung der marktwirtschaftlichen Reformen befragt. Die Befragungsergebnisse werden jeweils quantifiziert und kritisch analysiert. Insgesamt kommt der Autor zu dem Schluß, daß es eher einen Wandel in der Struktur der politischen Eliten als einen personellen Wandel innerhalb der Eliten gegeben hat. (BIOst-Srt)

Patterns of development, dynamics of leadership, institutional controls, and internal democratization of political parties.

The article focuses on the party systems of Colombia and Venezuela because of their heuristic potential for a probing of similarities and contrasts. It concentrates primarily upon leadership and the role of the party elites. The respective patterns of development of the main Colombian and Venezuelan parties are assessed

'By studying political parties we imply that the party is a meaningful unit of analysis. Yet we go above the party as a unit, for we also study the party system.By the same token we can go below the party as a unit and study, thereby, the party subunits.'1This statement by Giovanni Sartori, while published in 1976, might well have been a beacon for budding stasiologists of the early 1960s — certainly for those with a particular interest in Latin America. Following upon such Western European—orientated classics as the works of Maurice Duverger, Sigmund Neumann and Alfred Diamant,2there seemed genuine intellectual impetus to produce significant scholarship on the parties of what were then customarily termed either the developing or the 'non—western' polities. For Latin America, the time appeared ripe for conceptual progress. To be sure, there was justification in remarking that the study of parties in the region was relatively new, while 'methodo—logical accomplishments have been primitive'.3Yet this condition was presumably transitory.In the years to follow there were more serious exploratory efforts, and in time a modest number of case—studies began appearing.4When the cyclical alternation of democratic and dictatorial regimes began to swing toward the latter by the early 1970s, however, scholarly interest dropped off. More generally, stasiological research went into decline.5For students of Latin America, only the recent trend toward democratisation has stimulated a revival of interest in parties, campaigns and elections.6Thus Lorenzo Meyer, for instance, described parties as institutions necessary 'to channel the energies of social movements, labour unions, and other antiauthoritarian forces present at the beginning of the re—emergence of civil society'.7

"This article presents and assesses the thesis that a shift in the character of governing elites and leaders has been occurring in several important liberal democracies during recent years. Ascendant elites are more leonine and top leaders are more pugnacious. We attribute the shift to strong centripetal pressures that now impinge on elites and leaders, and we ask about the shift's consequences for the Operation of liberal democracies." (author's abstract)

The involvement of the local Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) elite in a regional head election in East Java becomes the winning determiner. In a direct local election, elite religious roles significantly influence the constituent's vote. The elite utilizes religious hegemony in increasing society's political participation during an election. The era of new religious movement changes the tendencies of the thinking paradigm that, for the first time, women emerge as regional heads. This paper was aimed to analyze the hegemony of the religious elite based on Pesantren in the postmodernism era in regional head elections, especially in East Java. This research used qualitative research with a descriptive perspective and content analysis of qualitative data, which revealed that there is hegemony and patron-client movement of Islamic boarding school (Pesantren) among kyai, students, alumni, sympathizers, and Pesantren communities as a strategy to win regional head. The researcher used the elite theory approach and political participation theory—research data obtained from the library and document analysis from the affiliated institution. The formulation of this problem is how the religious elite hegemony the societies by increasing public participation and convincing voters to vote for women's candidates as governor. The analysis result remarks the hegemony of the religious elite becomes a tool to obtain power in a regional head election because there are significant influences of religious elite functioning giving dogmatize to society through religious routines ritual such as religion speech.

This article presents and assesses the thesis that a shift in the character of governing elites and leaders has been occurring in several important liberal democracies during recent years. Ascendant elites are more leonine and top leaders are more pugnacious. We attribute the shift to strong centripetal pressures that now impinge on elites and leaders, and we ask about the shift's consequences for the Operation of liberal democracies.

The fall of the Communist regime in the USSR and Russia's search for a democratic and prosperous market-based future is one of the most compelling episodes of the end of the twentieth century. A central part in this drama is being played by political elites. These essays, written by some of the leading scholars in the field, analyse various aspects of the role being played by elites and leaders in Russian politics. Among the issues dealt with are: the origins of the Russian elites, including the issue of continuity with the Soviet past; the relationship between political and economic elites; the means taken by elites to structure politics and their relations; the dynamic of elite politics, and the nature of post-communism. These essays deal with many of the crucial questions facing Russia today

Elites: Choice, Leadership and Succession. Joao De Pina‐Cabral and Antonia Pedroso de Lima. eds. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2000. 253 pp.

1. Introduction -- 2. An institutional explanation of elite dualism in China -- 3. Dualism in historical perspective -- 4. The Cultural Revolution and the leadership transition in the reform era -- 5. Dualism and job assignment -- 6. Dualism and promotion -- 7. Dualism and mobility rates -- 8. Dualism and career histories -- 9. Dualism and cooptation -- 10. Dualism and the political elite in China

Die Einstellung von Eliten zu aktuellen politischen Fragen wie auch zu
grundlegenden Problemen der Demokratie und zur Funktionsfähigkeit und
Entwicklung des westdeutschen politischen Systems. Eigene Möglichkeiten
politischer Einflußnahme.

Themen: Wichtigste Probleme der BRD; Beurteilung der Wichtigkeit
politischer Ziele; Einstellung zu ausgewählten Themen der Innen- und
Außenpolitik, wie z.B. Gesamtschule, Ökologie und Wettb werbsfähigkeit,
Entwicklungshilfe, EG-Souveränität, staatliche Kontrollen der
Grundstoffindustrie und Banken, Abbau von Sozialleistungen,
Extremistenerlaß, Mitbestimmung und privatrechtliche Rundfunksender;
Beurteilung der Entspannungspolitik und der sowjetischen Außenpolitik;
Einschätzung der Möglichkeit und Durchsetzbarkeit von Einsparungen bei
den Staatsausgaben; Einstellung zur Kernenergie und perzipierte
alternative Energiequellen zur Deckung des Energiebedarfs; Einschätzung
der Bedeutung einer Machtverschiebung von der Legislative zur Exekutive;
perzipierte Reduktion der Regierbarkeit westlicher Demokratien,
Wünschbarkeit von mehr direkter Bürgerbeteiligung bei
Verwaltungsentscheidungen auf kommunaler Ebene; Medien und Sendungen mit
dem vermutlich größten Einfluß auf die politische Meinungsbildung der
Öffentlichkeit (Skalometer); Einschätzung des größten Einflußfaktors auf
die politische Meinungsbildung eines Individuums; politisches Problem,
mit dem der Befragte sich im vergangenen Jahr am intensivsten
auseinander gesetzt hat; detaillierte Ermittlung der wichtigsten
Gesprächspartner und deren Organisationszugehörigkeit; Art und Umfang
der Einflußnahme von Interessengruppen auf das eigene Verhalten;
Versuche eigener Einflußnahme auf die öffentliche Meinungsbildung durch
Einsatz von Medien; Nennung des hauptsächlichen, eigenen politischen
Tätigkeitsbereiches; Art der eigenen Kontakte zu Institutionen der EG,
supranationalen Institutionen und bundesdeutschen Verbänden und
Organisationen bzw. politischen Institutionen; exakte Erfassung der Art
der Kontakte; detailliert Angaben zum beruflichen Karriereverlauf;
Mitgliedschaften und innegehabte Positionen in Verbänden; Mitgliedschaft
in einem politischen Beratergremium oder einem wissenschaftlichen Beirat
der Bundesregierung bzw. eines Bundesministeriums; Parteimitgliedschaft
und Parteipräferenz; Sympathie-Skalometer für die CDU, CSU, SPD, FDP und
die Grünen; Selbsteinschätzung auf einem Links-Rechts-Kontinuum;
präferierte Regierungskoalition; Einschätzung der Bedeutung der
religiösen Erziehung im Elternhaus; Religiosität.

Skalen: Demokratieverständnis und Dogmatismus; Postmaterialismus
(Kurzskala).

Interviewerrating: Interviewdatum; Interviewdauer;
Kooperationsbereitschaft des Befragten; Anzahl und Dauer der
Unterbrechungen; Beurteilung der Interviewatmosphäre.

Zusätzlich verkodet wurden: Interviewergeschlecht und
Intervieweralter.

Why should one study elite recruitment and political leadership in Japan? Because, our answer would go, we live in a world of ever deepening interdependence among nations where the peace, security, and prosperity of each is greatly influenced by policies and actions of another. This is particularly true when the latter is an economic superpower like Japan, the largest creditor nation and aid donor in the world of the early 1990s with a gross national product equal to about fifteen per cent of the world's total. Who makes Japanese domestic and foreign policies and how they are made has important implications for the welfare of other nations, including the United States, which maintains what a former American ambassador to Japan, Mike Mansfield, called the "most important bilateral relationship" in the world."Elite" and "leadership" are two concepts that help us identify and analyze those who play central roles in a nation's policymaking process. Commonplace as they are in the vocabulary of both modern political science and the mass media, these words are often used ambiguously and interchangeably. They are, however, etymologically distinctive words that can serve us as useful analytical tools only if they are clearly and distinctively defined. In the discussion that follows, we use "elite" to refer to a group of individuals who hold privilegedpositionsin society or organizations and "leadership" to refer to theexerciseof power, broadly defined, to lead others in collective action. As William Welsh has suggested, elites are thus "set apart from the rest of society by their preeminence in political and governmental hierarchies," while leadership means "ability to mobilize human resources in pursuit of specific goals."