Suchergebnisse

U radu se na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva istražuje jedan aspekt kulturne politike Jugoslavije i Hrvatske prema iseljeništvu – gostovanja glazbenih umjetnika i kulturno-umjetničkih društava u zemljama iseljavanja 60-ih i 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća. U kratkom prikazu iseljeničke službe na saveznoj i republičkoj razini daje se uvid u njezinu ulogu u formiranju i realiziranju te nadzor nad tim dijelom kulturne politike. Nastojanje Jugoslavije da ostvari organizacijski i ideološki nadzor nad tim aktivnostima dodatno je ilustriran primjerima dvojice hrvatskih popularnih pjevača – Ive Robića i Vice Vukova. ; Based on the original archives, the paper explores one aspect of the cultural policy of Yugoslavia and Croatia towards emigration—guest appearances by music artists and cultural and artistic societies in the countries of emigration in the 1960s and 1970s. The policy towards emigrants, especially 'temporary workers abroad', has been particularly important since the early 1960s, as emigration began to be perceived as a vital force, for both political and economic reasons. Therefore, the emigration service in the 1960s expanded and operated through several working bodies at the federal and republican levels, and played an essential role in the formation and implementation as well as the supervision of cultural policy towards emigrants. The idea was to maintain and strengthen the influence of self-managing socialist Yugoslavia in the 'Seventh Republic', and to neutralise the impact of political émigrés averse to the communist regime as much as possible. Music, as a segment of cultural policy, was a trump card that was known to have good reception with the audience, and guest appearances by musicians—singers and cultural and artistic societies—became very popular and frequent in Western Europe and overseas. Visits thus became a medium of ideological and promotional activities towards emigrants; organisers, performers, programs, and performances were regularly monitored by the state and Party bodies, diplomatic missions, and the State Security Service. Among the implementers of cultural policy towards emigrants, a significant role was played by the Heritage Foundation of Croatia, which operated according to the instructions of state and Party bodies, but had the best insight into the situation among immigrants and maintained continuous relations with them. Yugoslavia's efforts to gain organisational and ideological control over musical guest appearances are further illustrated through the examples of two Croatian popular singers—Ivo Robić and Vice Vukov.

Republiku Hrvatsku kroz povijest je zahvatilo nekoliko velikih iseljeničkih valova. Posljednji val iseljavanja započeo je pristupanjem Republike Hrvatske Europskoj uniji 2013. godine, a traje i danas. Razvijene zemlje Europske unije poput Njemačke, Austrije i Irske postale su glavno odredište hrvatskih iseljenika u potrazi za boljim životom. Cilj ovoga istraživanja je utvrditi stvarno stanje o broju iseljenih Hrvata iz Republike Hrvatske, usporediti podatke sa službenom statistikom Republike Hrvatske te dati zaključak o mogućim posljedicama iseljavanja. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju da se iseljavanje hrvatskih državljana ne može pratiti prema službenim podacima Državnog zavoda za statistiku jer oni nisu usklađeni sa statističkim podacima zemalja emigracije, odnosno broj prijavljenih hrvatskih doseljenika veći je u prosjeku za 62 % od službenih podataka Republike Hrvatske. Prognoze budućih migracija hrvatskih državljana upućuju na gubitak 20 % stanovništva u sljedećih trideset godina zbog čega je već sada potrebno razvijati nove ekonomske, mirovinske, obrazovne i ostale politike koje utječu na demografske promjene. ; The Republic of Croatia has seen several large emigration waves throughout history. The last wave of emigration began with the accession of the Republic of Croatia to the European Union in 2013 and continues today. Developed European Union countries such as Germany, Austria and Ireland have become a major destination for Croatian expatriates in search of a better life. The aim of this research is to determine the actual status of the number of Croat emigrants from the Republic of Croatia, to compare the data with the official statistics of the Republic of Croatia and to conclude on the possible consequences of emigration. The results of the research show that the emigration of Croatian citizens cannot be monitored according to the official data of the Central Bureau of Statistics because they are not harmonized with the statistics of the emigration countries, i.e. the number of reported Croatian immigrants is on average 62% higher than the official data of the Republic of Croatia. Forecasts of future migration of Croatian citizens indicate that 20% of the population will lose over the next 30 years, which is why it is already necessary to develop new economic, pension, education and other policies that affect demographic change.

Povećanje nezaposlenosti, loš životni standard i opća besperspektivnost, ali i politički razlozi bili su glavni potisni čimbenik iseljavanja iz Jugoslavije tijekom 60-ih i 70-ih godina prošloga stoljeća. U fokusu ovoga rada je iseljavanje građana iz Hercegovine kao regije s najvećom stopom iseljavanja u vrijeme komunističke Jugoslavije. Zbog velike potrebe za radnom snagom i zbog postojanja razgranatih migrantskih mreža (rodbinskih i inih veza), najveći dio iseljenika odlučio se za Saveznu Republiku Njemačku. Prilikom dolaska u SR Njemačku iseljenici se susreću s mnogobrojnim nedaćama i problemima koje ćemo razmotriti u ovome radu. Rad se temelji na metodi pripovjedne povijesti i pripovijesti šestero kazivača. Cilj je predočiti etnološku i kulturno-antropološku sliku života tadašnjih iseljenika, koji se u ovome radu izjednačuju s terminom "gastarbajteri". Jedan od ciljeva rada jest otkriti uzročno-posljedične veze i motive iseljavanja iz komunističke Jugoslavije u SR Njemačku u razdoblju od 1960. do 1973. te prikazati svakodnevicu iseljenika u Njemačkoj. Zaključak rada jest da su razgranate hrvatske migrantske mreže jedan od glavnih poticajnih čimbenika iseljavanja u Njemačku. ; Rising unemployment, poor living standards, and general lack of prospects, but also political reasons were the main drivers of emigration from Yugoslavia during the 1960s and 1970s. The focus of this paper is on emigration to Germany from Herzegovina as the region with the highest emigration rate during the communist Yugoslav political framework. Due to the huge need for the workers and due to the developed migrant networks (family-based or other) the majority of the emigrants decided to go to the Federal Republic of Germany. After their arrival the emigrants are faced with numerous problems, that this paper discusses. The paper is based on the method of oral history and the narrative of six narrators with the aim of acquiring an ethnological and cultural-anthropological picture of the life of the then emigrants, who are in this paper equivalent to the term "Gastarbeiters". One of the aims of the paper is to unveil causes, consequences and motivation for the emigration from the communist Yugoslavia to the Federal Republic of Germany in the period 1960 till 1973 as well as to depict everyday life of the emigrants in Germany. The conclusion of the paper is that the branched Croatian migrant networks were one of the main incentives for the emigration of Croats to Germany.

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

O razlozima iseljavanja iz Hrvatske do sada se najčešće pisalo s aspekta politike useljavanja u pojedine države, a manje politike iseljavanja iz domovine. Ovim se radom stoga žele pokazati razvojne faze iseljeničkoga režima u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji/Hrvatskoj, što će se pratiti preko angažmana mjerodavnih institucija u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na ulogu Komisije za iseljenička pitanja. U analizi će poslužiti fondovi Hrvatskoga državnog arhiva vezani uz institucije (uprava i javne službe), pisma iseljenika za emisiju Radio-televizije Zagreb "Našim građanima u svijetu", kao i anketni upitnici radnika na privremenom radu u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Na temelju navedenih izvora želi se dokazati da se vlast u socijalističkoj Hrvatskoj brinula o sudbini iseljenika i povratnika, ali i radnih migranata (gastarbajtera), otvarajući prostor za ono što danas nazivamo javno-privatnim partnerstvom u pružanju usluga migrantima. ; The reasons for emigration from Croatia have thus far been analysed mostly from the aspect of immigration policy, but less often from the aspect of the policies of emigration to individual countries. Therefore, it was not even possible to monitor the continuity of Croatian policy towards the emigration, whose connections with previous periods significantly influenced the phases of emigration and return of the population in the socialist period. Precisely for this reason, the aim of this paper is to present a broader picture of the reaction of socialist Yugoslavia/Croatia to the emigration and the return of the population in the period from 1945 to 1970. This was monitored through the reactions of the government and the administrative apparatus (institutions and legislation), with special reference to the involvement of relevant institutions (administrations and public services) in Croatia, which played a key role in organising activities related to emigration and return. Among them, the Commission for Emigrant Issues stood out the most, having one of the more complex roles related to emigration/return observed through its scope, adopting normative acts, and cooperating with other institutions in Croatia (Croatian Heritage Foundation, Radio-Television Zagreb, Institute for Migration, Section of Social Psychology, University of Zagreb). Of particular interest was the cooperation with the last on the development of an emigrant survey, which was the beginning of sociological, economic, and socio-psychological research on the phenomenon of work outside the homeland (or guest worker experience). Based on the analysis, we prove that the government in socialist Croatia cared about the fate of emigrants and returnees by making room for what we now call public-private partnerships in providing services to emigrants—in other words, that emigration policy played an important role in building a welfare state in Yugoslavia/Croatia. Therefore, the approach to the topic was based on works in the field of social policy, while the analysis was made using the funds of the Croatian State Archives related to institutions (administrations and public services), letters from emigrants for the Radio-Television Zagreb show To Our Citizens in the World, and survey questionnaires for temporary workers in the Federal Republic of Germany.

In der bisherigen Ujevic-Forschung wurde seine jugendliche politische Tätigkeit weniger als sein dichterisches Meisterwerk beachtet, nicht zuletzt auch deshalb, weil die reale Existenz beider »jugoslawischen « Staaten (1918—1941 und von 1945 bis vorgestern) bestimmte Grundfragen des Jugoslavismus zum Tabu gemacht hat. Jedoch ist die geistige und ideologisch-politische Entwicklung des jungen Intelektuel- len gerade paradigmatisch für seine ganze Generation und Ujevic selbst eine der Hauptfiguren der Bewegung der »Nationalistischen Jugend« in Kroatien. Zuerst ein entschiedener Anhänger der kroatischen Nationalidee von Ante Starcevic, wurde Ujevic zum Verfechter des jugoslawischen Nationalismus, und kämpfte auch in der Emigration für einen gemeinsamen südslawischen Staat. Von der gross-serbischen Politik Belgrads enttäuscht, brach er 1919 mit Politik ab und widmete sich nur der Dichtung. Der vorliegende Text — es ist ein Vortrag, den der Verfasser im Juli 1991 vor ausländischen Slavisten der Zagreber Sla- vistenschule gehalten hat — schildert die Entwicklungsphasen seines politischen Engagements und bietet — neben der Ergebnissen der bisherigen Forschung — einige neue Fakten und Ansichten. Die politischen Gedanken Ujevics werden durch ausgewählte Textbeispiele (Gedichte, Publizistik) illustriert.

Cilj ovog diplomskog rada je dati pregled dinamike afričko-europskih migrantskih ruta u zadnjem desetljeću te na osnovi dostupnih statističkih podataka analizirati postojeće i buduće trendove na promatranim migrantskim rutama. Pritom su korištene metode deskripcije, kompilacije, komparacije, analize i sinteze, indukcije i dedukcije te kvantitativne metode u sklopu obrade statističkih podataka. Neki od iskorištenih sekundarnih izvora podataka su baze podataka Eurostata, International Organization for Migration (IOM) i The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Unatoč uvjerenju kako su afričke migracije stihijske u naravi i izvanredne u odnosu na one u ostatku svijeta, moderan teorijski okvir nudi kvalitetniju sliku motivacija afričkog stanovništva na migraciju te identifikaciju relevantih push i pull faktora. Većina afričkih migracija, posebno onih usmjerenih prema Europi, motivirana je željom za obrazovanjem, obiteljskim i poslovnim motivima, a ne oružanim sukobima ili nestašicama hrane ili pitke vode. Naime, push faktori, bilo oni socio-političke, ekonomske ili ekološke naravi ne mogu biti glavni argument u objašnjenju afričko-europskih migracija. Konstantan pritisak na povećanje direktnih stranih investicija u zemlje afričkog kontinenta je, u najmanju ruku, nedostatni alat za usporavanje migracija te je, s obzirom na puno veći pozitivni učinak radničkih doznaka emigrantskog afričkog stanovništva, krivo identificirani indikator i alat u makroekonomskim težnjama za razvojem zemalja afričkog kontinenta. Europska javnost se ne osjeća ugodno sa sve većim brojem stranih imigranata, što stvara pritisak na kreatore politika te institucije EU da razmišljaju dugoročno i kreiraju robusni sustav koji će se moći nositi sa sadašnjim i budućim pritiscima na vanjske granice EU. ; The aim of this thesis is to give an overview of the dynamics of African-European migrant routes in the last decade, and on the basis of available statistics to analyze existing and future trends in the observed migrant ...

Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.

Using several sources that have not been referred to often in Croatian historiography, such as Ivo Frank's brochure A revízió és a Horvátság (Croats and the Revision), this paper analyses Frank's interwar positions on Croatian-Hungarian relations and the Treaty of Trianon, with the accompanying historiographical contextualisation. Using an analytical approach, an attempt was made to determine the reasons why Frank abandoned his originally anti-Hungarian political activity in favour of political cooperation with the Hungarians, and to present his vision of future Croatian-Hungarian relations within the frame of Central Europe. As a politician active in the period before the collapse of Austria-Hungary, Frank was a typical Frankist Rightist, even participating in the famous tearing down of the Hungarian flag near the Zagreb railway station in 1895. However, due to the changed geopolitical situation, and following experiences gained in Graz and Vienna, and later while living in Budapest, he made a tactical manoeuvre in the post-war years, attempting to achieve the goals he had set down earlier. He believed that the Croatian Question in monarchist Yugoslavia, as well as the long-term foreign policy of a potential independent Croatian state, could hardly be resolved without cooperation with Hungary, which he considered the central factor of the Central European political order, and this can be clearly seen in the brochure A revízió és a Horvátság. In addition to the sources and other relevant literature, the analysis presented in the paper is based on certain Hungarian interwar newspapers (Pester Lloyd and Pesti Napló) and periodical publications (Budapesti Szemle and Magyar Szemle), which were found by searching digitised materials. The addendum contains a complete translation of Frank's brochure from Hungarian to Croatian. ; U članku se na temelju nekoliko izvora koji su dosad slabije korišteni u hrvatskoj historiografiji, poput brošure Ive Franka A revízió és a Horvátság (Hrvati i revizija), iznosi analiza ...

Europa je dio globaliziranog i povezanog svijeta gdje se očekuje povećanje međunarodne mobilnosti. Sadašnje zakonodavstvo EU , nakon stupanja na snagu Lisabonskog ugovora, suočava se s novim izazovima na području slobode, sigurnosti i pravde. Postoji značajna europeizacija migracijske politike. Regija Zapadnog Balkana (ZB) smatra se jednim od najzanimljivijih i izazovnijih područja u Europi po sadašnjim migracijskim tokovima. Posljednje proširenje EU pomaknulo je migraciju iz klasične radničke imigracije, do tzv. odljeva mozgova, jer sada mlađi i visokoobrazovani ljudi imaju tendenciju migrirati u druge zemlje da bi nastavili svoju profesionalnu karijeru. Istočno proširenje i migracija na Zapadnom Balkanu mogu ići u istom smjeru. Ovaj članak ima za cilj identificirati politiku legalne migracije u EU za državljane zemalja Zapadnog Balkana kada se odluče za ulazak i / ili rade na području EU , ističući tu odluku kao izazov ili kao priliku za građane ZB-a. ; Europe is part of a globalized and interconnected world where international mobility is expected to increase. The current European Union (EU ) legislation, after entry into force of Lisbon Treaty, is facing new challenges in the field of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice. There is a significant Europeanization of migration policy. The Western Balkan (WB) region is considered as one of the most interesting and challenging regions in Europe regarding the current migration flows. The last EU enlargement shifted the migration from classical working class immigration, to the so-called brain drain immigration, since now younger and highly educated people tend to migrate more in other countries to pursue their professional career. The EU Eastern enlargement and WB migration may go in the same direction. The present article aims to identify the EU legal migration policy for the WB nationals when they decide to enter and/or work in the EU territory legally, pointing out that decision as a challenge or as an opportunity for WB citizens.

U radu se na temelju arhivskih izvora, stručne literature i onovremenoga tiska analizira povratak jugoslavenskih iseljenika iz Argentine i ostalih dijelova Južne Amerike u prvim godinama nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata. Prati se priprema, organizacija, brojnost, transport, dolazak, smještaj i razmještaj iseljenika u domovini. Analizira se i stručna, nacionalna i spolna pripadnost iseljenika povratnika. Posebna pozornost posvećena je odnosima dviju država, Jugoslavije i Argentine, u ovom pitanju. ; Diplomatic, consular and economic relations between the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Argentina were established on 16 September 1946. The agreement was signed by General Ljubo Ilić, chief of the Yugoslav diplomatic mission in South America, and Juan Atilion Bramuglia, Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Religion. In the first decade after World War II, the two states had some open problems and unresolved issues such as the question of commercial agreements, Yugoslav political emigration in Argentina, especially the Ustasha movement, Argentine nationalised property in Yugoslavia, visas for entering Argentina etc. Following World War II, Argentina became the country with the most emigrants of Yugoslav origin in the entire Latin America. The major part of those were Croats and Slovenes, while emigrants from Montenegro and Serbia made up a smaller proportion. The issue of Yugoslav immigrants in Argentina was of the greatest importance in the relations between two countries. In the late 1940s, the interests of Yugoslavia and Argentina in this matter were opposed. Both sides wanted to use a qualified work force for building their own country. Yugoslavia tried to recruit immigrants to come back and take part in fulfilment of the Five-Year Plan established in 1947. Argentina on the other hand, wanted to keep able-bodied people for building its own industry. The Yugoslav government sent ships for immigrants and organised housing and jobs for them upon their return. The majority of them were construction, agriculture, and textile workers. The peak of the repatriation was 1948, when 83% of Yugoslav immigrants returned from Argentina. There was another problem, and that was the different treatment of immigrants with dual citizenship, which especially referred to the children of Yugoslav immigrants who were born on Argentine soil. According the law, they were Argentine citizens, but Yugoslav authorities still thought of them as their own. According to official data, of all the people to return in Yugoslavia in the 1946–51 period, a total of 1,748 arrived from Argentina, which was 10.84% of the total number of returning Yugoslav citizens. Only France was ahead of Argentina in this period in terms of numbers of returns, with 3,914, while Canada was behind, with 1,727.

The assumption is that expansionary monetary policy is good for reducing unemployment, and vice versa. In this context, the status of monetary policy is defined, which is called monetary conditions. For this, the IFIS Financial Conditions Index published by the Institute of Economics, Zagreb, was used as a synthetic indicator of the state of numerous monetary variables (27 variables). By analysing the movements of restrictive and expansionary monetary conditions presented by the IFIS index and the unemployment rate conducted in this paper, it can be concluded that there is a strong link between the index of macroeconomic monetary conditions and unemployment in Croatia. This relationship operates with a time lag of one year, i.e., a change in monetary conditions leads to a change in the overall unemployment rate after one year. Although there is a link between monetary conditions and youth unemployment, it is weaker because youth unemployment is significantly influenced by other factors. These are primarily emigration after Croatia's accession to the European Union and liberalization of the labour market. ; Pretpostavka je da ekspanzivna monetarna politika pogoduje smanjenju nezaposlenosti, a vrijedi i obrnuto. U tom kontekstu definiran je status monetarne politike koji se naziva monetarnim uvjetima. Za to je korišten indeks financijskih uvjeta IFIS koji objavljuje Ekonomski institut, Zagreb, kao sintetički pokazatelj stanja brojnih monetarnih varijabli (27 varijabli). Analizom kretanja restriktivnih i ekspanzivnih monetarnih uvjeta prikazanih IFIS indeksom i stope nezaposlenosti koja je provedena u ovom radu, može se zaključiti da postoji jaka veza između indeksa makroekonomskih monetarnih uvjeta i nezaposlenosti u Hrvatskoj. Ta veza djeluje s pomakom od godinu dana, odnosno promjena monetarnih uvjeta dovodi do promjene u ukupnoj stopi nezaposlenosti nakon godinu dana. Iako postoji veza i između monetarnih uvjeta i nezaposlenosti mladih, ona je slabija jer na nezaposlenost mladih značajnije utječu drugi ...

This paper analyses the political background of the departure of the Croatian Heritage Foundation's (CHF) delegation to Australia in summer 1971, i.e. the political reasons behind it and the purpose of the visit. Believing their influence among the expatriates to be great, the CHF decided to use an opportune moment of political divisions among the expatriates in order to neutralise the influence of the political émigrés among the expatriates while simultaneously attempting to gain the support of most expatriates for building closer ties with the homeland and accepting its socialist social-political system. The political divisions among the expatriates, the so-called differentiation process, was a consequence of political differences among the émigrés themselves, the arrival of new expatriates, and the positive influence of political movements in Croatia during the Croatian Spring. This process was particularly prominent in Australia, which was also seen as a bastion of reactionary expatriates, strongly influenced by Croatian political émigrés. The CHF delegation's journey was planned in agreement with political factors from the Socialist Republic of Croatia. The tenets of the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia and the climate of the Croatian Spring—which included a strengthening of Croatian identity at the expense of Yugoslav identity among expatriates—served as their political milestones. The Football Federation of Croatia worked with the CHF in Croatia, while the managements of the football clubs 'Croatia', Croatian associations that split off from Croatian Halls owned by political émigrés, Committees of the Croatian Cancer League, the 'Croatian Youth' organisation, and parts of the clergy and the pro-Yugoslav émigrés who were ready to work with the rest of the Croatian expatriates were all seen as potential collaborators. The Yugoslav diplomatic missions and consular posts were seen as the factors that should spearhead the differentiation process, but were also ...

Nakon gotovo tri desetljeća upravljanja "odozgo" ili primjene različitih koncepata i strategija Zapada objedinjenih u mantri europerspektive – Zapadni Balkan je ponovno u fokusu međunarodne javnosti kao novo geopolitičko žarište. Umjesto ciljane europeizacije, svjedočimo daljnoj balkanizaciji regije koja je posljedica neuspješnog djelovanja Europske unije, kao i suprotstavljenih interesa saveznika – SAD-a, NATO-a, Velike Britanije, EU-a i Njemačke. Takva konstelacija odnosa omogućila je jačanje utjecaja niza ne-zapadnih aktera – Rusije, Turske, Kine, Irana i Saudijske Arabije, čija prisutnost već niz godina snažno oblikuje sigurnosno ozračje na Zapadnom Balkanu. Sve je očitije da je angloamerički projekt posthladnoratovskog uređenja prostora bivše Jugoslavije značajno istrošen. Naime, obećani prosperitet i stabilnost regije su izostali, a zaostavština primijenjenih zapadnih politika je krajnje siromaštvo, iznimna nezaposlenost i iseljavanje, propast javnih politika i kontinuirano gospodarsko urušavanje, kao i ponovno "aktiviranje" postojećih kriznih žarišta: Bosne i Hercegovine, Kosova i Makedonije. ; After almost three decades of governance from above or application of different concepts and strategies of the West in the mantra of euro perspective – Western Balkan is again in focus of the international public. Instead of targeted Europeanization, we are witnessing the further Balkanization of the region as a result of the unsuccessful action of the European Union, as well as the conflicting interests of allies – the US, NATO, the United Kingdom, the EU and Germany. Such a constellation of relations made it possible to strengthen the influence of several non-Western actors – Russia, Turkey, China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, whose presence has for many years strongly shaped the security atmosphere in the Western Balkans. It is increasingly evident that the Anglo-American project of post-Cold War landscaping of the former Yugoslavia has worn off significantly. Namely, the promised prosperity and stability of the region are missing, and the legacy of applied western policies is extreme poverty, extreme unemployment and emigration, the collapse of public policies and continued economic collapse, as well as the re-activation of existing crisis areas: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and Macedonia.

Ovaj članak analizira razlike između konsocijacijske i centrifugalne demokracije, nudeći pojmovni pregled tih dvaju modela i uspoređujući ih na primjerima Švicarske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Po prvi se put modelu demokracije u Bosni i Hercegovini pripisuje pojam centrifugalne demokracije. Takvo određenje potvrđuje se analizom povijesnog razvoja institucija te analizom postojećih glavnih društvenih rascjepa i sukoba među političkom elitom. Razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije na primjeru Švicarske analizira se od 1848. godine, a centrifugalna demokracija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1878. godine. U članku se također razmatraju "politički korektivi" koji stabiliziraju i aktivno usmjeravaju rad političkih elita u Švicarskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. To su referendum i pučka inicijativa u prvom slučaju te prisutnost međunarodne zajednice u drugom slučaju. Zaključno se razmatra možebitni proces transformacije bosanskohercegovačkog poretka iz centrifugalne u konsocijacijsku demokraciju i oprimjeruje se potencijalnim inovacijama u institucionalnom dizajnu koje bi slijedile švicarski model. ; This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers "political correctives", which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model.