Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness. ; Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness.
It is well known that Quevedo's satirical and burlesque works enjoyed remarkable success in the European context, but the spread of its moral and political literature deserves more critical approaches. His political treatises, and also his satiricmoral works, with evident political intention, aroused a particular interest in England at the beginning of the 18th century. This article discusses the English version of his first part of Política de Dios, a sort of bestseller in Europe. Based on the phenomenon of translating political texts in such geographic context and Quevedo's European dissemination, it addresses the particular situation of England, to explain patterns of an "anglican" version against the evil Favorites and Ministers. Published in 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidences the interest aroused by a work developed in a very different ideological context, and also the strategies developed to adapt Quevedo's text to the political and religious circumstances of England, a country where Protestantism was already consolidated, and also a constitutional monarchy, which cornered the monarchical absolutism, still alive in France or Spain. The English version shows their practical purpose to be inserted in a context of polemics and political pamphlets in which the whigs and tories factions played a decisive role. ; Es bien conocido que la obra satírica y burlesca de Quevedo gozó de un notable éxito en el contexto europeo, pero la difusión de su literatura moral y política está aún necesitada de investigaciones. Los tratados políticos quevedianos, junto con las obras satírico-morales, de evidente intención política, suscitaron un interés particular en Inglaterra a comienzos del siglo xviii. El presente artículo analiza la versión inglesa de la primera parte de Política de Dios, una suerte de best-seller en Europa. Partiendo del fenómeno de la traducción de textos políticos en tal contexto geográfico y la difusión europea de Quevedo, aborda la particular situación inglesa, para explicar las pautas de una versión "anglicanizada" contra los malvados favoritos y ministros. Publicada en 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidencia el interés suscitado por una obra gestada en un contexto ideológico muy diferente, y también las estrategias desarrolladas para adaptar el texto de Quevedo a las peculiares circunstancias políticas y religiosas de Inglaterra, cuando allí estaba ya consolidado el protestantismo y se abría paso una monarquía constitucional que arrinconó el absolutismo monárquico, vigente aún en países como Francia o España. La versión inglesa muestra su propósito práctico de insertarse en un contexto de polémicas y panfletos políticos en los que las facciones de whigs y tories jugaron un papel determinante.It is well known that Quevedo's satirical and burlesque works enjoyed remarkable success in the European context, but the spread of its moral and political literature deserves more critical approaches. His political treatises, and also his satiricmoral works, with evident political intention, aroused a particular interest in England at the beginning of the 18th century. This article discusses the English version of his first part of Política de Dios, a sort of bestseller in Europe. Based on the phenomenon of translating political texts in such geographic context and Quevedo's European dissemination, it addresses the particular situation of England, to explain patterns of an "anglican" version against the evil Favorites and Ministers. Published in 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidences the interest aroused by a work developed in a very different ideological context, and also the strategies developed to adapt Quevedo's text to the political and religious circumstances of England, a country where Protestantism was already consolidated, and also a constitutional monarchy, which cornered the monarchical absolutism, still alive in France or Spain. The English version shows their practical purpose to be inserted in a context of polemics and political pamphlets in which the whigs and tories factions played a decisive role.
Producción Científica ; Tras el fallecimiento de Fernando el Católico, el 23 de enero de 1516, diferentes ciudades tanto de los reinos hispánicos como de otros territorios, dispusieron lo necesario para honrar la memoria del finado. Algunas noticias al respecto son conocidas, como las relativas a los funerales en Bruselas o Roma. Sin embargo otras, como las que se refieren a lo sucedido en Londres, no han sido todavía estudiadas. En este trabajo realizamos un recorrido por los diferentes funerales ofrecidos en memoria del rey católico, analizando algunos de sus componentes artísticos y políticos, y deteniéndonos, por lo novedoso, en el funeral inglés. ; After the death of Ferdinand II of Aragon, on January 23 1516, different cities both of spanish kingdoms and other territories, arranged the necessary things to honor the memory of the deceased. Some facts about it are known, such as those relating to funerals in Brussels or Rome. However others, such as what happened in London, have not yet been studied. In this paper an approach to the different funerals offered in memory of the king is made, analyzing some of their artistic and political components, specially the english funeral, because of its novelty.
This article describes the assumption of the full concept of authority both in civil and in religious matters by the king Henry VIII of England. It bases the legitimacy of this appropiation on the precedent of the imperial pagan Rome and describes the action of the powers involved in the process: the king himself, the Parliament, the ecclesiastics and some intellectuals. Likewise, it intends to explain the impact that the condensation of powers in a sole symbol had over the subjects of the reign. ; Este artículo describe la asunción de la plena potestad en asuntos civiles y en asuntos religiosos por parte del rey Enrique VIII de Inglaterra. Basa la legitimidad de la misma en el precedente de la Roma imperial pagana y describe la actuación de los poderes involucrados en el proceso: el soberano, el Parlamento, los eclesiásticos y algunos intelectuales. Asimismo, explica el impacto que tuvo en los súbditos la condensación de poderes en un único símbolo.
This is the first paper aimed at analyzing the political thought of A. Tenóriod'Albuquerque, an intellectual who was part of the anti-Semitic wing of theBrazilian Integralist Action (AIB). Our timeframe lies between 1937 and1941, a time lapse during which anti-Semitism and anti-imperialism,elements that are our main concern, became explicit in his books. Writing inthe eve and at the beginning of the Second World War, the author appeals toHistory in order to call for a pro-Axis position, since England would behistorically bowed to Jewish interests. Brazil's 1942 entry into the war onthe Allied side brought problems to the author, who got arrested.
The aim of this essay is to analyse the writings by Coubertin that cover nearly fifty years of his tireless and prolific handwritten activity. In those pieces of writing the Baron expresses his fascination with Arnold as an educator and a reformer. Coubertin states that Arnold's pedagogy held sport as the central mechanism, placing Arnold in a privileged position in the physical revival of England. However, Arnold was very little (or not at all) interested in sports. The methodology of this study is historical, based on primary and secondary sources. As a conclusion, Arnold and his reforming actions in Rugby were so important for Coubertin that he defined the Headmaster of Rugby public school as the best educator of modern time, responsible for the spiritual and political recovery which took place in England during the second half of the 19th century. ; El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar escritos de Coubertin, que abarcan casi cincuenta años de su infatigable y prolífica actividad manuscrita, en los que el barón expresa su fascinación por Arnold en sus facetas de pedagogo y reformador. Coubertin sostiene que la pedagogía arnoldiana tenía el deporte como engranaje central, ocupando Arnold un lugar privilegiado en el renacimiento físico de Inglaterra. Sin embargo, Arnold estaba muy poco (o nada) interesado por los deportes. La metodología de este estudio es histórica y se fundamenta en fuentes primarias y secundarias. Como conclusión, para Coubertin fue tan importante Arnold y su acción reformadora en Rugby, que lo definió como el mejor pedagogo de los tiempos modernos y le atribuyó la recuperación espiritual y política que tuvo lugar en Inglaterra desde mediados del siglo XIX.
En la etapa posterior a la guerra en la que se enfrentaron Argentina y el Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte en 1982, la disputa por la soberanía de las islas Malvinas se presentó como un tema latente con especial repercusión en los medios de comunicación, alimentando, en algunos casos, la tensión entre ambos países. Por tal motivo, en el presente artículo analizaremos de qué manera el diario nacionalista Crónica utilizó el discurso deportivo como un medio para abordar cuestiones políticas vinculadas a Malvinas. Más precisamente, abordaremos las representaciones que Crónica construyó de los excombatientes argentinos y del pueblo argentino en general, a través de su cobertura del Mundial de fútbol de México 1986. Para lograrlo, utilizaremos las herramientas brindadas por el análisis crítico del discurso en la rama de van Dijk y la teoría de la valoración, tomando como eje la construcción dicotómica "nosotros"/"otros". ; After de 1982 war between Argentina and the United Kingdom, Malvinas issue became a latent topic with particular impact in the media, even stimulating the tension between both countries. For that reason, in this article we are going to analyze in which way the nationalist journal Crónica used the sports' speech in order to board political topics related to Malvinas. More accurately, we are going to analyze the representations builded around the argentinian population and veterans, through the coverage of the 1986 Soccer World Cup in Mexico. Finally, to accomplish this investigation we are going to draw on the critical discourse analysis' tools and the appraisal theory (Kaplan, 2004), taking the dichotomous construction ourselves-others as an axis. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social
Resumen: A partir de la doctrina voluntarista medieval de la potentia Dei absoluta, el trabajo propone una lectura de las doctrinas (razón de Estado, derecho divino de los reyes, soberanía) y las instituciones políticas (monarquía absoluta, monarquía parlamentaria) modernas, en la que se destaca el carácter central de los conflictos religiosos (Inglaterra, Francia) y el poder absoluto de todos los regímenes. ; Abstract: Beginning with the medieval voluntarist doctrine of potentia Dei absoluta, the work proposes a reading of the modern doctrines (raison d'État, divine right of Kings, sovereignty) and political institutions (absolute monarchy, parliamentary monarchy), which highlights the centrality of religious conflict (England, France) and the absolute power of all regimes.
In World War II, more than 60 million people died. The origin of this War is the subject of study of thisarticle. The origin of the war should't be searched in the complex psychologies of nefarious personageslike Hitler, Goebels, Goering, Himmler. The true origins are linked to the deep financial interest ofAnglo-Saxon companies. The main objective was to seize the oil and mining wealth of the Soviet Union.These interests intersected with those of hegemonic powers that sought the destruction of the SovietUnion, Germany and the entire Continental Europe. In this case, the goal was for the United Statesto become the first world power. England benefited greatly from the weakening of its main rivals inContinental Europe: Germany and France. This article reveals the existence of dark characters such asHjalmar Schacht (President of the Reichbank and Minister of Economy of Hitler's Government) andLord Montagu Norman (Governor of the Bank of England). ; En la Segunda Guerra Mundial fallecieron más de 60 millones de personas. El origen de esta guerra es el tema de estudio del presente artículo. El origen de la guerra no se lo tiene que buscar en las complejas sicologías de nefastos personajes como Hitler, Goebels, Goering o Himmler. Los verdaderos orígenes es- tán vinculados a profundos intereses financieros de empresas anglosajonas. El objetivo más importante era apoderarse de la riqueza petrolera y minera de la Unión Soviética. Estos intereses se cruzaban con los de potencias hegemónicas que buscaban la destrucción de la Unión Soviética, de Alemania y en general de la Europa Continental. En este caso, el objetivo era que los Estados Unidos se consolide como la primera potencia mundial. Además, Inglaterra se beneficiaba enormemente con el debilitamiento de sus principales rivales en la Europa Continental: Alemania y Francia. En este artículo se devela la existencia de personajes oscuros como Hjalmar Schacht (presidente del Reichbank y Ministro de Economía del gobierno de Hitler) y Lord Montagu Norman, gobernador del Banco de Inglaterra.
En este trabajo se examina la actitud que mantuvieron los liberales españoles exiliados en Inglaterra y Francia durante la llamada «Década Ominosa» (1823 a 1833) respecto de la Constitución de Cádiz —derogada por segunda vez por Fernando VII en 1823—, a través de la lectura de tres de las más destacadas publicaciones en castellano de carácter político durante esta época: El Español Constitucional, Ocios de Españoles Emigrados y El Precursor. Las dos primeras editadas en Londres y la tercera en París. ; The present paper reviews the position of the Spanish Liberals exiled in England and France during the Ominous Decade (1812-1833) regarding the Spanish Constitution of 1812 (abrogated a second time by Fernando VII in 1823). With this aim, three of the most renowned Spanish politician publications of this period are examined: El Español Constitucional, Ocios de Españoles Emigrados y El Precursor. The first two newspapers were printed in London and the third one in Paris.
Este artículo describe la asunción de la plena potestad en asuntos civiles y en asuntos religiosos por parte del rey Enrique VIII de Inglaterra. Basa la legitimidad de la misma en el precedente de la Roma imperial pagana y describe la actuación de los poderes involucrados en el proceso: el soberano, el Parlamento, los eclesiásticos y algunos intelectuales. Asimismo, explica el impacto que tuvo en los súbditos la condensación de poderes en un único símbolo. ; This article describes the assumption of the full concept of authority both in civil and in religious matters by the king Henry VIII of England. It bases the legitimacy of this appropiation on the precedent of the imperial pagan Rome and describes the action of the powers involved in the process: the king himself, the Parliament, the ecclesiastics and some intellectuals. Likewise, it intends to explain the impact that the condensation of powers in a sole symbol had over the subjects of the reign.
En este trabajo se examina la actitud que mantuvieron los liberales españoles exiliados en Inglaterra y Francia durante la llamada «Década Ominosa» (1823 a 1833) respecto de la Constitución de Cádiz —derogada por segunda vez por Fernando VII en 1823—, a través de la lectura de tres de las más destacadas publicaciones en castellano de carácter político durante esta época: El Español Constitucional, Ocios de Españoles Emigrados y El Precursor. Las dos primeras editadas en Londres y la tercera en París. ; The present paper reviews the position of the Spanish Liberals exiled in England and France during the Ominous Decade (1812-1833) regarding the Spanish Constitution of 1812 (abrogated a second time by Fernando VII in 1823). With this aim, three of the most renowned Spanish politician publications of this period are examined: El Español Constitucional, Ocios de Españoles Emigrados y El Precursor. The first two newspapers were printed in London and the third one in Paris.
RESUMEN. El presente trabajo pretende analizar la aparición del reglamento parlamentario en el constitucionalismo moderno, poniendo especial énfasis en el contexto histórico e institucional que en las diferentes tradiciones jurídicas europeas permitió su progresiva generalización como norma reguladora del proceso político de las cámaras representativas. En el caso español, hemos puesto especial atención al Reglamento parlamentario de las Cortes de Cádiz de 1810, el primer texto formal que sirvió en nuestro país para reconocer aquellos elementos que garantizan una forma de representación política moderna basada en la soberanía nacional. ; ABSTRACT. This paper analyzes the emergence of parliamentary rules in the modern constitutionalism. We have put special emphasis on the historical and institutional context of the different European legal traditions (Germany, France and England), that allowed the generalization of the parliamentary rules to drive the political process of the representative chambers. In the Spanish case, we have paid special attention to the parliamentary rules of the Courts of Cadiz in 1810, the first formal act which served to recognize, in our constitutional history, those elements that guarantee a model of modern political representation based on national sovereignty.
