Suchergebnisse

The legislative principles to which a judge must pay attention in determining the Ta'ziri (discretionary) penalty are included in the four clauses that have been proposed in Article 18 of the Islamic Penal Code. These four clauses are: a) the perpetrator's motive and psychological state; b) the ways of committing the crime; c) the perpetrator's actions after committing the crime, and; d) the personal background. In such a view, the victim has no place and, therefore, no effect of his intervention is seen. The victim status, by emphasis on gender, is the objective that the present work intends to examine with a descriptive-analytical method. For this research purpose in a comparative look, the laws of Iran and England have been studied. It is concluded that, what can be extracted from the criminal laws of Iran and England is that, in the field of substantive laws, the legislators of these countries, while accepting the vulnerability of women in crimes in general, have tried to criminalize some behaviors and actions that cannot be considered as assaults, in the general conditions of protecting them.

Estudi dels punts clau de la política, la teoria, la pràctica, l'educació i la investigació sobre el treball social a Anglaterra i Gal·les. Hi ha un cert debat sobre els mètodes que s'usen i els grups de clients que contracten als treballadors socials. Els punts clau que influeixen en la política i la pràctica del treball social són la sensibilitat cultural i la pràctica antiopressiva, la personalització de serveis en relació amb el consumisme i la implicació d'usuaris en els serveis. Tanmateix, parlarem breument de les influències recents en la pràctica actual del treball social. No podem entendre en quin punt ens trobem ni valorar com hem de procedir sense abans comprendre com i d'on venim. ; This chapter examines key areas in social work policy, theory, practice, education and research in England and Wales. There is some discussion of the main methods used and the client groups with whom social workers engage. Key areas which currently influence social work policy and practice in England and Wales are cultural sensitivity and anti-oppressive practice; personalisation of services, linked to consumerism, and issues of service user involvement in services. Nevertheless, we will look briefly at recent influences on current social work practice. As some would have it, we cannot make sense of where we are, and how we might judge how to go, if we do understand where we came from, and how. ; Estudio de los puntos clave de la política, la teoría, la práctica, la educación y la investigación acerca del trabajo social en Inglaterra y Gales. Hay cierto debate sobre los métodos que se usan y los grupos de clientes que contratan a los trabajadores sociales. Los puntos clave que influyen actualmente en la política y la práctica del trabajo social son la sensibilidad cultural y la práctica antiopresiva, la personalización de servicios en relación con el consumismo y la implicación de usuarios en los servicios No obstante, hablaremos brevemente de las influencias recientes en la práctica actual del trabajo social. No podemos entender en qué punto nos encontramos ni valorar cómo debemos proceder sin antes comprender cómo y de dónde venimos.

Luego de una introducción sobre las etapas históricas y características geográficas del archipiélago nipón, Hayes se centra en la etapa de la ocupación y los avatares ocurridos a las instituciones preexistentes, especialmente los zaibatsus, en virtud de la nueva constitución de 1947. Luego analiza los diferentes procesos que llevaron al Japón al lugar destacado que ocupa actualmente. Primero elabora el proceso político, al que describe con su organización, procedimientos, estructura del gobierno, los partidos políticos -y los escándalos financieros que afectaron la vida japonesa en la década del 70 (Lockheed), del 80 (Recruit y Sagawa Kubin Co.)- abriendo interrogantes acerca del origen de esos hechos, analizados en el capítulo correspondiente. (Párrafo extraído del texto a modo de resumen) ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

La educación infantil no ha sido en absoluto ajena a la fuerte evolución que, durante las últimas décadas, han sufrido las sociedades europeas en general y las familias en particular. Esta etapa educativa ha pasado a realizar un importante papel de apoyo a las familias, yendo más allá de una mera función asistencial, pretende llevar a cabo una esencial misión educativa. Conscientes de la importancia de los primeros años de vida para el desarrollo integral del menor, las administraciones públicas de Alemania, España, Francia e Inglaterra han puesto especial interés en la atención a la infancia. Tras realizar un estudio comparado sobre la educación infantil implantada en estos países, comprobamos como sus políticas relativas a la educación infantil se basan en enfoques claramente diferenciados. Su historia, contextos, valores, creencias y situación socioeconómica inciden fuertemente en las decisiones que cada uno de ellos ha adoptado. ; Early childhood education is not at all alien to the strong evolution over the past decades European societies have suffered in general and families in particular. This stage has come to perform an important role in supporting families, going beyond a mere function of care, intended to carry out an essential educational mission. Aware of the importance of early life for the integrated development of children, governments of Germany, Spain, France and England have a special interest in child care. After making a comparative study on child rearing practices implemented in these countries, we check that their policies on early childhood education are based on distinct approaches. Its history, contexts, values, beliefs and socioeconomic status strongly influence the decisions that each has adopted.

It is well known that Quevedo's satirical and burlesque works enjoyed remarkable success in the European context, but the spread of its moral and political literature deserves more critical approaches. His political treatises, and also his satiricmoral works, with evident political intention, aroused a particular interest in England at the beginning of the 18th century. This article discusses the English version of his first part of Política de Dios, a sort of bestseller in Europe. Based on the phenomenon of translating political texts in such geographic context and Quevedo's European dissemination, it addresses the particular situation of England, to explain patterns of an "anglican" version against the evil Favorites and Ministers. Published in 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidences the interest aroused by a work developed in a very different ideological context, and also the strategies developed to adapt Quevedo's text to the political and religious circumstances of England, a country where Protestantism was already consolidated, and also a constitutional monarchy, which cornered the monarchical absolutism, still alive in France or Spain. The English version shows their practical purpose to be inserted in a context of polemics and political pamphlets in which the whigs and tories factions played a decisive role. ; Es bien conocido que la obra satírica y burlesca de Quevedo gozó de un notable éxito en el contexto europeo, pero la difusión de su literatura moral y política está aún necesitada de investigaciones. Los tratados políticos quevedianos, junto con las obras satírico-morales, de evidente intención política, suscitaron un interés particular en Inglaterra a comienzos del siglo xviii. El presente artículo analiza la versión inglesa de la primera parte de Política de Dios, una suerte de best-seller en Europa. Partiendo del fenómeno de la traducción de textos políticos en tal contexto geográfico y la difusión europea de Quevedo, aborda la particular situación inglesa, para explicar las pautas de una versión "anglicanizada" contra los malvados favoritos y ministros. Publicada en 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidencia el interés suscitado por una obra gestada en un contexto ideológico muy diferente, y también las estrategias desarrolladas para adaptar el texto de Quevedo a las peculiares circunstancias políticas y religiosas de Inglaterra, cuando allí estaba ya consolidado el protestantismo y se abría paso una monarquía constitucional que arrinconó el absolutismo monárquico, vigente aún en países como Francia o España. La versión inglesa muestra su propósito práctico de insertarse en un contexto de polémicas y panfletos políticos en los que las facciones de whigs y tories jugaron un papel determinante.It is well known that Quevedo's satirical and burlesque works enjoyed remarkable success in the European context, but the spread of its moral and political literature deserves more critical approaches. His political treatises, and also his satiricmoral works, with evident political intention, aroused a particular interest in England at the beginning of the 18th century. This article discusses the English version of his first part of Política de Dios, a sort of bestseller in Europe. Based on the phenomenon of translating political texts in such geographic context and Quevedo's European dissemination, it addresses the particular situation of England, to explain patterns of an "anglican" version against the evil Favorites and Ministers. Published in 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidences the interest aroused by a work developed in a very different ideological context, and also the strategies developed to adapt Quevedo's text to the political and religious circumstances of England, a country where Protestantism was already consolidated, and also a constitutional monarchy, which cornered the monarchical absolutism, still alive in France or Spain. The English version shows their practical purpose to be inserted in a context of polemics and political pamphlets in which the whigs and tories factions played a decisive role.

Producción Científica ; Tras el fallecimiento de Fernando el Católico, el 23 de enero de 1516, diferentes ciudades tanto de los reinos hispánicos como de otros territorios, dispusieron lo necesario para honrar la memoria del finado. Algunas noticias al respecto son conocidas, como las relativas a los funerales en Bruselas o Roma. Sin embargo otras, como las que se refieren a lo sucedido en Londres, no han sido todavía estudiadas. En este trabajo realizamos un recorrido por los diferentes funerales ofrecidos en memoria del rey católico, analizando algunos de sus componentes artísticos y políticos, y deteniéndonos, por lo novedoso, en el funeral inglés. ; After the death of Ferdinand II of Aragon, on January 23 1516, different cities both of spanish kingdoms and other territories, arranged the necessary things to honor the memory of the deceased. Some facts about it are known, such as those relating to funerals in Brussels or Rome. However others, such as what happened in London, have not yet been studied. In this paper an approach to the different funerals offered in memory of the king is made, analyzing some of their artistic and political components, specially the english funeral, because of its novelty.

This article describes the assumption of the full concept of authority both in civil and in religious matters by the king Henry VIII of England. It bases the legitimacy of this appropiation on the precedent of the imperial pagan Rome and describes the action of the powers involved in the process: the king himself, the Parliament, the ecclesiastics and some intellectuals. Likewise, it intends to explain the impact that the condensation of powers in a sole symbol had over the subjects of the reign. ; Este artículo describe la asunción de la plena potestad en asuntos civiles y en asuntos religiosos por parte del rey Enrique VIII de Inglaterra. Basa la legitimidad de la misma en el precedente de la Roma imperial pagana y describe la actuación de los poderes involucrados en el proceso: el soberano, el Parlamento, los eclesiásticos y algunos intelectuales. Asimismo, explica el impacto que tuvo en los súbditos la condensación de poderes en un único símbolo.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Political Attitudes of Lithuanian Diaspora in the Context of Russian Information Warfare: Case of England This work is the first attempt to look at the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England and their information space. The research provides an initial analysis and the most relevant emerging tendencies, there is no intention to make deep theoretical summaries or conclusions. The material provides the necessary general knowledge of the political attitudes of the Lithuanian diaspora in England the support of the narratives used in the Russian information warfare and the habits of information usage. This work can serve as the basis for further research into the future The aim of this work is to find out whether the representatives of the Lithuanian diaspora in England tend to support narratives used in the Russian information warfare, as well as diaspora information space or habits of information sources usage. The work assumes that consent to information warfare narratives may depend on the "selective exposure" and the possible involvement of people in the "echo chambers". The general situation of the research is ambiguous and raises many questions. Sufficiently large numbers of respondents support or partially support the narratives of the Russian Information Warfare. 60.2% of respondents believe that the Lithuanian media is biased, 37.7% agree with statement that there are discrimination against ethnic minorities in Lithuania, 66.7%, that Lithuanian politicians are not competent, also 32.5% believe that the Baltic States and the West are exaggeratingly speaking about the threat posed by Russia. It need to be emphasized that 43.7% of the respondents believe that Lithuania would benefit from unrestricted trade with Russia, even if Lithuania's economic sovereignty would be compromised, while 45.3% disagrees with the statement that Lithuania should seek to impose stricter economic sanctions on Russia. However, it is interesting that some respondents disagree with statements that Russia poses a threat to the West (36.1%) or to the Baltic States (33.5%). The study also revealed a large proportion of those who do not have a clear-cut political viewpoint on one or another issue. Moreover, respondents who indicated that they use Russian information tools to obtain information is much more likely to support the narratives of the Russian information warfare. The same situation is evident with those who have indicated that films, free time and television broadcasts they watch in Russian language. Interestingly, a large proportion of respondents indicated that they did not select and use Russian media at all and that they rarely choose to watch films, entertainment and TV 64 shows in Russian language, but the support of Russian information warfare narratives remains high enough. Finnaly, the study revealed the "connection" between the Lithuanian and Russian mass media. Most respondents tend to use Lithuanian sources of information to obtain information, but the correlation showed that those who mostly use Lithuanian channels as the main ones tend to use Russian sources more often too.

Grupo de Investigación Francisco de Quevedo ; Quevedo's political literature succeeded particularly in England. This country shared with other European countries their fascination about his two most spreaded burlesque writings, the Buscón and the Sueños, translated into the main European languages since their publication in the 17th century. Together with some political works, published also in English –Marco Bruto or lucianesque prose like Discurso de todos los diablos and La Fortuna con seso–, his Política de Dios, which became a best-seller, was well known: its first part was translated in 1715, transformed in a sort of antidote against Whig and Tory parties; and the second one, in 1720, turned into an allegation against "tyrant and atheist" politicians, disciples of the Satanic Machiavelli. This article examines the strategies of the English translation of the second part in order to increase the antiMachiavellism of Quevedo's work, and to adapt it to the peculiar political and religious circumstances in England during the first decades of the 17th century. This analysis is preceded by a triple contextualization of the English version: the wide circulation of the Spanish writer's literature in Europe, Machiavelli's reception in the English culture, and Quevedo's own position, always fluctuating and ambiguous when facing the Florentine theorist. This paper allows for getting to know the unsuspected "antiMachiavellian instant" that Quevedo's work experienced through Christian Politicks, slanted English version of his Política de Dios against the "state outrage" ; La literatura política de Quevedo gozó de una particular fortuna en Inglaterra. Este país compartió con el resto de Europa la fascinación por sus dos obras burlescas más difundidas, el Buscón y los Sueños, traducidas una y otra vez a las principales lenguas europeas desde su publicación en el siglo XVII. Junto a otros tratados políticos divulgados también en versión inglesa –Marco Bruto o textos lucianescos de contenido político como Discurso de todos ...

Es bien conocido que la obra satírica y burlesca de Quevedo gozó de un notable éxito en el contexto europeo, pero la difusión de su literatura moral y política está aún necesitada de investigaciones. Los tratados políticos quevedianos, junto con las obras satírico-morales, de evidente intención política, suscitaron un interés particular en Inglaterra a comienzos del siglo xviii. El presente artículo analiza la versión inglesa de la primera parte de Política de Dios, una suerte de best-seller en Europa. Partiendo del fenómeno de la traducción de textos políticos en tal contexto geográfico y la difusión europea de Quevedo, aborda la particular situación inglesa, para explicar las pautas de una versión "anglicanizada" contra los malvados favoritos y ministros. Publicada en 1715, Divine maxims of Government without Whig or Tory evidencia el interés suscitado por una obra gestada en un contexto ideológico muy diferente, y también las estrategias desarrolladas para adaptar el texto de Quevedo a las peculiares circunstancias políticas y religiosas de Inglaterra, cuando allí estaba ya consolidado el protestantismo y se abría paso una monarquía constitucional que arrinconó el absolutismo monárquico, vigente aún en países como Francia o España. La versión inglesa muestra su propósito práctico de insertarse en un contexto de polémicas y panfletos políticos en los que las facciones de whigs y tories jugaron un papel determinante ; It is well known that Quevedo's satirical and burlesque works enjoyed remarkable success in the European context, but the spread of its moral and political literature deserves more critical approaches. His political treatises, and also his satiricmoral works, with evident political intention, aroused a particular interest in England at the beginning of the 18th century. This article discusses the English version of his first part of Política de Dios, a sort of bestseller in Europe. Based on the phenomenon of translating political texts in such geographic context and Quevedo's European ...