Suchergebnisse

In a situation of national identity crisis due to the loss of Empire, globalization and mass migration, Britain has recently been looking for a new orientation of its role in the world. Being an attempt to influence and change the conception of Britishness, New Labour's modernization programme in the 1997 general election illustrates the way national identities, understood as imagined communities, are artificially and conveniently constructed by the political elite. Similarly, history writing, essential for the constitution of the national identity, undergoes an analogous process in which historical accounts are manipulated to exhibit convenient versions of the nation's past. In this context, Julian Barnes's novel England, England (1998) epitomizes a satirical portrayal of the artful construction of Englishness, hyperbolizing New Labour's modernization project. ; Al encontrarse Gran Bretaña en un periodo de crisis de identidad nacional, ha buscado recientemente una nueva orientación a su postura exterior en el mundo. El programa de modernización de New Labour en las elecciones generales de 1997 fue un intento de influir y modificar la concepción de "Britanidad", lo que demuestra que la identidad nacional, entendida como comunidad imaginada, es construida artificialmente por la élite política. Asimismo, la construcción de la historia, esencial por otra parte para la formación de la identidad nacional, experimenta un proceso análogo en el que la historia es manipulada para ofrecer una versión idónea del pasado de una nación. En este contexto, la novela de Julian Barnes England, England (1998) personifica el retrato satírico de la construcción artificial de "lo inglés", hiperbolizando el proyecto de modernización de New Labour.

Siglo XIX. - Forma parte del álbum 24 Treasure Spots of the World

This paper surveys the strategies adopted in England to support the development of teachers' subject knowledge and confidence in relation to teaching Citizenship, which was introduced as a new statutory subject in the National Curriculum in 2002. It reviews examples of good practice and explores how a continuing professional development (CPD) strategy developed at several levels to support teachers and curriculum managers. It outlines the challenges and obstacles in relation to implementing effective Citizenship education in schools. It also underlines the fundamental importance of Citizenship education if young people are to understand and engage with contemporary events in the early Twenty First Century.

Los Reyes de Inglaterra durante la baja Edad Media actuaban en el marco de una sociedad política cada vez más abierta. Los monarcas consideraban oportuno persuadir a su gente de la rectitud de su política, y el público inglés encontró mecanismos para expresar sus opiniones, desde la elevación de peticiones, a la murmuración y la rebelión. Este artículo examina algunas de las implicaciones que estas cuestiones plantean. En particular: ¿que efecto tuvo la naturaleza pública de la monarquía sobre la relación entre los ideales de comportamiento aplicables a los reyes y las normas de masculinidad aplicables a todo hombre? Trataré de responder a esta cuestión comparando las proclamaciones de Eduardo III (1327-77) Y las acusaciones de injurias al rey durante el reinado de Enrique VI (1422-61), con algunos ataques efectuados con anterioridad contra Eduardo II (1307-27). Los dos primeros fueron juzgados con arreglo a ideales de virilidad aplicables a todo hombre. El último fue criticado por conductas potencialmente masculinas que sin embargo eran inadecuadas para un rey. De todos modos, sería imprudente aplicar una narrativa secuencial a estas circunstancias políticas diferentes. La variedad de las interpretaciones disponibles sobre la virilidad posibilitaba la crítica o el elogio de los reyes por su hombría o su falta de ella, dependiendo de las circunstancias políticas concretas. Lo que es seguro, sin embargo, es que la naturaleza pública de la monarquía hizo de la hombría del rey un poderoso instrumento político a lo largo de este período. ; Late medieval English kings operated in an increasingly public political society. Monarchs found it expedient to persuade their people of the rectitude of their policies, and the English public found ways to express their opinions, from petitioning to gossip and rebellion. This article examines some of the consequences of this state of affairs. In particular: What effect did the public nature of kingship have upon the relationship between ideals of conduct applicable to kings and norms of masculinity which applied to all men? This question is addressed by comparing proclamations of Edward III (1327-77), and reports of treasonous words under Henry VI (1422-61), with earlier attacks on Edward II (1307-27). The first two were judged by ideals of manhood which applied to all men. The latter was criticized for potentially manly pursuits which were nonetheless inappropriate for a king. Still, it would be unwise to impose a developmental narrative on these diverse political circumstances. The variety of interpretations of manhood available made it possible to criticize or praise kings as manly or unmanly according to particular political circumstances. What is certain, however, is that the public nature of kingship made the king's manhood a powerful political tool throughout this period.

Victorian sexuality has often been regarded as the epitome of prudery and chastity, as a reflection of a period which placed great emphasis on the control of sexuality and women's body as way to maintain and ensure social and cultural control. Nonetheless, this modernist conceptualisation was gradually left behind when mid-twentieth century historians and theorists looked back to the past to recover the complexity of a period of contrasts which both preached the ethics of prudery and virtuosity, while the overwhelming increase of population remained a plain fact. The aim of this essay is to reassess assumptions of Victorian sexualities through Annie Besant's works and ideas as regards marriage policies in an attempt to shed light over contemporary Neo-Victorian conceptions of sexualities, thus restoring Besant's position as a canonical figure at the end of nineteenth-century Victorian feminism. ; Resumen: La sexualidad victoriana a menudo ha sido considerada como paradigma de templanza y castidad, como reflejo de un periodo en que se enfatizaba el control de la sexualidad y del cuerpo de la mujer como medio para mantener y asegurar el control social y cultural. Sin embargo, esta conceptualización modernista del periodo victoriano gradualmente se abandonó cuando historiadoras y teóricas de mediados del siglo veinte miraron hacia el pasado con el afán de recuperar la complejidad de un periodo de contrastes que predicaba la ética de la modestia y la virtuosidad, mientras la población aumentaba de forma alarmante. El objetivo de este artículo consiste en revisar las presunciones acerca de las sexualidades victorianas a través de los trabajos y las ideas de Annie Besant acerca de las políticas del matrimonio con el fin de esclarecer concepciones contemporáneas neo-victorianas, restaurando así la posición de Besant como figura canónica dentro del feminismo victoriano de finales de siglo diecinueve.

Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness. ; Public services can develop two contrasting practices of accountability: the conventional model emphasises that to be accountable is to be 'held to account', to be expected to answer questions about performance and that the answers are then evaluated by superiors measured against some standard or expectation following which praise or blame is meted out and sanctions applied. This mode of accountability is expresses hierarchy of authority. A very different process encourages dialogues of accountability between practitioners and publics, who 'give an account' offering a story that interprets and explains what has happened and why it has taken place. This paper observes these contrasting practices in the development of school governance in England and argues for the importance of dialogue to enhance learning and democratic responsiveness.

Questo lavoro si propone di dare una prospettiva storica alla "BrexLit", nata in risposta al risultato del Referendum del 23 Giugno 2016. Le ragioni per il voto a favore dell'uscita dall'Unione Europea sono, nell'immediato, economiche e politiche, ma la Brexit è un fenomeno soprattutto culturale, nei suoi effetti come nelle sue origini. Prendendo le mosse dalla teoria del discorso di Michel Foucault, si considera quindi l'intreccio di potere, conoscenza e verità nella delineazione di una nazione e nella diffusione del nazionalismo. Con questa lente, si ripercorre lo sviluppo del nazionalismo inglese, come analizzato da Krishan Kumar (2003): sviluppatosi in modo più esplicito solo dopo la dissoluzione dell'Impero, la Seconda Guerra Mondiale e la devoluzione dei poteri ai parlamenti di Scozia e Irlanda, esso ha contribuito alla separazione tra un'identità culturale esclusivamente inglese e il ruolo puramente istituzionale dell'Unione. Rappresentata nelle manifestazioni pubbliche e nel discorso politico da una serie di richiami culturali derivati dal passato, l'Inghilterra emerge come una nazione cristallizzata nel mito, che la rende presente a livello pubblico, ma che oscura la vita quotidiana dei cittadini inglesi. Questo è evidente in una selezione di opere letterarie che vanno da un racconto breve di D.H. Lawrence ai romanzi che si possono inserire nella corrente della "BrexLit": tutte prendono in esame l'immagine della nazione proposta a livello pubblico in momenti di crisi e ridefinizione nazionale. Una chiave di lettura delle opere è fornita dal saggio "Encyclopedic Narrative" di Edward Mendelson (1976), nel quale l'autore delinea il genere della letteratura enciclopedica: tali opere si propongono di riassumere e allo stesso tempo contestare la cultura della propria nazione. Inoltre, fondamentale è la nozione di "eterotopia", descritta per la prima volta da Foucault nel 1966 in Le parole e le cose. Nella sua forma letteraria, l'eterotopia viene intesa come una rappresentazione che tradisce la propria natura di costrutto e di illusione, opponendosi alla struttura classificatoria tipica delle liste grazie alla propria struttura microcosmica. È questo il filo conduttore delle opere prese in esame nelle sezioni seguenti, da quelle moderniste fino ad arrivare ai romanzi pubblicati dopo il Referendum, che vengono intesi come sintomo del bisogno di un'identità specificatamente inglese. Perciò, si può inquadrare la BrexLit come l'ultima fase di un percorso iniziato molto prima. Annunciata, pubblicata e riconosciuta con rapidità, la BrexLit stessa ha una dimensione immediata nella sua risposta alla contemporaneità. Ma, come dimostra questo studio, il rapporto tra l'Inghilterra nella sua dimensione mitica ed enciclopedica e quella reale è stato riflesso nella letteratura in modo costante in momenti analoghi di crisi di identità nazionale. Leggere opere di natura enciclopedica attraverso la lente dell'eterotopia permette di interpretare queste rappresentazioni letterarie come un'opposizione ai meccanismi più rigidi del nazionalismo: al centro della cultura e dell'identità di una nazione si trova qualcosa di ambiguo che non può essere definito o delimitato.

L'articolo ha per oggetto un aspetto del pensiero politico di David Hume di estremo interesse, sebbene non sufficientemente affrontato dalla critica italiana: la concezione humeana della Storia come fenomeno culturale, che trova la massima espressione nell'opera The History of England. L'autrice si avvale, da una parte, del confronto critico e filologico di quest'opera con la precedente tradizione di studi antiquari sei-settecenteschi, per verificare i nessi e gli esiti dell'operazione intellettuale di Hume in ambito storico-politico. Dall'altra, l'articolo offre una breve, ma significativa e aggiornata, ricognizione degli studi internazionali sul rapporto tra il filosofo scozzese e la Storia. Così, anche per i ricchi riferimenti alla vasta e più recente critica anglosassone e americana sulla filosofia della storia humeana, il presente studio rappresenta un'importante messa a punto del problema.This article underlines one of the most interesting aspects of David Hume's political thought, even if it has not been sufficiently considered by Italian critics: Hume's conception of history as a cultural phenomenon, that finds its utmost expression in the work The History of England. The author offers a synthetic, relevant and up-to-date recognition of the international scholarship on the relationship between the Scottish philosopher and history. In addition, this article, is rich in references to the most recent American and British critics on the Humean philosophy of history. Finally, this work represents an important treatment of the matter.

This article examines how being "free" interacts with different constellations of ideas, in particular those associated with being a "man" in the specific context of thirteenth and fourteenth century England. It argues that manhood carried powerful emotional, rhetorical and hence political charges which were the consequence of both the Latin inheritance and its various adaptations in the course of the Middle Ages. It considers how these charges overlapped with those associated with being free. It examines a variety of reasons why these issues became particularly important in the thirteenth and fourteenth century, before analysing them in detail in the case of a particular mid thirteenth century political crisis in which issues of manhood, freedom and nation interacted in a new way. ; Este artículo examina cómo ser "libre" ("free") interactúa con diferentes constelaciones de ideas, en particular las asociadas con ser un "hombre", en el contexto específico de la Inglaterra de los siglos XIII y XIV. Se argumenta que la virilidad conlleva potentes cargas emocionales, retóricas y, por tanto, políticas, que eran consecuencia tanto de la herencia latina como de sus diversas adaptaciones en el transcurso de la Edad Media. El artículo evalúa cómo estas implicaciones se superponían a las asociadas a ser libre. Asimismo, se examinan una serie de razones por las que estos temas se volvieron particularmente importantes en los siglos XIII y XIV, antes de analizarlos en detalle en el caso de una crisis política particular de mediados del siglo XIII, en la que los temas de la virilidad, la libertad y la nación interactuaron de forma novedosa.

Julián Besteiro was one of the most relevant socialist politicians and intellectuals of the first third of the twentieth century in the History of Spain. The partial failure of the general strike that took place against the backdrop of the Spanish Crisis of 1917, the decadence of the Second International, the arising of the Komintern, the formation of the Communist Party of Spain in 1921 and a brief stay in London, ended up modifying Julian Besteiro´s thinking as well as the way he understood socialism. Right after his death in 1925, Pablo Iglesias was succeeded by Besteiro who became the leader of the Spanish Socialist Workers´ Party and of a declining faction within the Party whose understanding of the socialist doctrine was akin to the English Fabian Society´s principles. This article aims to shed light upon the configuration of Besteiro´s particular way of rethinking socialism and the influence of his trip to England in 1924 in the formation of a current of thought that has often been called as besteirismo. ; Julián Besteiro fue uno de los intelectuales y políticos socialistas más relevantes de la Historia de España durante el primer tercio del siglo XX. El fracaso parcial de la huelga de 1917, la decadencia de la II Internacional, la aparición de la Komintern, la escisión del Partido Socialista en 1921 y una breve estancia en Londres acabarían por modificar definitivamente su pensamiento y su forma de concebir el socialismo. Tras el fallecimiento de Pablo Iglesias en 1925, Besteiro se convertiría en su sucesor, pasando a liderar una cada vez más minoritaria facción que apostaba por un modelo de socialismo que ha sido a menudo calificado como "gradualista" o de "signo fabiano". Este artículo pretende arrojar luz acerca de la configuración de este giro en el pensamiento de Besteiro, así como el papel que su estancia en Inglaterra tuvo en la configuración de lo que tradicionalmente se ha denominado como besteirismo.

Late medieval English king operated in an increasingly public political society. Monarch sound it expedient to persuade their people of the rectitude of their politics, and the English public found ways to express their opinions, from petitioning to gossip and rebellion. This article examines some of the consequences of this state of affairs. In particular: What effect did the public nature of kingship have upon the relationship between ideals of conduct applicable to kings and norms of masculinity which applied to al men? This question is addressed by comparing proclamations of Edwards III (1327-77), and reports of treasonous words under Henry VI (1422-61), with earlier attacks on Edward II (1307-27). The first two were judged by ideals of manhood which applied to all men. The latter was criticized for potentially manly pursuits which were nonetheless inappropriate for a king. Still, it would be unwise to impose a developmental narrative on these diverse political circumstances. The variety of interpretations of manhood available made it possible to criticize or praise kings as manly or unmanly according to particular political circumstances. What is certain, however, is that the public nature of kingship made the king´s manhood a powerful political tool throughout this period. ; Los Reyes de Inglaterra durante la baja Edad Media actuaban en el marco de una sociedad política cada vez más abierta. Los monarcas consideraban oportuno persuadir a su gente de la rectitud de su política, y el público inglés encontró mecanismos para expresar sus opiniones, desde la elevación de peticiones, a la murmuración y la rebelión. Este artículo examina algunas de las implicaciones que estas cuestiones plantean. En particular: ¿qué efecto tuvo la naturaleza pública de la monarquía sobre la relación entre los ideales de comportamiento aplicables a los reyes y las normas de masculinidad aplicables a todo hombre? Trataré de responder a esta cuestión comparando las proclamaciones de Eduardo III (1327-77) y las acusaciones de injurias al rey durante el reinado de Enrique VI (1422-61), con algunos ataques efectuados con anterioridad contra Eduardo II (1307-27). Los dos primeros fueron juzgados con arreglo a ideales de virilidad aplicables a todo hombre. El último fue criticado por conductas potencialmente masculinas que sin embargo eran inadecuadas para un rey. De todos modos, sería imprudente aplicar una narrativa secuencial a estas circunstancias políticas diferentes. La variedad de las interpretaciones disponibles sobre la virilidad posibilitaba la crítica o el elogio de los reyes por su hombría o su falta de ella, dependiendo de las circunstancias políticas concretas. Lo que es seguro, sin embargo, es que la naturaleza pública de la monarquía hizo de la hombría del rey un poderoso instrumento político a lo largo de este período.

Late medieval English king operated in an increasingly public political society. Monarch sound it expedient to persuade their people of the rectitude of their politics, and the English public found ways to express their opinions, from petitioning to gossip and rebellion. This article examines some of the consequences of this state of affairs. In particular: What effect did the public nature of kingship have upon the relationship between ideals of conduct applicable to kings and norms of masculinity which applied to al men? This question is addressed by comparing proclamations of Edwards III (1327-77), and reports of treasonous words under Henry VI (1422-61), with earlier attacks on Edward II (1307-27). The first two were judged by ideals of manhood which applied to all men. The latter was criticized for potentially manly pursuits which were nonetheless inappropriate for a king. Still, it would be unwise to impose a developmental narrative on these diverse political circumstances. The variety of interpretations of manhood available made it possible to criticize or praise kings as manly or unmanly according to particular political circumstances. What is certain, however, is that the public nature of kingship made the king´s manhood a powerful political tool throughout this period. ; Los Reyes de Inglaterra durante la baja Edad Media actuaban en el marco de una sociedad política cada vez más abierta. Los monarcas consideraban oportuno persuadir a su gente de la rectitud de su política, y el público inglés encontró mecanismos para expresar sus opiniones, desde la elevación de peticiones, a la murmuración y la rebelión. Este artículo examina algunas de las implicaciones que estas cuestiones plantean. En particular: ¿qué efecto tuvo la naturaleza pública de la monarquía sobre la relación entre los ideales de comportamiento aplicables a los reyes y las normas de masculinidad aplicables a todo hombre? Trataré de responder a esta cuestión comparando las proclamaciones de Eduardo III (1327-77) y las acusaciones de injurias al rey durante el reinado de Enrique VI (1422-61), con algunos ataques efectuados con anterioridad contra Eduardo II (1307-27). Los dos primeros fueron juzgados con arreglo a ideales de virilidad aplicables a todo hombre. El último fue criticado por conductas potencialmente masculinas que sin embargo eran inadecuadas para un rey. De todos modos, sería imprudente aplicar una narrativa secuencial a estas circunstancias políticas diferentes. La variedad de las interpretaciones disponibles sobre la virilidad posibilitaba la crítica o el elogio de los reyes por su hombría o su falta de ella, dependiendo de las circunstancias políticas concretas. Lo que es seguro, sin embargo, es que la naturaleza pública de la monarquía hizo de la hombría del rey un poderoso instrumento político a lo largo de este período.

Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) was one the most influential Law professor and politician in Contemporary Spain. He was an active member of the so-call krausist movement that played a major role in Spanish culture and politics after the revolution of 1868. From both, journals and University he defended the liberal and democratic principles that lead to his ideal: a rule of law. In that context he supported the new constitution of 1869, regarded by Azcárate for the rest of his life as the best one in Spanish modern history. When the Restoration took place in 1874 and a constitutional Monarchy inspired in French doctinaires' political theory was set up, Azcárate criticised it proposing to look over the Constitution of England as a model. According to his interpretation of English constitutional system, the principle of self-government or the sovereignty of society was the key principle for building a true democratic parliamentary government based on the free association of individuals, a decentralized administration, an independent judicial power and public opinion as the very source, guide and limit of all the powers of the State. From 1886 up to 1916 Azcárate became Member of the Parliament as representative of the republican party and was actively involve in the Intitute for Social Reforms (1903) that tried to improve the condition of the working classes. ; Gumersindo de Azcárate (León, 1840— Madrid, 1917) fue uno de los más influyentes catedráticos de derecho y políticos de la España contemporánea. Fue un miembro activo del denominado movimiento krausista que desempeñó un importante papel en la cultura y política española tras la revolución de 1868. Desde diferentes revistas y desde la propia Universidad defendió los principios liberales y democráticos que conducían al establecimiento de su ideal: Estado de derecho. En ese contexto apoyó la nueva constitución de 1869, que Azcárate considerará siempre un referente y el mejor código fundamental de la España moderna. Con la Restauración en 1874 ...

WING E-1913. ; "Ordered by the Commons in Parliament, that this ordinance be forthwith printed and published. H. Elsynge, cler. parl. D. com." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; MU: Pre-1801 imprint.

Estudi dels punts clau de la política, la teoria, la pràctica, l'educació i la investigació sobre el treball social a Anglaterra i Gal·les. Hi ha un cert debat sobre els mètodes que s'usen i els grups de clients que contracten als treballadors socials. Els punts clau que influeixen en la política i la pràctica del treball social són la sensibilitat cultural i la pràctica antiopressiva, la personalització de serveis en relació amb el consumisme i la implicació d'usuaris en els serveis. Tanmateix, parlarem breument de les influències recents en la pràctica actual del treball social. No podem entendre en quin punt ens trobem ni valorar com hem de procedir sense abans comprendre com i d'on venim. ; This chapter examines key areas in social work policy, theory, practice, education and research in England and Wales. There is some discussion of the main methods used and the client groups with whom social workers engage. Key areas which currently influence social work policy and practice in England and Wales are cultural sensitivity and anti-oppressive practice; personalisation of services, linked to consumerism, and issues of service user involvement in services. Nevertheless, we will look briefly at recent influences on current social work practice. As some would have it, we cannot make sense of where we are, and how we might judge how to go, if we do understand where we came from, and how. ; Estudio de los puntos clave de la política, la teoría, la práctica, la educación y la investigación acerca del trabajo social en Inglaterra y Gales. Hay cierto debate sobre los métodos que se usan y los grupos de clientes que contratan a los trabajadores sociales. Los puntos clave que influyen actualmente en la política y la práctica del trabajo social son la sensibilidad cultural y la práctica antiopresiva, la personalización de servicios en relación con el consumismo y la implicación de usuarios en los servicios No obstante, hablaremos brevemente de las influencias recientes en la práctica actual del trabajo social. No podemos entender en qué punto nos encontramos ni valorar cómo debemos proceder sin antes comprender cómo y de dónde venimos.