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The process of integration in Western Europe, undertaken since World War II, has proven a success. Additional countries have taken actions to join the European Communities, and the EC/EU policy of enlargement has become one of its most important activities. The purpose of the article is to identify and briefly analyse certain aspects, mainly theoretical, related to the continuation of EU enlargement and to identify the most significant factors that affect its future course. The main thesis of the study is that the continuation of EU enlargement will look significantly different in the future than in the past and that it will be a difficult and lengthy process. The research problem is to identify the causes of the change in the EU enlargement process, generally appraised as one of its most successful policies. To achieve this aim, theoretical models explaining EU enlargement and practical factors affecting the enlargement process are identified. To better understand the current circumstances influencing the EU enlargement process, the article includes information on the current state of EU relations with potential new member states, selected data on the socio-economic development of those countries, and public attitudes in the EU and some candidate states. The formal conditions that must be met by a candidate state are presented in the first part of the study. The summary contains the most important conclusions. ; Proces integracji, podjęty w Europie Zachodniej po II wojnie światowej, okazał się sukcesem. Kolejne państwa dołączały do Wspólnot Europejskich (WE), a potem do Unii Europejskiej (UE), zaś polityka rozszerzenia WE/UE stała się jednym z najistotniejszych obszarów aktywności tych organizacji międzynarodowych. Celem artykułu jest identyfikacja i krótka analiza wybranych aspektów, głównie teoretycznych, związanych z kontynuacją rozszerzania UE i stanowiących najistotniejsze czynniki wpływające na dalszy przebieg tego procesu. Główną tezą opracowania jest stwierdzenie, że kontynuacja rozszerzania UE będzie wyglądać wyraźnie inaczej niż do tej pory i będzie procesem trudnym i długotrwałym. Problemem badawczym jest identyfikacja przyczyn takiej zmiany w charakterze procesu rozszerzania UE, który przecież do tej pory generalnie oceniany jest jako jedna z najskuteczniejszych polityk WE/UE. W tym celu zostaną przywołane funkcjonujące w literaturze przedmiotu teoretyczne modele wyjaśniania rozszerzania WE/UE i wskazane czynniki o charakterze ,,praktycznym", które na rozszerzenie mają wpływ. Aby lepiej zrozumieć obecne uwarunkowania kontynuowania rozszerzenia UE, przedstawiono także stan stosunków UE z potencjalnymi nowymi państwami członkowskimi, wybrane dane o charakterze społeczno-gospodarczym tych państw oraz nastawienie opinii publicznej w UE i w niektórych państwach kandydujących do UE. W pierwszej części wskazano formalne warunki, jakie musi spełnić państwo chcące przystąpić do Unii. Podsumowanie zawiera najistotniejsze wnioski.

The first part of the article deals with questions concerning the oncoming enlargement of the European Union by former eastern-bloc countries such as Poland, Hungary, the Czech and Slovakian Republics, Romania, Bulgaria as well as Slovenia and the three Baltic states. It focuses upon the "europe-Treaties" which the European Union has concluded or is going to conclude the countries obove. The question being raised is whether these treaties can be regarded as sufficient preparation for future membership in the European Union. The treaties' specific deficiencies, such as the existence of a safeguard-clause, as well as the exclusion of a unitary competition right and of the agrarian market are mentioned. The enormous differences between the GDP per capita of the most advances Vysehrad-countries and least developed members of the European Union, as well as the non-compatible structure of these countries' national economies are expected to cause extraordinary problems of adjustment. Furthermore the question is raised if the option of further integration without membership would not be a viable alternative for the oncoming 8 to 10 years. The second part of the article deals with the future perspective of an enlarged Union. First the specific three-structure of the Union is described; the Union being characterized as a "compound" of supranational and intergovernmental elements. Questions concerning the oncoming reforms of the institutions are raised. Furthermore, the article deals with the aspect of a guiding principle for future political development of the Union. The Author concludes that the idea of a European State cannot be regarded as a realistic perspective for the oncoming decades. The objective of a general supranationalisation in the field of European cooperation would inevitably lead to a fundamental conflict with the principles of democracy; this being due to the lack of a unitary European nation as the sovereign and the subject of democracy. A mixed structural "compound" not unlike the present three-pillared structure is therefore the only realistic alternative in the foreseeable furure. Moreover the entire process of cooperation demands a stronger diversification in that not all members have to participate in all fields of integration at the same time. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Opole demonstrations in defense of democracy Opole is a provincial city of the smallest region in the country. Nevertheless, its inhabitants manifest their views on matters important from their point of view. The analysis of the largest protests in recent years in this region shows that the inhabitants of Opole most often and loudly demonstrate in defense of democracy – both at the national and local level. In the chapter Opole demonstrations in defense of democracy, Katarzyna Daniel proposes an analysis of two problems that caused Opole inhabitants to take to the streets, i.e. protests in defense of the broadly understood judiciary initiated in 2017 and demonstrations and strikes caused by the enlargement of the administrative borders of the city of Opole on January 1, 2017. Cyclical demonstrations in many cities grew stronger when changes were proposed regarding, inter alia, election of members of the National Council of the Judiciary by the Seym by a simple majority, introduction of disciplinary liability of judges, or retirement of the First President of the Supreme Court during an uninterrupted six-year term of office in accordance with the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. On the other hand, the cause of numerous demonstrations in Opole was frustration related to the disregard for the voice of the inhabitants regarding the enlargement of the city (over 90% responded negatively in social consultations). The opponents of the enlargement of Opole believed that the incorporation of their communes was done by force, against the local community, for reasons that were not entirely purely moral. The most active were the inhabitants of the Dobrzeń Wielki commune, who, along with other demonstrators, expressed their dissatisfaction in the form of: numerous demonstrations, collecting signatures on letters opposing the enlargement of Opole, high activity in public consultations, road blockades, a protest in Warsaw, meetings with journalists and local government officials, politicians or a hunger strike. These ...

This article concerns the current pre-accession process of Turkey and the question of its prospects. In order to answer this question the author conducts an in-depth analysis of factors that can influence the process on three main levels: EU (i.e. general political and economic situation, EU enlargement policy, EU institutions), member states and Turkey. He wants to verify the hypothesis that although the situation in this candidate country is crucial for the future of Turkey-EU relations, the decisive factors are in the EU and member states. The pre-accession process of Turkey will be continued but its pace and course will depend to a large extent on the position of the main Union's powers, the clear vision of the EU as well as the economic/political situation and public feelings in Europe. ; This article concerns the current pre-accession process of Turkey and the question of its prospects. In order to answer this question the author conducts an in-depth analysis of factors that can influence the process on three main levels: EU (i.e. general political and economic situation, EU enlargement policy, EU institutions), member states and Turkey. He wants to verify the hypothesis that although the situation in this candidate country is crucial for the future of Turkey-EU relations, the decisive factors are in the EU and member states. The pre-accession process of Turkey will be continued but its pace and course will depend to a large extent on the position of the main Union's powers, the clear vision of the EU as well as the economic/political situation and public feelings in Europe.

October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively. ; October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stanowiska Angeli Merkel wobec członkostwa Turcji w Unii Europejskiej w latach 2005–2015. Podzielony został na 6 części, które przybliżają historię stosunków unijno-tureckich oraz najczęściej pojawiające się kwestie podejmowane przez kanclerz w związku z tureckimi staraniami o akcesję. Autorka zdaje sobie sprawę, iż nie przedstawiła całego wachlarza zagadnień związanych z staraniami o członkostwo tegoż państwa, niemniej zarysowała ważne kwestie, które najbardziej wpłynęły na postawę A. Merkel w ostatnich 10 latach. ; The aim of the article is to present the position of Angela Merkel to Turkey's membership in the European Union in years 2005–2015. It has been divided into 6 parts, which introduces the history of relations between the EU and Turkey, and Chancellor's most pronounced concerns in connection with the efforts of Turkish accession. The author realizes that she did not present the whole range of issues related to the Turkey's efforts, but outlined the important issues thatinfluenced the most Angela Merkel's attitude in the past 10 years.

Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stanowiska Angeli Merkel wobec członkostwa Turcji w Unii Europejskiej w latach 2005–2015. Podzielony został na 6 części, które przybliżają historię stosunków unijno-tureckich oraz najczęściej pojawiające się kwestie podejmowane przez kanclerz w związku z tureckimi staraniami o akcesję. Autorka zdaje sobie sprawę, iż nie przedstawiła całego wachlarza zagadnień związanych z staraniami o członkostwo tegoż państwa, niemniej zarysowała ważne kwestie, które najbardziej wpłynęły na postawę A. Merkel w ostatnich 10 latach. ; The aim of the article is to present the position of Angela Merkel to Turkey's membership in the European Union in years 2005–2015. It has been divided into 6 parts, which introduces the history of relations between the EU and Turkey, and Chancellor's most pronounced concerns in connection with the efforts of Turkish accession. The author realizes that she did not present the whole range of issues related to the Turkey's efforts, but outlined the important issues that influenced the most Angela Merkel's attitude in the past 10 years.

Bałkany Zachodnie od lat zajmują istotne miejsce w polityce Unii Europejskiej, która postrzega ten region jako istotny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Jednym ze sposobów stabilizacji i umacniania pokoju w regionie jest jego zbliżenie ze strukturami unijnej współpracy. Proces ten jest determinowany różnorodnymi czynnikami natury politycznej, społecznej, gospodarczej, kulturowej. W artykule uwaga została skoncentrowana na analizie determinantów procesu zbliżenia Albanii z UE, określeniu perspektyw jej akcesji do Unii, oraz wyartykułowaniu korzyści płynących z poszerzenia UE o państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Dodatkowo zwraca się uwagę na możliwe implikacje akcesji Albanii z perspektywy bezpieczeństwa UE. ; The Western Balkans has for years been an important player in the policy of the European Union, which sees the region as an important region for European security. One way to stabilise and consolidate peace in the region is to bring it closer to EU cooperation structures. This process is determined by various political, social, economic and cultural factors. The article focuses on the analysis of the determinants of the process of bringing Albania closer to the EU, defining the prospects for its accession to the EU, and articulating the benefits of EU enlargement to include the countries of the Western Balkans. In addition, attention is drawn to the possible implications of Albania's accession from an EU security perspective.

Bałkany Zachodnie od lat zajmują istotne miejsce w polityce Unii Europejskiej, która postrzega ten region jako istotny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa europejskiego. Jednym ze sposobów stabilizacji i umacniania pokoju w regionie jest jego zbliżenie ze strukturami unijnej współpracy. Proces ten jest determinowany różnorodnymi czynnikami natury politycznej, społecznej, gospodarczej, kulturowej. W artykule uwaga została skoncentrowana na analizie determinantów procesu zbliżenia Albanii z UE, określeniu perspektyw jej akcesji do Unii, oraz wyartykułowaniu korzyści płynących z poszerzenia UE o państwa Bałkanów Zachodnich. Dodatkowo zwraca się uwagę na możliwe implikacje akcesji Albanii z perspektywy bezpieczeństwa UE. ; The Western Balkans has for years been an important player in the policy of the European Union, which sees the region as an important region for European security. One way to stabilise and consolidate peace in the region is to bring it closer to EU cooperation structures. This process is determined by various political, social, economic and cultural factors. The article focuses on the analysis of the determinants of the process of bringing Albania closer to the EU, defining the prospects for its accession to the EU, and articulating the benefits of EU enlargement to include the countries of the Western Balkans. In addition, attention is drawn to the possible implications of Albania's accession from an EU security perspective.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

On balance the performance of the first Polish EU Council Presidency in the matter of the enlargement process of the European Union seems to be positive. The Polish Presidency effectively implemented the five main functions of a Presidency: the agenda-setting, brokerage, management, coordination and internal representation in the contacts with the governments of member states and the institutions of the European Union. The most important aspect was that it managed to implement almost all the operational objectives typically required for the enlargement process. Despite the objections and doubts expressed by the governments of many member states, conditioned mainly by the debt crisis of the Eurozone and the need for internal and external consolidation of the European Union, the Polish Presidency managed to maintain the concept of enlargement as an important element on the EU's agenda. On 5 December 2011, on the initiative of the Polish Presidency, the General Affairs Council agreed a new approach to the accession negotiations involving the earliest possible opening of the most contentious negotiation chapters, including fundamental rights and policies pertaining to the area of freedom, security and justice. Employing the agenda-setting function, the Polish Presidency was the co-author of the Group Presidency programme and the author of the country's Presidency programme and both documents provided the foundation for Poland's activity in the process of enlargement of the European Union. The most important achievements of the Polish Presidency resulting from the implementation of the brokerage, coordination and management functions concerned Croatia, Iceland, Serbia and Montenegro. The Polish government finalised the work on the text of the accession treaty with Croatia and brought about the signing of the treaty on 9 December 2011. It also accepted the agreements referring to the status of Croatia in the transition period; that is, until the treaty becomes fully effective. The Polish Presidency also gave a significant impetus to the accession negotiations with Iceland, by opening seven negotiation chapters and concluding six. The achievement of the Polish Presidency towards the endeavours of the countries of the Western Balkans to gain accession to the European Union was the opening of procedures leading to Serbia being granted candidate country status, although the formal decision was taken on 28 February 2012 by the General Affairs Council under the chairmanship of the Danish Presidency. In addition, the politically crucial enlargement conclusions of the General Affairs Council for Montenegro, on the basis of which the European Council announced that a decision would be taken on the commencement of accession negotiations in June 2012, were achieved during the Polish Presidency. Taking into account that some member states were critical of the steps taken to normalise relationships between Serbia and Kosovo, the balanced conclusions of the Council, in the part referring to Serbia, should also be taken as a success for the Polish Presidency. Although the Polish Presidency suffered a few failures it is worth emphasising that they resulted mainly from the attitude of other member states such as Greece or the negligence of the third party countries in the enlargement process – in the cases of Turkey, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo. The Polish government, like the others since 2009, failed to overcome the opposition of Greece to the commencement of accession negotiations with Macedonia, although other member states fully supported the concept. The Polish Presidency, like the Belgian and Hungarian Presidencies, was unable to open any new chapter in the accession negotiations with Turkey. However, the reasons were the lack of progress in the implementation of the process of reforms by the Turkish government, the still unsolved controversial issues with Cyprus, the growing assertiveness of Turkey in the foreign policy arena and the unfavourable attitude towards the accession of Turkey to the Union by some member states. Nonetheless, the Polish Presidency achieved an agreement with other member states for a positive agenda in the relations between the Union and Turkey, which led to a relatively balanced text relating to Turkey in the conclusions of the General Affairs Council on 5 December 2011. The reason for the lack of achievement in the enlargement process with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo was the limited progress in fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria made by these countries. Therefore, these countries still remain only as states which aspire to be members of the European Union. Balancing all the stated successes and failures it should be emphasised that the Polish Presidency gave new impetus to the enlargement process of the European Union. This was visible in the proposal by the Polish government and its acceptance by the General Affairs Council of a new methodology for conducting future accession negotiations, the significant advancement of the accession negotiations with Iceland, the opening of the procedure for granting candidate country status to Serbia and establishing the political requirements for the commencement of accession negotiations with Montenegro. In addition, the Polish government signed the accession treaty with Croatia and accepted the agreements regarding the country's status in its relationships with the European Union in the transition period until the accession treaty is fully implemented.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

W październiku 2015 roku minęło 10 lat od oficjalnego otwarcia negocjacji członkowskich pomiędzy Turcją i Unią Europejską. Bilans dotychczasowych rozmów jest jednak wyjątkowo skromny. Otwarto rokowania w ramach 14 z 35 obszarów negocjacyjnych, natomiast zamknięto, i to jedynie tymczasowo, w przypadku zaledwie jednego. Chorwacja, która rozpoczynała negocjacje w tym samym roku, od dwóch lat jest państwem członkowskim UE. Z kolei w przypadku Turcji końca rozmów nie widać, a wraz z upływem czasu maleje prawdopodobieństwo, iż państwo to kiedykolwiek stanie się pełnoprawnym uczestnikiem procesu integracji europejskiej. Komisja Europejska wciąż przedstawia szereg zastrzeżeń odnośnie postępów Turcji na drodze do członkostwa. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest znalezienie odpowiedzi na pytanie czy katalog zastrzeżeń zgłaszanych przez Komisję Europejską, dotyczących spełniania przez Turcję kryteriów politycznych, uległ zmianie po upływie 9 lat. Dzięki temu możliwe będzie ustalenie postępów Turcji w obszarze kryteriów politycznych, zarówno pod względem ilościowym, jak i jakościowym. ; October 2015 marked the tenth anniversary of the official onset of the accession negotiations between Turkey and the European Union. The outcome of the talks, however, has so far been more than modest. The negotiations have encompassed fourteen out of 35 fields, leading to the closure, albeit only preliminary, of only one field. Croatia started negotiations in the same year and has been EU member state for two years now. In the Turkish case, the end of the talks is nowhere to be seen, and the more time goes by the less likely it seems for Turkey to become a legitimate participant of a European integration process. The EU Commission continues to present a number of reservations as concerns the progress of Turkey on its path to accession. The aim of this paper is to attempt to find an answer to the question whether the catalogue of reservations brought up by the EU Commission in terms of the political criteria to be met by Turkey has changed after the nine years of negotiations. By this token it will become possible to determine the progress Turkey has made as concerns those political criteria, both quantitatively and qualitatively.

There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone. ; There is no doubt that the European Union, which is the result of European integration, is an unprecedented entity in the history of international relations. It is a symbol of a new, united Europe, which, after negative experiences, decided to become a safe continent, and therefore eliminate once and for all war from the life of its states and nations. Unfortunately, the idea of 'eternal peace,' which many politicians and philosophers dreamed about, has failed to be fully implemented to this day. Moreover, the recent war in the Balkans and the current Russian-Ukrainian war still make this idea impossible in international relations in Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the European Union today, ten years after its 2004 enlargement by a further ten countries, including eight from the former Eastern bloc. The paper shows the strengths and weaknesses of the EU, which – although significantly strengthened by the Eastern enlargement – still cannot cope with many economic, political, social and international problems. The author of this paper tries to come up with answers to many questions concerning the present EU: why is this happening, what are the reasons for it and what are the prospects for the EU in the 21st century. The main thesis is that the EU needs overhauling, so it can continue to grow and be an engine of European integration. If this does not happen, though, the EU will begin to crumble and eventually disintegrate, or become no more than a free trade zone.