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World Affairs Online
Die Europäische Zentralbank ist eine Institution, die nicht direkt demokratisch legitimiert ist. Dies wird insbesondere kritisiert, seit sie weitreichende Entscheidungen an den Grenzen ihres Mandats trifft. Würde die EZB die Öffentlichkeit häufiger und genauer informieren, könnte sie ihre Glaubwürdigkeit stärken. Zudem sind durch eine Erhöhung der Transparenz auch bessere gesamtwirtschaftliche Ergebnisse ihrer Tätigkeit zu erwarten. ; The ECB is a central bank with a high level of transparency. However, it still does not publish voting records or minutes, and it publishes inflation forecasts only on a quarterly basis. This paper argues that both the credibility and effectiveness of the ECB's monetary policy could be enhanced by enlarging its transparency. This is especially necessary if the central bank takes such far-reaching decisions as the unlimited bond buying programme. Then the public has a right to know how and why this decision was taken.
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Im Februar 2009 führte das Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung Halle (IWH) gemeinsam mit der Leibniz-Gemeinschaft in Brüssel die Abschlusskonferenz des Projektes "Understanding the Relationship between Knowledge and Competitiveness in the Enlarging European Union" (U-Know) durch. Bei diesem Projekt handelte es sich um ein dreijähriges Forschungsvorhaben, das im 6. Forschungsrahmenprogramm der Europäischen Union (EU) angesiedelt war. Das Projekt stellte auf die Untersuchung systemischer Aspekte von Innovation und Wissenstransfer sowie die Erarbeitung forschungs- und innovationspolitischer Handlungsoptionen ab. Ein besonderes Augenmerk galt dabei den Herausforderungen in den neuen EU-Mitgliedstaaten sowie Ostdeutschland. Aus dem Forschungsprojekt heraus entstanden insgesamt 54 referierte Publikationen sowie 33 Beiträge zu Sammelbänden. Ziel dieser Konferenz war es, die Forschungsergebnisse des U-Know-Projektes zu präsentieren und mit Vertretern aus Wissenschaft, Wirtschaft und der europäischen Politik zu diskutieren. Dazu wurden verschiedene Fachvorträge aus den vier Arbeitsbereichen des Projektes (Unternehmen und Märkte, Kooperationen zwischen Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft, Innovationssysteme und Governance sowie die Rolle von Institutionen) vorgestellt und von Vertretern der Europäischen Kommission im Hinblick auf politische Implikationen kommentiert. Abschließend unterstrichen alle Beteiligten die zunehmende strategische Bedeutung von Bildungs-, Forschungs- und Innovationspolitik, um zum einen die Wettbewerbsposition der EU-15-Länder weiter zu stärken und zum anderen den neuen EU-Mitgliedstaaten einen nachhaltigen Aufholprozess zu ermöglichen.
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In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 100-116
ISSN: 1862-2534
"Although it has apparently not led to any problems in North Rhine-Westphalia that prime ministerial candidates must be elected members of parliament its state parliament has been discussing the possibility of deleting that constitutional provision. This is plausible since future problematic situations need to be considered by constitutional law. Documented cases of other German states prove that it might be in the North Rhine-Westphalian parliament's interest to delete the present restriction, thereby enlarging the circle of possible prime ministerial candidates. This consideration becomes even more obvious if it is kept in mind that a constitution should allow for a maximum of political scope to ensure the political flexibility needed. This is especially true if such restrictions do not represent fundamental constitutional rationales such as the constitutional state and / or democracy." (author's abstract)
In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 46, Heft 1, S. 100-116
ISSN: 0340-1758
Although it has apparently not led to any problems in North Rhine-Westphalia that prime ministerial candidates must be elected members of parliament its state parliament has been discussing the possibility of deleting that constitutional provision. This is plausible since future problematic situations need to be considered by constitutional law. Documented cases of other German states prove that it might be in the North Rhine-Westphalian parliament's interest to delete the present restriction, thereby enlarging the circle of possible prime ministerial candidates. This consideration becomes even more obvious if it is kept in mind that a constitution should allow for a maximum of political scope to ensure the political flexibility needed. This is especially true if such restrictions do not represent fundamental constitutional rationales such as the constitutional state and/or democracy. Adapted from the source document.
In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 475-492
ISSN: 1862-2534
"Given the joint-decision trap and the consensus democracy in the German party state, the implementation of direct democracy institutionally opens a way to circumvent the tactically motivated blockades of political parties in favor of problem-solving behavior. The international comparison of constitutional reforms in complex political systems reveals that disconnected arenas of negotiation and decision contribute to the success of reform attempts by compelling parties to act in a less self-serving manner. Also, the instruments of direct democracy in Western Europe provide this effect, as the comparison of party motives in initiating a public vote shows. In particular, the obligatory referendum is less prone to tactically motivated party politics due to its institutional construction. By enlarging the procedures of constitutional amendment, an obligatory referendum could exhibit these qualities on the national level in Germany, too." (author's abstract)
In: Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen: ZParl, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 475-492
ISSN: 0340-1758
World Affairs Online
Das Volk als Kernbegriff jeder Demokratie ist eine historisch gewachsene und politisch veränderbare Größe. Langfristig ist die Entwicklung der Demokratie durch eine Ausweitung der Zugehörigkeit zum Volk gekennzeichnet - Volk als Summe der zur politischen Beteiligung berechtigten Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Diese vor allem durch (auf Rasse, Geschlecht und Religion bezogene) Diskriminierungsverbote und durch Migration bestimmte Entwicklung ruft Protestbewegungen hervor - den aktuellen Populismus. Populistische Bewegungen und Parteien neigen dazu, Volk als natürlich vorgegeben und nicht als historisch konstruiert zu sehen. ; The People, the core concept of any democracy, has been historically developed and was always open to political redefinition. In the history of democracy, the long term trend was characterized by a process of permanent widening, of enlarging the People. The understanding of the People, understood as the sum of all citizens invited to participate in the political process, has been significantly changed due to the end of discrimination (regarding race, gender and religion) and migration. This trend has provoked protest: populism. Populist movements and parties tend to define People as naturally given, not as historically constructed. ; Version of record
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The 21st century brings new challenges for the society and every human being. Although today's Europe is in the process of strengthening and enlarging its economic and political union, it seems to suffer from a profound crisis of values. Therefore, it is very important to have a proper perception and understanding of contemporary challenges for education and pedagogy. This might results in going through the effective learning processes, which enable a human being to function properly in his/her private and professional life. For all these reasons, the author of this article shows various aspects of scientific and didactic activities undertaken by the academic staff of the Faculty of Theology, Section in Tarnów, which is an integral part of the Pontifical University of John Paul II in Cracow. A short historical sketch of establishment of the Faculty of Theology, Section in Tarnów enable to embed the academic work of this Faculty in specific realities and conditions.
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Although the first edition of "Melting Point Tables of Organic Compounds" was reprinted twice, it has not been available for some time. In this second, revised, edition several compounds of relatively minor practical significance were deleted from the tables and, in their stead, important compourids of greater general interest were included. The volume of the work has remained approximately unehanged. Many suggestions by colleagues active both in the pure and applied aspects of the field have been taken into consideration, as far as possible. Because the thorough revising and enlarging of this work exceeded the cap acities of a single person, the new work was carried out jointly by the authors named on the title page. The melting points of eutectic mixtures, which are newly listed in column 11 for the purpose of characterizing organic compounds, are taken from L. and A. Kofler's "Micromethods for the Determination of Organic Substances and Mixtures of Substances" (Verlag Chemie G.m.b.H., Berlin 1945)*
In: Internationale Politik: das Magazin für globales Denken, Heft 1, S. 116-121
ISSN: 1430-175X
World Affairs Online
In: Die Idee der Demokratie, S. 63-81
"This article critically examines the case for having a global democratic body with the power to enforce its decisions. The argument that is made for such a body is functional in form, pointing to global Problems that states themselves cannot solve. Bat this does not establish that such a body would be legitimate. To explore the conditions under which democratic institutions are legitimate, the article looks at the emergence of democracy in the West, and argues that it requires a sufficient degree of convergence of both interests and beliefs among members of the demos - conditions that are not replicated at the global level. Supporters of global democracy often appeal to the 'all affected interests' principle to defend their legitimacy Claims. However this principle is open to serious objections: a more plausible view is that democratic rights must be extended to all those who are coercively bound by the decisions of a government. The remaining Problem is how to deal with cases where the actions of one state impact negatively on people outside, and the paper concludes by sketching two possible remedies - imposing a global harm principle on states through international law, and enlarging democracy on specific issues by consulting outside representatives." (extract)
Economic self-government occurs when organized economic actors fulfill public duties, participate in providing law and law enforcement, and are given scope for the exercise of their interests. It takes place in advisory boards, chambers and cooperatives regulated by public law. Economic selfgovernment emerged in the 19th century. Its importance increased primarily from the end of the 19th century, the time of the emergence of the interventionist state. This development seemed to be accompanied by a loss of freedom because selfgovernment was legally constructed as a statedependent form of organization. Above all, it was subject to state supervision. However, this review would be one-sided. The establishment of selfgovernment, simultaneously, created the possibility of increased influence on public affairs. The semi-official character of self-government institutions strengthened the legitimacy of the economic representation of interests and the power of enforcement in relation to government authorities and other organized societal actors. Economic selfgovernment was a way of coordinating divergent interests more effectively in a highly differentiated society and enlarging the space for the collective exercise of freedom. The resulting increased dependence on the state was a price which large parts of society were willing to pay. ; Freiheit und Interventionsstaat stellt man sich gewöhnlich als Gegensatz vor. Eine liberale Ordnung ist eine, die staatliche Eingriffe auf ein Minimum beschränkt. Der Interventionsstaat des Kaiserreichs integrierte wirtschaftliches Handeln in öffentlichrechtliche Formen, deren Einstufung als Selbstverwaltungsinstitutionen sich bald durchsetzte. Das Wort "Selbstverwaltung" versprach Freiheit. Kann aber Freiheit durch Maßnahmen hergestellt werden, die die gesellschaftlichen, vor allem die wirtschaftlichen Akteure zwingen, ihr Handeln in bestimmter Weise zu koordinieren und gar dem Staate zu Diensten zu sein? .
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Das Vereinigte Königreich hat sich am 31. Januar 2020 von der Europäischen Union getrennt. Nachdem das Land Anfang der 1970er Jahre mit dem Beitritt zur damaligen Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG) seine Außenseiterrolle bei der (west-)europäischen Integration aufgegeben hatte, erwies es sich als ein schwieriges Mitgliedsland, das schließlich die weitere Vertiefung der europäischen Integration nicht mehr mittragen wollte. Dabei sollte aber nicht übersehen werden, dass sich das Vereinigte Königreich für die Liberalisierung der wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen im Binnenmarkt und die Erweiterung der Europäischen Union stark gemacht hatte. Nach dem Brexit sind die Briten nun frei in der Aushandlung von Handelsabkommen mit der übrigen Welt, sie sehen darin eine große Chance für wirtschaftliche Prosperität. Schon vorher hat sich der britische Außenhandel weg von der EU und hin zu Drittländern orientiert. Gleichwohl ist der europäische Kontinent immer noch der bedeutendste Handelspartner für die Insel. Beide Seiten müssen daher nach einem sinnvollen Rahmen für die künftige wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit suchen. Das Manuskript dieser Analyse wurde Anfang März 2020 abgeschlossen. ; On 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom formally separated from the European Union. Having abandoned its role as an outsider in (western) European integration to join the then European Economic Community (EEC) in the early 1970s, the country proved to be a difficult member that was ultimately no longer prepared to support the further deepening of European integration. However, it is worth remembering that the United Kingdom was a forceful advocate of liberalising economic relations in the internal market and enlarging the European Union. Following their departure, the British are now free to negotiate trade agreements with the rest of the world, which they see as a promising route to economic prosperity. Indeed, even before Brexit, British foreign trade was moving away from the EU and towards third countries. Yet continental Europe is still the island nation's most important trading partner and both sides must therefore seek a meaningful framework for future economic cooperation. The manuscript of this Analysis was completed in early March 2020.
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