Polityka RFN na rzecz rozwoju krajów Trzeciego Świata: (Entwicklungspolitik)
In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1984
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In: Acta Universitatis Wratislaviensis 1984
World Affairs Online
In: Prace Instytutu Zachodniego 93
World Affairs Online
World Affairs Online
In: Consultation Papers on Poverty, No. 5
World Affairs Online
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 87-108
ISSN: 2719-7131
This article is a case study of the role played by a non-governmental organisation in the development policy and development assistance on the example of the Coprodeli Foundation in Peru. In developed democratic countries, the organs of state power entrust part of their tasks to civil society organisations. However, these organisations can also become the leader in the development policy replacing or supporting the state. This determination is particularly important in the perspective of developing countries. However, the business model of these organisations must be inclusive and not substitute. The model developed by Coprodeli involves both beneficiaries, local and state power and business structures, and other aid organisations. Participation of many entities and the specifics of the work of the foundation, which places entire settlements in places neglected and affected by natural disasters, makes the model developed by Coprodeli important for the advancement of the theory of development assistance policy.
In: Kultura - Historia - Globalizacja (Culture - History - Globalization), Heft 23, S. 29-38
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie japońskiego soft power, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kultury jako jednego z czynników soft power. Japońska dyplomacja kulturalna wykorzystująca kulturę popularną jest przykładem zręcznie prowadzonej polityki międzynarodowej. Promowanie pozytywnego wizerunku państwa poprzez soft power na arenie międzynarodowej wzmacnia ekonomiczne oraz polityczne znaczenie państwa. Artykuł skupia się na dwóch kwestiach: historii japońskiego soft power oraz jego praktycznemu zastosowaniu. W podsumowaniu sugeruje się, że japoński soft power nie będzie tak znaczący z racji wzrastającego potencjału Chin.
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 4, Heft 2, S. 103-116
ISSN: 2719-7131
The development of the information society has initiated the need for creating new instruments with the help of which the authorities can reach out to citizens. Therefore, cyberspace has recently become a place of activity of a number of entities including state and international organizations (together with the European Union). The result of this phenomenon is the creation of the so-called digital diplomacy as new quality in the so-called diplomacy of the EU. The EU diplomacy currently uses a number of e-tools, among others, Facebook, MySpace, Daily Motion, YouTube, etc. These tools are a very good method to improve and warm up the image of the Union in the international arena. This kind of diplomacy was only formed at the beginning of the twenty-first century and has a great prospect of development, thus, it is worth considering in which direction its evolution should follow. Digital diplomacy is a de facto response to the problem of the EU communication with the outside world and the growing number of Internet users.
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 2, Heft 4, S. 81-106
ISSN: 2719-7131
TTIP - the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership is an agreement that carries a number of risks for the economy, the natural environment, consumer rights, labour rights and access to public services in the European Union. The mechanisms included in the agreement, concerning the settlement of disputes between states and foreign investors, pose a number of threats to democracy as well. The benefits that are supposed to result from the implementation of the agreement will primarily be reaped by large corporations involved in the transatlantic trade. Mostly the citizens and societies of the EU member states will be under threat from the agreement. The principle of mutual recognition of regulations, which is expected to be practically universally used in accordance with the agreement, will mean in practice lowering safeguards protecting the rights of citizens, workers and consumers in the European Union. The liberalization of trade within the TTIP will be a factor forcing increased competition also in relation to the Polish small and medium-sized enterprises, and as a result, putting also pressure to reduce wages and other costs, including those related to the need of complying with the norms or standards. Thus, there are far more threats than benefits of the agreement.
In: Studia europejskie: Studies in European affairs, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 9-25
The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly
understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of
Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.
World Affairs Online
In: Studia z polityki publicznej: Public policy studies, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 125-140
ISSN: 2719-7131
When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.