Suchergebnisse

The article examines the new realities of Russia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring" and the potential for increased Russian influence in the Maghreb. One of the consequences of the recent political upheavals in North Africa is the growth of terrorist threat – this factor draws particular attention to this region. The Maghreb is important for the promotion of Russian interests in the Arab world and the African continent. Russia and North Africa are seeking strategic cooperation, and these countries have long-term friendship and mutual interests in the political and economic spheres. Further increase of the interaction will strengthen bilateral relations, will make it easier to survive during the political and economic crisis. The article analyzes the formation, the current state and prospects of Russian-Algerian, Moroccan-Russian and Russian-Tunisian relations. Algeria is one of the leading economic partners of Russia on the African continent. The main areas of bilateral cooperation are the energy and military spheres. The growth of the terrorist threat in the Sahara-Sahel region prompted Russia and Morocco to deepen security cooperation. In the context of EU economic sanctions against Russia a priority in Russian- Tunisian and Russian-Moroccan trade relations is to enhance cooperation in the field of agriculture. Russia is a traditional exporter of Moroccan oranges and Tunisian olive oil. Promising areas of cooperation of Russia and Tunisia are the development of water resources and hydraulic engineering, infrastructure projects in the field of construction of roads, bridges, industrial facilities. Expansion of ties with the North African countries will allow Russia to increase influence in the region.

The article presents a brief overview of India-U.S. relations during the period of Narendra Modi's government and Barack Obama's administration. The author analyzes the dynamics of cooperation development after the victory of Bharatiya Janata Party in the 2014 Parliamentary elections in India and studies the key directions of bilateral agenda. The current condition of India-U.S. strategic dialogue and the influence of human rights issues on the countries' cooperation are characterized.

Since 2014 the states' cooperation has been growing rapidly. The bilateral investment, trade and economic interdependence have significantly increased. Some experts and mass media note that Barack Obama and Narendra Modi are having friendly relations. From a different angle, a number of agreements between countries still remain unaccomplished. For instance, the U.S. support for India's permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council, its accession to APEC and the implementation of nuclear deal have yet to be turned into achievement.

Together with strengthening the bilateral strategic dialogue, the U.S. has intensified the criticism of India's human rights record. The main part of it includes the cases of religious intolerance, which are observed in the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom reports and the remarks given by U.S. lawmakers and official representatives, including the Ambassador to India. Washington's careful attention to the human rights issues and religious violence in particular is one of the major irritants in the U.S.-India relations.

The engagement of Indian Americans in the local U.S. politics and their lobbying efforts in the context of U.S.-India relations are revealed. The author outlines the near-terms perspectives of bilateral cooperation.

Введение. В данной статье общественная дипломатия Российской Федерации рассматривается в качестве одного из основных инструментов реализации идей и принципов современной российской «мягкой силы». В условиях сложной международной обстановки усиливается значимость реализации различных направлений деятельности общественной дипломатии. Многие из них находятся на этапе формирования, вместе с тем комплексная работа в данной области позволит укрепить позиции общественной дипломатии в качестве эффективного инструмента реализации российской «мягкой силы». Была предпринята попытка разграничить понятия «общественная дипломатия», «публичная дипломатия» и «мягкая сила». Выделены подходы российских исследователей к пониманию общественной дипломатии и направлений деятельности, выявлены наиболее реализуемые направления. Методы. Использование сравнительного метода позволило сопоставить основные особенности деятельности общественной дипломатии и реализации «мягкой силы» и установить, что средства реализации общественной дипломатии и «мягкой силы» являются в основной массе идентичными. Анализ. В результате анализа деятельности российской общественной дипломатии и ее соответствия основным принципам «мягкой силы», реализуемой современным российским правительством, выявлены отличные черты данных феноменов. Особо обращается внимание на то, что многие функции общественной дипломатии совпадают с основными задачами «мягкой силы», подчеркнута возможность дальнейшей институционализации общественной дипломатии, охарактеризованы особенности единой направленности в действиях «мягкой силы» и российской дипломатии. Результаты. В результате проведенного исследования было выявлено, что общественная дипломатия является прямым инструментом проявления «мягкой силы». В данной статье Е.Ф. Парубочей были выявлены ключевые различия в понятиях «общественная дипломатия» и «публичная дипломатия» и определена взаимосвязь российской общественной дипломатии и «мягкой силы». Н.В. Пискуновым были определены основные проявления современной российской «мягкой силы».

Modern political leverage from western countries to Russia allows researchers to use domestic historical experience of 1920-1940s. International isolation of Soviet Russia induced the search of different ways out, including making concessionary agreements with foreign entrepreneurs. Since 1921 concessionary agreements were made between Soviet Russia/USSR and Germany, England, USA, Japan, Norway, Poland, Austria, Italy, France, Persia, Denmark, Finland, Latvia, Holland, Sweden, Estonia, Lithuania, Turkey, China and Mongolia. Soviet economy began attracting private foreign capital.

At the end of the 1920s Soviet government set a course to liquidate private property. Share of concessionary enterprises in the national economy decreased. But despite the absence of any new concessionary agreements since 1929, concessionary affairs in USSR lasted till mid-1940 and only with Japan because of its deep political meaning.

The author analyzes Japan concessions' activity, such as "Kita Karafuto Koogio Kabusiki Kaisha" and "Kita Karafuto Sekio Kabusiki Kaisha" in 1930-1940s (pre- and World War II period), workers' socio-economic conditions, relations between Japanese concessioners and Soviet authorities. Permanent infringements of concessionary agreements by Japan concessioners including concessions workers' food and goods supply, price making, Soviet workers' housing provision and dismissal, meeting safety requirements were registered. However, neither Japan concessioners dissolve their enterprises nor Soviet authorities annulled concessionary agreements. The author concludes that originally in 1925 granting concessions to Japan businessmen in USSR was among the conditions of Japan government diplomatic recognition of USSR. Further Japan concessions in USSR were deterrent factor from Japan military invasion to the Russian Far East.

The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.

The article deals with the prerequisites and establishment of the first Russia-Mexico contacts, which took place after the Crimean War (1853-1856). It was revealed that Mexico's interest in the collaboration with Russia began to reveal in a higher degree after the Crimean War. The factors, which had led to the diplomatic rapprochement of the two states, include the Mexico's search for allies in the contradiction to increased aggression of European states and the USA in the Central American region, and the increase of Russian intellectuals' emigration, resettlement of religious groups of the Old Russian sectarians to the region. At the turn of 19th – 20th centuries many Russian travelers and writers, such as S.D. Protopopov and K.D. Balmont, visited Mexico for the purpose of studying the culture of ancients Indians, who lived in Central America during many centuries before the Spanish colonization. Besides of the impressions on ancient Indian culture, these travelers described the life of ordinary Mexican people of that time. They mentioned their poverty and hopelessness in the years of Porfirio Dias's dictatorship. Nevertheless, political and cultural contacts had begun to established in the late 19th century between the Russian Empire and Mexico, because after the Crimean War the Mexico's interest to Russians increased. In addition, Russia tried to strengthen its position in Central American region. In total, these factors had led to the strengthening of political, social and cultural contacts between Russia and Mexico.

Aus sowjetischer Sicht

At the turn of the century, the rogue state concept has become an integral part of the theory of international relations. However, even contemporary approaches lack the appropriate academic tools to reach a comprehensive understanding of the international community's role in determining the normative frameworks of the proper behavior of the states as the main actors of international system, leaving the relations between global community and the rogues almost an uncharted territory on the international stage. The article considers the category of rogue states as "excluded" members of the international community through the sociological lens of "stigma" (E. Goffman) and "labelling theory" (H. Becker and E. Lemert). Engaging an empirical case of Iraqi foreign policy during and after the Gulf War 1991, the author demonstrates two thresholds of the labelling state as the rogue: public initiation of the offender and self-fulfilling prophecy. It is possible to define some specific features of the outsider's behavior on the international stage: the high level of cooperation among the representatives of the same category, "unsustainable bravado" as the set of fluid and inconsistent actions of the rogue state in foreign policy, finally, the tendency toward obtaining the "secondary gains". Contrariwise, global community tends to pay greater attention to rogue states and exercise some discrimination practices on the ground of their outcast position in the world normative structure with the category of "wise" actors, for example China, being an exception from the common mainstream and maintaining close cooperation ties with rogues.

The author analyzes the evolution of foreign policy of new Russia, identifies trends and patterns of transition to various courses, prerequisites of the "eastern turn", and characterizes the specificity of this direction in the contemporary realia. The author proposes a number of clarifying concepts within the analysis of the foreign policies of Russia. The foreign policy of Russia for the last decades underwent a number of the changes connected with its orientation to various groups of the countries. However, in connection with the events which took place in 2014, the Russian foreign policy carried out the "eastern turn" that entailed certain consequences and prospects by estimates of experts. The relevance of the research consists in the opportunity to estimate realities of a foreign policy of Russia, to analyse the reasons of its acceptance, possible risks and reaction of the western partners who changed in their turn a course concerning Russia.

Scientific novelty of the present work consists in the systematization of the issue on the evolution of a foreign policy of Russia and the analysis of current trends taking into account the "eastern turn". Besides, scientific definition of "eastern turn of the Russian foreign policy" and its consequence in the conditions of development of modern Russia is worked out. The author considers the main actions and the directions which formed the basis of the updated foreign policy of Russia from 2009 to 2013. The author made the conclusions concerning the analysis of modern Russia's foreign policy and its turn to the east.

Der Autor analysiert Veränderungsansätze in der indonesischen Außenpolitik und erörtert die Tendenzen zur Entwicklung der Beziehungen zwischen Indonesien und folgenden Ländern: UdSSR, USA, Japan, China und Vietnam. Als sicheres Anzeichen für eine Verbesserung der sowjetisch-indonesischen Beziehungen gilt der offizielle Besuch des indonesischen Außenministers in der UdSSR im April 1984. Die militärpolitischen Ziele der USA in Süd-Ost-Asien und die Intensivierung ihrer Kontakte mit der VR China führen dagegen zu einer Konfliktsituation in den amerikanisch-indonesischen Beziehungen. (BIOst-Ldg)

Geographical and geopolitical proximity of the exclave Kaliningrad region and the Republic of Poland can be an essential basis for the formation of "Kaliningrad vector" of Warsaw's foreign policy (which might be a course separate from the general Poland's foreign policy towards Russian Federation). In this regard, the welltimed assessment of the features of the Poland's conceptual vision of neighborhood with exclave territory of Russia, as well as the nature and level of official Warsaw's interest in development of cooperation with the Kaliningrad region is extremely important. The evaluation of the impact of implementation of the Agreement between the Government of the Republic of Poland and the Government of the Russian Federation on the Rules of Local Border Traffic on significance of "Kaliningrad's focus" in the foreign policy strategy of the official Warsaw is also extremely important. In this context, it should be understood that thanks to this agreement, the Kaliningrad region has acquired an additional specificity in the context of Russian-Polish relations. This article is the attempt to determine the today's place and role of the Kaliningrad region in Poland's foreign policy strategy after joining the EU. The author reveals the period of updating theme of Poland's cooperation with the Kaliningrad region, as well as shows its nature and origins by analyzing the annual keynote addresses of the foreign ministers of Poland, which are concentrated on the basic provisions of the official foreign policy strategy of Warsaw.