Suchergebnisse

En lisant les commentaires de la critique littéraire contemporaine à propos des discours contreculturels des années 1970, il ressort parfois que l'héritage laissé par ce mouvement au Québec reste flou et ne fait pas l'unanimité. Qu'en est-il du vaste mouvement environnemental que l'on observe depuis environ deux décennies? Ne fait-il pas partie, lui aussi, de l'héritage contre-culturel? Dans cet article, je montrerai que l'on peut mieux comprendre l'héritage laissé par la contre-culture en recherchant du côté du discours environnementaliste au Québec. Pour comprendre comment les discours de la contre-culture ont contribué à façonner les discours environnementaux d'aujourd'hui, je propose de centrer mon analyse sur l'idée d'une société utopique à créer, pour montrer que l'héritage contre-culturel se retrouve en grande partie dans le discours environnemental québécois et plus précisément dans l'idée d'une « écosociété », à partir des premiers numéros de "Mainmise" et d'essais de l'époque. ; Different studies about the countercultural movement in Quebec in the 1970s have not yet reached a consensus about the legacy left by this movement on contemporary culture. However, they do not examine in any depth the environmental thought and politics that have emerged in Quebec over the last twenty years. In this article, I will show that the countercultural movement's legacy is to be found in large part in today's environmental discourse in Quebec. To illustrate this, I will analyse the notion of ecosociety and the utopian society as proposed and articulated by the authors of the Quebecois countercultural magazine Mainmise and other key environmental thinkers of this period. ; Los diferentes estudios sobre el movimiento contracultural en Quebec en los años 70 no han logrado aún ponerse de acuerdo sobre la herencia que dejó ese movimiento en la cultura contemporánea. Sin embargo, tampoco examinan en detalle el pensamiento y la política medioambiental que han surgido en Quebec en los últimos veinte años. En este artículo ...

This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties' reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-Right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties' politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition's internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-Based approach. ; Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d'un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en ...

This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties' reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-Right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties' politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition's internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-Based approach. ; Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d'un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en ...

This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties' reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-Right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties' politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition's internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-Based approach. ; Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d'un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en ...

This thesis studies how mainstream parties have reacted to a new cleavage dividing Environmentalism and Productivism in advanced industrial democracies. To do so, it associates cleavage theory and issue competition theories. The central hypothesis of this research is that mainstream parties should neutralize the new cleavage, by granting little attention to the diverse environmental issues that form the new cleavage, by framing those issues in relation to the historical cleavages on which they are funded, and by taking positions that imply no direct conflict with their opponents. The research design rests on comparison and mixed methods. The study concludes that big governing parties mostly fail to follow their ideal strategy. Their attention to the environmental theme has grown considerably over the last four decades, and they have had to deal with numerous new environmental issues that have no connection to the old cleavages. The only way these parties have been able to prevent the expansion of conflict is by taking consensual positions on those issues. Yet, many factors explain variations in parties' reactions: the environmental agenda in the media and in social movements, the severity of environmental degradation, the left-right position of parties and internal divisions. Other variables have limited effect: the macroeconomic situation, incumbency, and, more surprisingly, the threat posed by green party challengers do not seem to affect big governing parties' politicization of the environment. The fact that social and environmental factors matter more than explanations based on party competition's internal dynamics upholds a cleavage-based approach. ; Ce travail étudie la réaction des grands partis de gouvernement face au développement d'un clivage entre Écologie et Productivisme dans les démocraties occidentales. Pour ce faire, il croise la théorie des clivages et les théories de la compétition sur enjeux. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail voudrait que ces partis neutralisent le nouveau clivage, en ...

Abstract Different studies about the countercultural movement in Quebec in the 1970s have not yet reached a consensus about the legacy left by this movement on contemporary culture. However, they do not examine in any depth the environmental thought and politics that have emerged in Quebec over the last twenty years. In this article, I will show that the countercultural movement's legacy is to be found in large part in today's environmental discourse in Quebec. To illustrate this, I will analyse the notion of ecosociety and the utopian society as proposed and articulated by the authors of the Quebecois countercultural magazine Mainmise and other key environmental thinkers of this period. ; Resumen Los diferentes estudios sobre el movimiento contracultural en Quebec en los años 70 no han logrado aún ponerse de acuerdo sobre la herencia que dejó ese movimiento en la cultura contemporánea. Sin embargo, tampoco examinan en detalle el pensamiento y la política medioambiental que han surgido en Quebec en los últimos veinte años. En este artículo mostraré que el legado del movimiento contracultural se encuentra en gran medida en el discurso medioambiental del Quebec actual. Para ilustrar esto analizaré la noción de ecosociedad y la sociedad utópica tal y como la proponen y articulan los autores de la revista quebequesa Mainmise y otros pensadores medioambientalistas clave de este periodo. ; Résumé En lisant les commentaires de la critique littéraire contemporaine à propos des discours contre-culturels des années 1970, il ressort parfois que l'héritage laissé par ce mouvement au Québec est assez mince. On pourrait conclure que la contre-culture n'a finalement pas laissé de grandes traces dans les discours d'aujourd'hui et qu'elle n'a pas modifié en profondeur ni en surface les discours politiques de la société québécoise. Mais qu'en est-il du vaste mouvement environnemental que l'on observe depuis environ deux décennies? Ne fait-il pas partie, lui aussi, de l'héritage contre-culturel? Dans cet article, j'aimerais ...

The article proposes to consider a coalition's government not in terms of relations between elected representatives, but looking at administrative inputs. The reflection concentrates on the agents of the Bureau of City Planning in Paris, working on a new urban plan under the coalition regime between 2001 and 2008. Their work tends to dissociate effective regulatory tools and discussed topics. Therefore, it strengthens the coalition's stability, because conflicts and compromises can unfold more easily since they have few substantial implications on the document. Adapted from the source document.

Over the past few months, oil prices have shot up to levels that have both the media & people across the West worried. Under the combined effect of the Yukos affair in Russia, political problems in Venezuela & Nigeria, the uncertain situation in Iran & Iraq &, most recently, Hurricane Katrina, which damaged oil rigs in the Gulf of Mexico, prices have risen from $45 a barrel a year ago to nearly $70. Some experts predict that the price will eventually reach $100 a barrel or more. Should we really be panicking? Instead, we should take a look at the good side of things. The price spike we are currently experiencing should force oil-consuming countries to more quickly move to renewable energy resources that are less polluting than oil. This transition will free the world from dependence on a few oil producers with often authoritarian regimes. Oil won't always be there. In any case, we need to anticipate the end of oil supplies. The current high prices will only further encourage governments to act -- & so much the better! Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the American culture war surrounding environmental issues. First, the opposition between climate change deniers and "believers", within both the political class and civil society, will be highlighted, by focusing on the climate change controversy. Then, the author will examine the oppositions and tensions inside the environmental movement itself. From the outside, the latter is often seen as a unified, homogeneous movement, whose goal is to protect the environment. Y et, a line can be drawn within the green movement between environmentalism and ecologism. The former advocates a managerial approach to environmental problems, while the latter is a political ideology. The anthropocentric view of environmentalism is opposed to the ecocentric one of ecologism. Theefore, the American mode! is put into question: to some, it can fix the environmental crisis, while to others, it is the root of the crisis.

International audience ; This article seeks to examine the American culture war surrounding environmental issues. First, the opposition between climate change deniers and "believers", within both the political class and civil society, will be highlighted, by focusing on the climate change controversy. Then, the author will examine the oppositions and tensions inside the environmental movement itself. From the outside, the latter is often seen as a unified, homogeneous movement, whose goal is to protect the environment. Y et, a line can be drawn within the green movement between environmentalism and ecologism. The former advocates a managerial approach to environmental problems, while the latter is a political ideology. The anthropocentric view of environmentalism is opposed to the ecocentric one of ecologism. Theefore, the American mode! is put into question: to some, it can fix the environmental crisis, while to others, it is the root of the crisis.