Suchergebnisse

Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób Komisja Europejska nadzorowała implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE w latach 2002–2015. W badaniujako perspektywę teoretyczną przyjęto teorię europeizacji. Analizy przeprowadzono w oparciu o dane ilościowe. Badanie wykazało, że Komisja nadzorując implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE wychodziła z roli egzekutora nakładającego sankcje i chętnie toczyła dialog z państwami członkowskimi. Badanie ujawniło ponadto preferencje Komisji,tzn. większe zainteresowanie dwoma dyrektywami (2000/43/WE i 2000/78/WE) oraz mniejszą skłonność do patrzenia na naruszenia zasady równości i niedyskryminacji z perspektywy ekonomicznej, a bardziej ujmowanie ich w kategorii pogwałcenia praw jednostki. Przeprowadzone badanie pokazało ponadto, że w nadzorowaniu implementacji równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego ustawodawstwa UE można odnaleźć elementy governance, do których zaliczyć należy współpracę z partnerami zewnętrznymi (sieci ekspertów) posiadającymi zasoby (informację), których brakuje Komisji, a które są niezbędne do prowadzenia kontroli. ; The main research problem of the article consists in a question on the method of supervising implementation of equality and anti-discrimination law by the European Commission in the years 2002–2015. The study showed that the Commission, overseeing implementation of the equality and anti-discrimination law of the EU, used to come out of the role of "the guardian of the treaties" and was discussing problems of infringements in dialogue with Member States. The survey also revealed preferences of the Commission, i.e. greater interest in the two directives (2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC), and less likely to look at the infringement of the principle of equality and non-discrimination from an economic perspective but more in terms of violation of individual rights. Moreover the study revealed that elements of governance could be found in Commission's activity, namely cooperation with external partners (network of experts) who had resources (information) that the Commission needed for the inspection. Analysis was based onthe quantitative data. The theory of Europeanization has been applied to the analysis.

Celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób Komisja Europejska nadzorowała implemetację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE w latach 2002–2015. W badaniu jako perspektywę teoretyczną przyjęto teorię europeizacji. Analizy przeprowadzono w oparciu o dane ilościowe. Badanie wykazało, że Komisja nadzorując implementację równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego prawa UE wychodziła z roli egzekutora nakładającego sankcje i chętnie toczyła dialog z państwami członkowskimi. Badanie ujawniło ponadto preferencje Komisji, tzn. większe zainteresowanie dwoma dyrektywami (2000/43/WE i 2000/78/WE) oraz mniejszą skłonność do patrzenia na naruszenia zasady równości i niedyskryminacji z perspektywy ekonomicznej, a bardziej ujmowanie ich w kategorii pogwałcenia praw jednostki. Przeprowadzone badanie pokazało ponadto, że w nadzorowaniu implementacji równościowego i antydyskryminacyjnego ustawodawstwa UE można odnaleźć elementy governance, do których zaliczyć należy współpracę z partnerami zewnętrznymi (sieci ekspertów) posiadającymi zasoby (informację), których brakuje Komisji, a które są niezbędne do prowadzenia kontroli. ; The main research problem of the article consists in a question on the method of supervising implementation of equality and anti-discrimination law by the European Commission in the years 2002–2015. The study showed that the Commission, overseeing implementation of the equality and anti-discrimination law of the EU, used to come out of the role of "the guardian of the treaties" and was discussing problems of infringements in dialogue with Member States. The survey also revealed preferences of the Commission, i.e. greater interest in the two directives (2000/43/EC and 2000/78/EC), and less likely to look at the infringement of the principle of equality and non-discrimination from an economic perspective but more in terms of violation of individual rights. Moreover the study revealed that elements of governance could be found in Commission's activity, namely cooperation with external partners (network of experts) who had resources (information) that the Commission needed for the inspection. Analysis was based on the quantitative data. The theory of Europeanization has been applied to the analysis.

The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased. ; The publication deals with the description of attitudes towards the democratic principles of equality and freedom among students. The survey was conducted four times in five-year time intervals (2003, 2008, 2013, 2018). Samples had 325, 379, 368, and 371 respondents respectively. The author speculated that the advancement of the transformation is accompanied by growth of the acceptance of pro-democratic attitudes among students, namely the wider acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom. The attitudes were diagnosed using nine pairs of statements (these include both original statements and statements adopted from literature). The hypothesis was not confirmed. The acceptance of the principles of equality and freedom has not increased in consecutive surveys and for many statements the acceptance has decreased.

Prescriptively included in the amendment to the codex of administrative process, the equality of parties rule embodies the widespread use of this directive based on constitutional rules and the courts' judicature. The equality of parties rule is a necessary element for the development of citizens' trust towards the public administrative bodies. The directive showcases the shift from vertical to quasi‑horizontal perspective of understanding the administrative relationship, that is towards more partnership. The amendment aims to introduce european standards to the polish legal order. The equality of parties rule facilitates the above by requiring the public authority to consider the opinion of the other side while settling cases and eliminating any signs of discrimination or unfair treatment of either side from the relationship. Per theoretical analysis of the directive to be introduced, a comparative treatment seems compulsory. Analysing the administrative procedure through the prism of civil and criminal proceedings allows the crystallisation of constitutional traits of the equality of parties rule. Moreover, it reveals the details distinguishing the administrative procedure on a comparative background.

Council of Europe has a long history of combating discrimination, although this subject has been dealt with in different institutional setting. The principles of equality and non-discrimination feature prominently and repeatedly in the Council of Europe documents. Promoting human rights and non-discrimination have been focal issues for the Council of Europe ever since its founding, paving the way for numerous policy measures, campaigns, conferences, trainings and debates. This paper presents current trends in Council of Europe's non-discrimination policy, as well as the historic review of the process of its development. It focuses, both on the presentation of instruments and practical effects. The Council of Europe has played a key role in the development of a common anti-discrimination agenda. European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the Protocol no. 12, as well as the other instruments dealt with in this presentation, were a major step in the fight against discrimination in Europe. At the level of general orientation of the Council of Europe policy against discrimination the legislation prohibiting discrimination brings forth effective results. Nevertheless, combating discrimination and un-equality requires more than prohibition. Therefore, the Council of Europe must not see progress to date as the endgame, but rather a first step towards a society in which everyone can participate equally.

Istnienie państwa dobrobytu może być uzasadniane za pomocą argumentacji zarówno ekonomicznej, politycznej, jak i filozoficznej. W artykule scharakteryzowano sprawiedliwość dystrybutywną z perspektywy liberalnego egalitaryzmu, co stanowi jednocześnie analizę filozoficznej argumentacji na rzecz państwa dobrobytu. Odwołano się przy tym do dwóch najbardziej wpływowych koncepcji: teorii sprawiedliwości jako bezstronności autorstwa Rawlsa oraz idei równości zasobów zaproponowanej przez Dworkina. Celem artykułu była ocena modeli państwa dobrobytu w świetle wymagań stawianych w obu koncepcjach sprawiedliwie urządzonemu społeczeństwu. Autor dowodzi, że mając na względzie realne możliwości jednostek do formułowania, rozumnego realizowania oraz korekty swych własnych planów życiowych, jedynie socjaldemokratyczny (nordycki) model państwa dobrobytu można uznać za akceptowalny z perspektywy egalitarystycznej. ; The existence of the welfare state can be justified by economic and political arguments as well as philosophical ones. The paper analyses the liberal-egalitarian view on distributive justice and hence on the philosophical justification of the welfare state, based on two most influential egalitarian concepts: Rawls's theory of justice as fairness and Dworkin's equality of resources theory. The aim of this article was to evaluate the welfare state regimes in the light of requirements of both theories that just society must satisfy. It is argued that with respect to the individual capacity to formulate, rationally pursue, and revise one's life plans, the social-democratic (Nordic model) may be deemed as the only regime capable of being accepted from the egalitarian perspective.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: Analysis of the theoretical aspects of the principle of positive discrimination, constitutional conditions of its application in relation to national minorities in Poland.THE RESEARCH PROBLEMS AND METHODS: Many sciences are interested in the issue. The principle fits into the conception of democracy described as values, procedures, and in the substantial sense. In Poland positive discrimination is a principle established in the Constitution. There are many areas where national minorities are at a disadvantage, which requires preferential measures. The analysis uses linguistic, teleological, systemic and legal-systemic analysis methodsTHE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After terminological considerations on the nature and substance of the principle, the analysis of its specificity as a tool for balancing disadvantages of minority groups, and its place in the implementation of democratic principles, the author examines the legal conditions for the implementation of this principle. The subject of interest is the provisions of the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland, of the National and Ethnic Minorities and Regional Language Act, and also those included in the Electoral Code, designed to facilitate participation of members of national minorities in political rivalry.RESEARCH RESULTS: In Poland for 20 years positive discrimination exists as a principle articulated in the Basic Law. Although the percentage of minorities in Poland is hardly perceptible, the situation of members of these groups requires some support. It is particularly important to compensate for disparities in political participation. Implementing of the rule does not seem to be a problem.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Although in the Constitution the principle of positive discrimination has existed for 20 years, national minorities can enjoy preferential treatment for about a decade. This is an extremely necessary tool for the consolidation of democracy. In Poland, it still functions only in its institutional form, subject to legal regulations. This is related to the level of development of democracy and the building of civil society. Awareness-raising actions are needed, so as to slowly introduce activities that are encouraging not only the minorities themselves to work to improve their position, but also to direct the organizations to ethical standards in the field. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Zbadanie teoretycznych aspektów zasady pozytywnej dyskryminacji, ustrojowych uwarunkowań jej zastosowania w odniesieniu do mniejszości narodowych w Polsce.PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Zagadnienie interesuje przedstawicieli wielu nauk, wpasowuje się w koncepcję demokracji ujmowanej jako wartości, procedury i w sensie substancjalnym. W Polsce pozytywna dyskryminacja ma rangę zasady ustrojowej. Mniejszości narodowe znajdują się w niekorzystnej sytuacji wymagającej zastosowania preferencyjnych środków. W analizie zastosowano metodę analizy językowej, celowościowej, systemowej oraz prawno- ustrojowejPROCES WYWODU: Po ustaleniach terminologicznych, dotyczących charakteru i istoty pozytywnej dyskryminacji, jako narzędzia wyrównywania niekorzystnych sytuacji grup mniejszościowych oraz jej miejsca w realizacji zasad demokracji, autorka bada uwarunkowania prawne realizacji zasady. Przedmiotem zainteresowania są zapisy Konstytucji RP z 1997 r., Ustawy o mniejszościach narodowych i etnicznych oraz języku regionalnym i zawarte w Kodeksie wyborczym ułatwiające członkom mniejszości narodowych udział w rywalizacji politycznej.WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: W Polsce od 20 lat pozytywna dyskryminacja funkcjonuje jako zasada wyartykułowana w Ustawie zasadniczej. Odsetek mniejszości narodowych w Polsce jest nikły, lecz sytuacja członków tych grup wymaga wsparcia. Szczególnie istotna jest dla wyrównania dysproporcji w udziale w rywalizacji politycznej. Realizacja zasady nie wydaje się nastręczać trudności.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: W Konstytucji zasada pozytywnej dyskryminacji istnieje od 20 lat, ale w praktyce mniejszości narodowe korzystają z preferencyjnego traktowania od nieco ponad dekady. Jest to narzędzie umacniania demokracji. W Polsce funkcjonuje w instytucjonalnej postaci, obwarowana regulacjami prawnymi. Ma to związek z poziomem rozwoju demokracji i budowy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Potrzebne są akcje uświadamiające, by wprowadzać działania o charakterze zachęcającym nie tylko same mniejszości do działań w celu polepszenia swojego położenia, ale i ukierunkowywać organizacje na etyczne standardy w tej dziedzinie.

The paper presents results of a pilot study conducted in the second half of 2015 as part of the project Gender, Innovation and Sustainable Development in the Baltic Sea Region in the following five countries: Estonia, Poland, Sweden, Lithuania and Latvia. The countries differ in terms of the scale of female entrepreneurship and the level of innovativeness of their economies, but also in respect of state policy for gender equality. With an index at the level of 74 points, Sweden tops the ranking of the Gender Equality Index, while the other countries that fall within the scope of this research have a significantly lower index: Estonia – 54, Latvia – 47, Poland – 44, Lithuania – 40 [EIGE 2013]. Sweden is also a leader in the Innovation Union Scoreboard 2014 ranking (outdoing Denmark and Finland); Estonia, Lithuania and Poland, on the other hand, have been classified to a group of moderate innovators, while Latvia – to a group of modest innovators . EU experts hold an opinion that the success of Sweden (and other Scandinavian countries) in the area of innovativeness comes not only from high R&D expenditures, but also from socio-cultural factors, such as equal opportunities and focus on cooperation (socalled multilevel governance). (fragment of the text) ; Wartykule przedstawiamy wyniki badania wstępnego przeprowadzonego wdrugiej połowie 2015r., wramach projektu Gender, Innovation and Sustainable Development in the Baltic Sea Region, wpięciu krajach: Estonii, Polsce iSzwecji oraz na Litwie iŁotwie. Kraje te różnią się pod względem skali zjawiska przedsiębiorczości kobiet ipoziomu innowacyjności gospodarki, ale także wzakresie polityki państwa na rzecz równouprawnienia. Szwecja zajmuje pierwsze miejsce wrankingu Gender Equality Index ze wskaźnikiem na poziomie 74 punktów, podczas gdy pozostałe kraje objęte badaniem mają ten wskaźnik dużo niższy: Estonia – 54, Łotwa – 47, Polska – 44, Litwa – 40 [EIGE 2013]. Szwecja jest też liderem wrankingu Innovation Union Scoreboard 2014 (przed Danią iFinlandią), podczas gdy ...

On the threshold of the 21st century when another 12 states joined the European Union a matter of multilingualism has been recently considered as a crucial factor with regard to European integration process. Having diverse society the UE has started to promote a phrase Unity in Diversity which in turn provides patronage for a number of cultural and education campaigns. Their aim is to prepare the European citizens for cultural integration and to help them to create a sense of European identity. The main assumption of the already taken actions is taking multilingualism as the pillar of the Union and presenting it as an example of equality regardless to citizens' nationality. The herby article reveals however, that the idea of unity in diversity – at least from the linguistic point of view – is practically impossible to accomplish especially in the face of such a strong position of English in the international arena as it has nowadays. What's more, inside Union in its administration structures the idea of equality is not observed. Due to purely practical and organisational reasons just one language is used – English. Also English is the foreign language that is taught most often in schools throughout the Europe. A question arises whether the idea of a multilingual Union is not a myth? ; On the threshold of the 21st century when another 12 states joined the European Union a matter of multilingualism has been recently considered as a crucial factor with regard to European integration process. Having diverse society the UE has started to promote a phrase Unity in Diversity which in turn provides patronage for a number of cultural and education campaigns. Their aim is to prepare the European citizens for cultural integration and to help them to create a sense of European identity. The main assumption of the already taken actions is taking multilingualism as the pillar of the Union and presenting it as an example of equality regardless to citizens' nationality. The herby article reveals however, that the idea of unity in diversity – at least from the linguistic point of view – is practically impossible to accomplish especially in the face of such a strong position of English in the international arena as it has nowadays. What's more, inside Union in its administration structures the idea of equality is not observed. Due to purely practical and organisational reasons just one language is used – English. Also English is the foreign language that is taught most often in schools throughout the Europe. A question arises whether the idea of a multilingual Union is not a myth?

Disability and reproductive justice. Mapping disabled women's experiences

The aim of this paper is to map experiences of disabled women regarding parenthood and childfreeness/childlessness as well as support in upbringing their own children. The concept of reproductive justice is employed, as it proposes a critical approach to understanding how societies construct who can and should be a parent. Approaching the question of individual choice in a broad social context, I analyse factors that shape experiences of disabled women in Poland (e.g. restrictions on parenting of disabled persons or lack of marriage equality).
Keywords: reproductive justice, disabled women, motherhood, reproductive choice

The aim of this article is to try to reconstruct the potential changes to the electoral system to the Sejm and the Senate resulting from the announcements of the politicians of the Law and Justice party, as well as to indicate the impact of such changes on the election results based on the data from the 2019 elections. These studies indicate that such changes would lead to a significant strengthening of the party with the largest number of votes, in fact leading to the marginalization of the smallest parliamentary parties. As a result, there would be a far-reaching disproportionality of the choices and a violation of the material aspect of the principle of equality. In addition, an artificial majority would be created that could, under certain circumstances, constitute a constitutional majority despite relatively low public support.