Suchergebnisse

The question is examined of what personal income distribution will be brought about by the institutions of a political democracy, assuming these institutions have the power to determine this. It has been assumed that an egalitarian income distribution would result. The ideas of Hans van den Doel (Democracy and Welfare Economics, Cambridge, 1979) offer an alternative model. The majority of individuals would not seek radical leveling down of incomes for several reasons: concern for economic growth & employment, & the hope of the poor to become rich. Also, if a majority sought radical leveling down, & the measures were not rigorously enforced, a Prisoner's Dilemma would result for each individual; but if they were rigorously enforced, a situation of collective intransitivity would emerge, making the decision subject to cycling. Resolution of this problem would likely leave median income voters in a strong position that they could use to benefit themselves at the expense of the poor. These findings are consistent with the finding of R. W. Jackman (Politics and Social Equality: A Comparative Analysis, New York, 1975) that political equality does not play an important role in increasing equality of material rewards. 4 Tables, 5 Figures. Modified HA.

Two ambiguities in the theory of just institutions are explored. If the "fair value of political liberty" is given the weight Rawls claims it should be given, an egalitarian interpretation of justice as fairness emerges. In that case, the lexical ordering of the two principles of justice is impaired, & restrictions in the total system of liberties may be needed to maintain the fair value of political liberty. The difference principle is shown to have two interpretations: the familiar maximin rule & a principle of "compensating inequalities," which are derived from Rawl's contribution curve analysis. This is the principle Rawls uses in his theory of just institutions. However, it is the maximin rule that Rawls seeks to derive from the original position. This derivation is deficient, owing to Rawls's unconvincing argument for an "as-if" risk aversion of rational contractors. Given different "as-if" risk preferences, one can arrive at a utilitarian contract, within the framework of Rawls's original position. The relation between justice as fairness & Rawls's account of civil disobedience is analyzed. Rawls uses the lexical priority rules to decide when civil disobedience is justified, & excludes infractions of the difference principle. This exclusion, while possibly convincing in a strictly egalitarian interpretation of justice as fairness, cannot successfully be defended. Modified HA.

The term 'vulnerability' is often used in law and policy to refer to disadvantaged, marginalized or excluded human beings. This book explores how a vulnerability focus in basic assistance policies can contribute to substantive equality and therefore to the realization of universal human rights in the migration context. It concentrates on the potential that such a vulnerability focus can have to mitigate stigmatization and stereotyping and to facilitate socio-economic participation

Results of a survey of political candidates in the Nov 1991 elections in Flanders, Belgium, are used to investigate the role of gender differences in degree of political representation. It is noted that male (M) candidates have advantages in educational attainment, professional status, & domestic life. Ms are more likely to hold university degrees & positions of authority in the political party or corporate business. Females (Fs) are more often than Ms responsible for child care & domestic work. F political underrepresentation is a structural problem, despite gains in equality of the sexes over the last fifty years. A structural intervention by the government in guaranteeing gender-based equal opportunity is suggested. 9 Tables. Adapted from the source document.

In order to study the problem of income inequality it is necessary to define the situation of income equality & to define the concept of deviation from that situation. It is possible to define equality as a situation in which the relationships between incomes correspond to the rule x1 : x2....: xn = 1:1...: 1 (xi being the income of person i), & as a situation in which this relationship satisfies the rule xi -- xj = 0 for all pairs i, j out of the pop. The choice of the definition leads to diff standards of income inequality; in the 1st case, income inequality is measured relatively, in the 2nd it is measured absolutely. The choice of definition must be based on whether people perceive income diff's relatively or absolutely: the position is taken here that people perceive income diff's in relative terms. Inequality is measured as 0 = s/ X, s being the standard deviation. Analogous to the analysis of variance this standard allows for unraveling the total inequality into a part that can be explained by inequality between (soc & econ) groups, & a part that can be explained by inequality that exists within groups. Such an unraveling is an essential condition for gov'al & union policies aimed at levelling the existing income inequality. An examination of the extent to which incomes are unequally distributed in the Netherlands & an evaluation of gov'al & union policies viewed in light of the desirability of decreasing the income inequality are also undertaken. Appendix 1 contains formulas by which income inequality can be studied horizontally & vertically. In Appendix 2 a hyp states the relationship between the amount of power & the willingness to use that power a group possesses on the one hand & the share the group will get in the nat'l income on the other hand. Modified HA.

In contrast to US voters, whose behavior is explained in terms of party identification, controversial issues, & degree of trust in public officials, the behavior of Dutch voters is best analyzed in terms of their position on a Left-Right ideological continuum. Analysis of election data from 1970 studied in C. P. Middendorp's Progressiveness and Conservatism: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and Their Relationship to Social Class (The Hague/New York: Mouton, 1978), as well as data from 1975, 1980, & 1985, reveals a difference between the actual position on this continuum & voter self-identification, dependent on internally defined philosophical variables. The Left-Right continuum can be expressed along two axes: (1) socioeconomic equality/inequality, & (2) libertarianism/authoritarianism. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 43 References. M. Meeks

A thorough overview of the foreign policy conducted by the government of Flanders which was granted the status of autonomous region in the 1993 reform of the Belgian state. Discussed are: (1) the principles of equality in domestic & foreign policy promulgation & the parity of federal & regional governments encoded in the 1993 law, (2) the strategic objectives of the Flemish foreign policy, (3) the continuity/discontinuity in the Flemish foreign policy of the 1990s, (4) the basic components of the Flemish foreign policy, & (6) the description & evaluation of bilateral & multilateral policies carried out by the Flemish government since 1993. The nine criteria applied in deciding toward which countries & regions of the world should the Flemish foreign policy be oriented are listed, & representation offices abroad & bilateral agreements & contracts are tabulated to demonstrate the effectiveness of the Flemish government on the international arena. Multilateral policies pursued within international organizations are discussed & evaluated for their relevance & impact on the region of Flanders, the Belgian federation, & the organizations within which such policies are carried out. An assessment of the Flemish government's accomplishments in its foreign policies identifies both pioneering initiatives & missed opportunities. Foreign policy challenges in the near future for both the regional & federal governments are identified. 42 References. Z. Dubiel

Problems concerning the subsidization of pol'al parties are discussed. 1st the situation in countries other than the Netherlands is considered. Public funds are used for direct support of pol'al parties in Argentina, Germany, Israel, Turkey & Sweden. Indirect support (tax facilities, air time, etc) is given in many more countries. Arguments against subsidization are: (1) it makes parties dependent on the gov; (2) it freezes the pol'al pattern; & (3) it is contrary to the private character of pol'al parties. The form of subsidization is seen to be an important consideration: a form must be sought which guarantees equality of opportunity between the parties. There are no principle objections to subsidization, however, direct support is rejected for the present because it is difficult to find a system of allocation which is perfect & equitable from all points of view, & because subsidization would serve to increase the psychol'al distance between the parties & the electorate. If subvention is desired, the best system is seen to be one in which allocation depends on the amount contributed by the party members & the number of seats in parliament. This amount would be limited, & the subsidization regulated by law. The parties would be obliged to publish their income & expenditures. Modified HA.