Suchergebnisse

This article considers the essence and features of the phenomenon of small business in the region based on the results of the author's research, highlights the problems of its functioning, the measures of state support, gives the opinions of the respondents and the expert community on topical issues of improving entrepreneurial practices. In a market economy small business is a support for the development of the middle class, helps reduce differentiation in the welfare of different groups of people, it is a catalyst for scientific progress, innovation, social goods and services, as well as job creation, provides opportunities for self-realization of people with special entrepreneurship. In developed countries, the share of small enterprises exceeds more than half of the number of enterprises in the country on the whole, and the share of employed citizens in the small business sector often amounts to 60-70% or more. In the Russian economy, unfortunately, small business does not play such a prominent role, there is a low level of its innovation. This is facilitated by a number of factors, and above all, the lack of effective mechanisms for interaction between the state and business. Entrepreneurs rate the following barriers among the main ones that bar thedevelopment of small business: bureaucratic obstacles, lack of equality in the distribution of government orders, high rental rates, high taxes, a large number of scheduled and unscheduled inspections. Still relevant is the task of state support of small business, which requires a targeted applied sociological research that identifies the state and problems of small business in the monitoring mode. ; Este artículo considera la esencia y las características del fenómeno de las pequeñas empresas en la región basándose en los resultados de la investigación del autor, destaca los problemas de su funcionamiento, las medidas de apoyo estatal, ofrece las opiniones de los encuestados y la comunidad de expertos sobre temas de actualidad. Problemas de mejora de las prácticas empresariales. En una economía de mercado, la pequeña empresa es un apoyo para el desarrollo de la clase media, ayuda a reducir la diferenciación en el bienestar de los diferentes grupos de personas, es un catalizador para el progreso científico, la innovación, los bienes y servicios sociales, así como la creación de empleo. Brinda oportunidades para la autorrealización de personas con emprendimiento especial. En los países desarrollados, la proporción de pequeñas empresas supera a más de la mitad del número de empresas en el país en general, y la proporción de ciudadanos empleados en el sector de pequeñas empresas a menudo asciende a 60-70% o más. En la economía rusa, desafortunadamente, las pequeñas empresas no juegan un papel tan importante, hay un bajo nivel de innovación. Esto se ve facilitado por una seriede factores, y sobre todo, la falta de mecanismos efectivos para la interacción entre el estado y las empresas. Los empresarios clasifican las siguientes barreras entre las principales que impiden el desarrollo de pequeñas empresas: obstáculos burocráticos, falta de igualdad en la distribución de los pedidos del gobierno, altas tasas de alquiler, altos impuestos, un gran número de inspecciones programadas y no programadas. Aún es relevante la tarea del apoyo estatal a las pequeñas empresas, que requiere una investigación sociológica aplicada que identifique el estado y los problemas de las pequeñas empresas en el modo de monitoreo. ; Este artigo considera a essência e as características do fenômeno das pequenas empresas na região com base nos resultados da pesquisa do autor, destaca os problemas de seu funcionamento, as medidas de apoio estatal, dá as opiniões dos entrevistados e da comunidade de especialistas sobre tópicos questões de melhoria das práticas empresariais. Numa economia de mercado, a pequena empresa é um suporte para o desenvolvimento da classe média, ajuda a reduzir a diferenciação no bem-estar de diferentes grupos de pessoas, é um catalisador do progresso científico, inovação, bens e serviços sociais, bem como criação de emprego. oferece oportunidades para a auto-realização de pessoas com empreendedorismo especial. Nos países desenvolvidos, a participação das pequenas empresas excede em mais de metade do número de empresas no país e a percentagem de cidadãos empregados no setor das pequenas empresas é frequentemente de 60 a 70% ou mais. Na economia russa, infelizmente, as pequenas empresas não desempenham um papel tão proeminente, há um baixo nível de inovação. Isso é facilitado por vários fatores e, acima de tudo, pela falta de mecanismos efetivos de interação entre o estado e os negócios. Os empreendedores classificam as seguintes barreiras entre as principais que impedem o desenvolvimento de pequenas empresas: obstáculos burocráticos, falta de igualdade na distribuição de ordens do governo, altas taxas de aluguel, altos impostos, um grande número de inspeções programadas e não programadas. Ainda é relevante a tarefa do apoio estatal às pequenas empresas, que requer uma pesquisa sociológica aplicada direcionada que identifique o estado e os problemas das pequenas empresas no modo de monitoramento.

Problem setting. The urgency of the analysis of the current experience of sociological assessments of the level of trust in social institutions, in particular, the court, is due to the fact that for European countries the paradox of mass consciousness becomes more and more characteristic: confidence in the court decreases even in conditions of increase of efficiency, accessibility, justice of justice, that are recorded according to the results of ju- dicial reform. Requirements and expectations are growing (especially in more educated or socially adapted categories of the population), and, accordingly, there is a probability of inconsistency of pace of reforms and the presence of positive dynamics of trust in court. Recent research and publications analysis. The assessment of trust in the courts as a factor of trust in public authority is at the center of attention of domestic and foreign scholars. These problems were addressed by B. Barber, M. Buromensky, M. King,I. Lavrinenko, V. Lebedev, N. Luhmann, C. Morgner, O. Serdyuk, T. Habriyeva et al. How- ever, each state is looking for its criteria for monitoring the activities of courts.Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to formulate the main principles of na- tional monitoring of the level of trust in the court and the judicial system on the basis of analysis, firstly, of the most famous international sociological methodologies and, sec- ondly, the peculiarities of the current Ukrainian situation in this area.Paper main body. Trust is a generalized indicator of the norms, attitudes and values that underlie social cooperation, and in public life, trust fosters community unity and com- munity building, and in the economic sphere, it accelerates cooperation and interper- sonal exchanges. As a socio-psychological category of trust, it is a characteristic of anopen, positive relationship between the parties and reflects the confidence in the honesty and benevolence of the other party with which the trust is in one way or another based on his experience. From this point of view, trust has certain limits based on knowing about the other party that is trusted. Full trust is often identified with faith, because the mechanism of such trust is no longer based on rational principles, that is, on experience and on pre- diction and prior knowledge of one side of the second and includes irrational motives of the relationship. In social sciences, the level of trust one party can trust in another is measured in the belief in the honesty, charity and competence of the other party. Based on recent research, distrust can be forgiven much easier when interpreted as lack of compe- tence than inadequate benevolence or honesty. The assessment of trust in the court is recognized as a measure of the rule of law (rule of law). This approach is used in a variety of international and national practical tools for assessing democratic regimes.Conclusions of the research. Institutional trust can be considered as a kind of indica- tor that determines social well-being of the population, in addition, it is an important condition of social communication, through which the consent, understanding and dialogue of the parties is achieved, and it becomes possible to seek new opportunities for further development. The increase of trust in the judicial system of Ukraine is one of the tasks of the judiciary and is outlined in strategic documents of the development of the judiciary of Ukraine in recent years. The level of trust (distrust) of citizens to justice is affected by a number of factors, the most important among which should be called: the quality of leg- islation, on the basis of which decisions are adopted and substantiated; the quality of the judiciary; the degree of accessibility and openness of justice; coverage of court work in the media; the degree of execution of court decisions. From trust in the court it is necessary to distinguish between the perception of justice by citizens, the level of which is influenced by the ability of citizens to protect their rights in court, the application of the law by the court in an appropriate and effective manner, equality and non-discrimination before the law, the legality of the adopted judgments, the effective struggle of the state with corrup- tion, etc. ; Оценка доверия к суду признана в качестве измерения верховенства права (правовластия). Такой подход применяется в различных международных и нацио- нальных практических инструментах оценки демократических режимов. В даннойстатье формулируются главные основания национального мониторинга уровня доверия к суду и судебной системе на основе анализа, во-первых, наиболее известных международных социологических методологий и, во-вторых, особенностей украин- ской ситуации в этой сфере. ; Оцінка довіри до суду визнана у якості виміру верховенства права (правовладдя). Такий підхід застосовується у різноманітних міжнародних та національних прак- тичних інструментах оцінки демократичних режимів. У даній статті формулю- ються головні засади національного моніторингу рівня довіри до суду та судової системи на основі аналізу,по-перше, найбільш відомих міжнародних соціологічних методологій та, по-друге, особливостей сучасної української ситуації в цій сфері.

La prostitución es un fenómeno antiguo que sigue presente en nuestras sociedades actuales. Si existe tanta polémica en torno a la decisión de reglamentar la prostitución es porque en ella se enfrentan principalmente dos derechos fundamentales: el derecho a la dignidad humana y el derecho a la vida privada. A lo largo del trabajo, trataré de analizar la confrontación entre estos dos derechos fundamentales, una atribución legal distinta en función de los ordenamientos internos, además de la importancia que tiene el posicionamiento que adoptan los Estados para hacer frente a esta realidad. La legislación francesa servirá de base al análisis del trabajo, un sistema jurídico que eleva estos conceptos en el rango fundamental. Tras conceptualizar la prostitución a través de la historia, me centraré en primer lugar en la argumentación abolicionista, una posición presentada como defensora de la dignidad humana, como luchadora contra la trata de seres humanos y como partidaria de la igualdad de género. En segundo lugar, pasaré a analizar el posicionamiento reglamentarista, es decir aquel a favor de una regulación controlada de la prostitución, reflejo de un liberalismo y profesionalismo de la actividad concorde al respeto del derecho a la vida privada, o más precisamente como apoyo al reconocimiento jurisprudencial de la vida privada sexual y del derecho a la libre disposición del cuerpo. Por último, ilustraré la problemática utilizando el ejemplo de la novedosa Ley francesa del 13 de abril 2016 para reforzar la lucha contra el sistema de prostitución y apoyar a las personas prostituidas, adoptada como única manera eficaz de eliminar la prostitución en el país y su explotación en un marco del respeto de los derechos fundamentales. ; La prostitució és un fenomen antic que segueix present en les nostres societats actuals. Si hi ha tanta polèmica al voltant de la decisió de reglamentar la prostitució és perquè en ella s'enfronten principalment dos drets fonamentals: el dret a la dignitat humana i el dret a la vida privada. Al llarg del treball, tractaré d'analitzar la confrontació entre aquests dos drets fundamentals, una atribució legal divergent en funció dels sistemes interns, a més de la importància que té el posicionament que adopten aquests Estats per enfrontar aquesta realitat. La legislació francesa servirà de base per a l'anàlisi del treball, un sistema jurídic que eleva aquests conceptes en el rang fonamental. Després de conceptualitzar la prostitució a través de la història, em centraré en primer lloc en l'argumentació abolicionista, una posició presentada com a defensora de la dignitat humana, com lluitadora contra el tràfic d'éssers humans i com partidària de la igualtat de gènere. En segon lloc, passaré a analitzar el posicionament reglamentarista, és a dir aquell a favor d'una regulació controlada de la prostitució, reflex d'un liberalisme i professionalisme de l'activitat concorde al respecte del dret a la vida privada, o més precisament com a suport al reconeixement jurisprudencial de la vida privada sexual i del dret a la lliure disposició del cos. Finalment, il·lustraré la problemàtica utilitzant l'exemple de la nova Llei francesa del 13 d'abril 2016 per reforçar la lluita contra el sistema de prostitució i donar suport a les persones prostituïdes, adoptada com a única manera eficaç d'eliminar la prostitució al país i la seva explotació en un marc del respecte dels drets fonamentals. ; Prostitution is an ancient phenomenon that is still present in our societies. If there is so much controversy surrounding the decision to regulate prostitution, it is because it deals mainly with two fundamental rights: the right to human dignity and the right to privacy. Throughout the work, I will try to analyze the confrontation between these two rights, a divergent legal attribution depending on the internal systems, as well as the importance of the positioning adopted by these States to face this reality. French legislation will serve as the basis for the analysis of the thesis, a legal system that elevates these concepts in the fundamental range. After conceptualizing prostitution through history, I will focus first on the abolitionist arguments, a position presented as an advocate of human dignity, as a fighter against trafficking in human beings and as a supporter of gender equality. Secondly, I will analyze the regulatory position, that is, the one in favor of a controlled regulation of prostitution, a reflection of a liberalism and professionalism of the activity consistent with respect for the right to privacy, or more precisely as support for jurisprudential recognition of the private sexual life and of the right to the free disposition of the body. Finally, I will illustrate the problem using the example of the new French Law of April 13, 2016 to strengthen the fight against the prostitution system and support for prostituted people, adopted as the only effective way to eliminate prostitution in the country and its exploitation in a framework of respect for fundamental rights.

[spa] El presente estudio centra su atención en la utilidad y regulación de la figura de la ventaja injusta que deviene un instrumento eficaz para combatir contratos excesivamente desequilibrados en perjuicio de una de las partes contratantes. El legislador catalán, a raíz de la aprobación del Libro Sexto del Código civil de Cataluña, ha querido dar un paso adelante en cuanto a la previsión de normativas que aspiran a lograr un Derecho contractual con un carácter marcadamente social mediante la introducción de la ventaja injusta, pionera en el entorno del Estado español. La finalidad de esta figura es la de proteger la integridad del consentimiento; dotar de una acción para combatir las consecuencias injustas de aquel consentimiento que se prestó apresuradamente y sin plena libertad de elección, y solucionar, a su vez, una falta de equivalencia objetiva entre las prestaciones. Para ello ha dado lugar a una institución autónoma de protección de la parte débil que se sitúa entre la justicia sustantiva y la justicia procedimental. Asimismo, el legislador ha aprovechado la ocasión para refrendar y generalizar la institución histórica de la rescisión por lesión que permite recuperar el equilibrio económico al que tienden los contratos estructuralmente onerosos. El presente trabajo de investigación se centra en el estudio de la institución de la ventaja injusta mediante un análisis crítico que destaca los beneficios que supone la incorporación de dicha figura en el ordenamiento jurídico y a su vez, plantea propuestas de modificación sobre la regulación introducida a partir del estudio de las propuestas armonizadoras del Derecho contractual europeo y de los códigos de nuestro entorno ; [cat] Aquest estudi centra la seva atenció en la utilitat i regulació de la figura de l'avantatge injust que esdevé un instrument eficaç per a combatre contractes manifestament desequilibrats en perjudici d'una de les parts contractants. El legislador català, amb l'aprovació del Llibre Sisè del Codi civil de Catalunya, ha fet un pas endavant en la previsió de normes de caire social que propugnen un Dret contractual més just, mitjançant la introducció de l'avantatge injust, figura pionera en l'entorn de l'Estat espanyol. La finalitat d'aquest instrument és protegir la integritat del consentiment que es va prestar apressadament i amb una voluntat no del tot lliure, i solucionar, així mateix, una manca d'equivalència objectiva entre les prestacions intercanviades per les parts. Per això s'ha incorporat una institució autònoma de protecció de la part dèbil emplaçada entre la justícia substantiva i la justícia procedimental. Alhora, el legislador ha mantingut i generalitzat la històrica norma de la rescissió per lesió que permet recuperar l'equilibri econòmic a què tendeixen els contractes estructuralment onerosos. Aquest treball d'investigació centra el seu àmbit d'estudi en la institució de l'avantatge injust a través d'un anàlisi crític que en destaca els beneficis que pot significar la seva incorporació en l'ordenament jurídic i, al mateix temps, planteja propostes de modificació sobre la regulació introduïda a partir de l'estudi de les propostes harmonitzadores del Dret contractual europeu i dels codis civils del nostre entorn. ; [eng] The subject of the present study is the utility and regulation of the so-called 'unfair advantage' rule, which has become an effective instrument against contracts that are excessively unbalanced to the detriment of the weaker party. The Catalan legislator, after the adoption of Book VI of the Catalan Civil Code, has taken a step forward through the introduction of an 'unfair advantage' rule with the aim to achieve social justice in contract law; as such, the Catalan legislator is a pioneer in the Spanish legal environment. The objective of this rule is to protect the integrity of consent; to provide for an action to challenge the unjust consequences arising from consent that was given hastily and not in complete freedom; and to solve, at the same time, a lack of objective equality between the performance of the parties. To that end, an autonomous legal basis has been introduced for the protection of the weaker party, situated between procedural and substantive justice. Furthermore, the Catalan legislator has endorsed and expanded the historical concept of laesio enormis, that is intended to restore the economic balance and allows for rescission of contracts leaning toward being unreasonably onerous. The main focus of the research is on the institution of 'unfair advantage' by means of a critical analysis that highlights the potential of the introduction of this rule in private law. In addition, it proposes amendments to the Catalan regulation, drawing from the study of the proposals for the harmonization of European contract law and the legal systems around us.

The article examines analyze current features of personal income taxation, and also the relationship between income inequality, individual income taxes and several labor market indicators in Asia-Pacific countries. The income inequality issue affects basic social and economic terms as equity and equality. The increase in income inequality in countries worldwide led to vigorous debate about efficiency of progressive individual income taxation as a tool for achieving optimal level of social equity. The purpose of the study is to examine the features of progressive individual income taxation and its influence of reduction of income inequality in Asia-Pacific countries. The article analyzes current systems of personal income taxation in countries of this region and their relationship with key macroeconomic indicators. The methodology includes cross-country comparisons, principal component analysis, regression analysis. The main theoretical results include identification of causes of inefficiency of progressive individual income taxation in analyzed countries. The empirical results are related to the estimation of influence of macroeconomic factors, including labor market indicators, on individual income tax revenue. The applied methods, notably principal component analysis combined with regression analysis, can be used for estimation of influence of both quantitative and qualitative factors on tax revenue.HIGHLIGHTS 1. The tax theory suggests that the progressive individual income tax system can be an effective tool for reduction of income inequality2. For developing Asia-Pacific countries, the progressive personal income tax systems cannot contribute to the reduction of inequality since the tax base is narrow because of high free-tax thresholds and large informal sector of the economy3. The developed Asia-Pacific countries have relatively high personal income tax revenues and low Gini coefficients, except Singapore with high income inequality level and GDP per capita similar to developed countries. One of the main reasons of high inequality in this country are the features of government tax policy4. In developing Asia-Pacific countries only statutory nominal gross monthly minimum wage has significant impact on individual income tax revenue, and this impact depends crucially on the GDP per capita; the main reason are high tax-free personal income thresholds in these countriesFOR CITATION Belozyorov S. A., Sokolovska O. V. Personal income taxation and income inequality in Asia-Pacific: a cross-country analysis. Journal of Tax Reform, 2018, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 236–249. DOI:10.15826/jtr.2018.4.3.054ARTICLE INFO Received July 17, 2018; accepted August 20, 2018 ; В статье рассматриваются особенности индивидуального подоходного налогообложения, а также взаимосвязь неравенства доходов, индивидуальных подоходных налогов и ряда индикаторов рынка труда в странах Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. Проблема неравенства доходов затрагивает базовые социально-экономические понятия как справедливость и равенство. Рост неравенства доходов в странах мира привел к активному обсуждению эффективности прогрессивной системы индивидуального подоходного налогообложения как инструмента достижения социальной справедливости. Цель данного исследования заключается в исследовании особенностей применения прогрессивной системы индивидуального подоходного налогообложения и ее влияния на сокращение неравенства в странах Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. В статье проанализированы существующие системы налогообложения индивидуального дохода стран региона и их взаимосвязь с ключевыми макроэкономическими показателями. Методология исследования включает межстрановой анализ, метод главных компонент, регрессионный анализ. Основные результаты теоретического исследования заключаются в выявлении причин неэффективности системы прогрессивного индивидуального подоходного налога как инструмента сокращения неравенства доходов в анализируемых странах. Результаты эмпирического исследования связаны с оценкой влияния макроэкономических факторов, в том числе показателей функционирования рынка труда, на уровень поступлений от индивидуального подоходного налога. Методика исследования, в частности, применение метода главных компонент в сочетании с регрессионным анализом, может в дальнейшем быть использована для оценки влияния количественных и качественных факторов на уровень налоговых поступлений.ОСНОВНЫЕ ПОЛОЖЕНИЯ1. Одно из предположений теории индивидуального подоходного налогообложения заключается в том, что прогрессивность этого налога может быть эффективным инструментом сокращения неравенства доходов2. Для развивающихся экономик Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона прогрессивная система индивидуального подоходного налогообложения не способствует сокращению неравенства, возникающей вследствие установления высоких пороговых значений дохода, освобожденного от налогообложения, и значительного неформального сектора экономики3. Развитые страны Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона характеризуются относительно высокими доходами от индивидуального подоходного налога, при одновременно низком индексе Джини, за исключением Сингапура, который характеризуется высоким показателем неравенства доходов при ВВП на душу населения, сравнимом с развитыми странами. Такая ситуация сложилась, в том числе и под влиянием налоговой политики правительства4. В развивающихся странах Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона значимое влияние на уровень поступлений от индивидуального подоходного налога имеет только номинальная валовая минимальная ежемесячная заработная плата и это влияние критически зависит от уровня ВВП на душу населения, что обусловлено высокими пороговыми значениями дохода, освобожденного от налогообложения, в этих экономикахДЛЯ ЦИТИРОВАНИЯ Белозёров С. А. Индивидуальное подоходное налогообложение и неравенство доходов в странах Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона: сравнительный анализ / С. А. Белозёров, Е. В. Соколовская // Journal of Tax Reform. — 2018. — Т. 4, № 3. — С. 236–249. — DOI:10.15826/jtr.2018.4.3.054ИНФОРМАЦИЯ О СТАТЬЕ Дата поступления 17 июля 2018 г.; дата принятия к печати 20 августа 2018 г.

Problem setting. The urgency of the analysis of the current experience of sociological assessments of the level of trust in social institutions, in particular, the court, is due to the fact that for European countries the paradox of mass consciousness becomes more and more characteristic: confidence in the court decreases even in conditions of increase of efficiency, accessibility, justice of justice, that are recorded according to the results of ju- dicial reform. Requirements and expectations are growing (especially in more educated or socially adapted categories of the population), and, accordingly, there is a probability of inconsistency of pace of reforms and the presence of positive dynamics of trust in court. Recent research and publications analysis. The assessment of trust in the courts as a factor of trust in public authority is at the center of attention of domestic and foreign scholars. These problems were addressed by B. Barber, M. Buromensky, M. King,I. Lavrinenko, V. Lebedev, N. Luhmann, C. Morgner, O. Serdyuk, T. Habriyeva et al. How- ever, each state is looking for its criteria for monitoring the activities of courts.Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to formulate the main principles of na- tional monitoring of the level of trust in the court and the judicial system on the basis of analysis, firstly, of the most famous international sociological methodologies and, sec- ondly, the peculiarities of the current Ukrainian situation in this area.Paper main body. Trust is a generalized indicator of the norms, attitudes and values that underlie social cooperation, and in public life, trust fosters community unity and com- munity building, and in the economic sphere, it accelerates cooperation and interper- sonal exchanges. As a socio-psychological category of trust, it is a characteristic of anopen, positive relationship between the parties and reflects the confidence in the honesty and benevolence of the other party with which the trust is in one way or another based on his experience. From this point of view, trust has certain limits based on knowing about the other party that is trusted. Full trust is often identified with faith, because the mechanism of such trust is no longer based on rational principles, that is, on experience and on pre- diction and prior knowledge of one side of the second and includes irrational motives of the relationship. In social sciences, the level of trust one party can trust in another is measured in the belief in the honesty, charity and competence of the other party. Based on recent research, distrust can be forgiven much easier when interpreted as lack of compe- tence than inadequate benevolence or honesty. The assessment of trust in the court is recognized as a measure of the rule of law (rule of law). This approach is used in a variety of international and national practical tools for assessing democratic regimes.Conclusions of the research. Institutional trust can be considered as a kind of indica- tor that determines social well-being of the population, in addition, it is an important condition of social communication, through which the consent, understanding and dialogue of the parties is achieved, and it becomes possible to seek new opportunities for further development. The increase of trust in the judicial system of Ukraine is one of the tasks of the judiciary and is outlined in strategic documents of the development of the judiciary of Ukraine in recent years. The level of trust (distrust) of citizens to justice is affected by a number of factors, the most important among which should be called: the quality of leg- islation, on the basis of which decisions are adopted and substantiated; the quality of the judiciary; the degree of accessibility and openness of justice; coverage of court work in the media; the degree of execution of court decisions. From trust in the court it is necessary to distinguish between the perception of justice by citizens, the level of which is influenced by the ability of citizens to protect their rights in court, the application of the law by the court in an appropriate and effective manner, equality and non-discrimination before the law, the legality of the adopted judgments, the effective struggle of the state with corrup- tion, etc. ; Оценка доверия к суду признана в качестве измерения верховенства права (правовластия). Такой подход применяется в различных международных и нацио- нальных практических инструментах оценки демократических режимов. В даннойстатье формулируются главные основания национального мониторинга уровня доверия к суду и судебной системе на основе анализа, во-первых, наиболее известных международных социологических методологий и, во-вторых, особенностей украин- ской ситуации в этой сфере. ; Оцінка довіри до суду визнана у якості виміру верховенства права (правовладдя). Такий підхід застосовується у різноманітних міжнародних та національних прак- тичних інструментах оцінки демократичних режимів. У даній статті формулю- ються головні засади національного моніторингу рівня довіри до суду та судової системи на основі аналізу,по-перше, найбільш відомих міжнародних соціологічних методологій та, по-друге, особливостей сучасної української ситуації в цій сфері.

The semantic inflammation regarding the notion of territory that exists nowadays in France will not escape from the most careful observers. Politics set this notion up as an inescapable concept that cannot be overlooked. The question of territory is the subject of many scientific disciplines, debates as well as controversies. The actuality of this notion, announced dead, on the return, exhausted or out-dated, is such complex, that one can almost lose its meaning. Yet the question of meaning, which is often dismissed by those who are interested in the territory phenomenon, is absolutely central. Consequently, the notion of territory being (over) used in common debates raises many questions such as who speaks of territory and why? What realities do we mean when we talk about territory in France today? Is it necessary to get rid of concepts applied on many fronts and designating all or nothing? This research purpose is not to delete or to exalt the notion of territory. The aim is to find a way of reconceptualization of this notion. This approach seems to be the most reasonable to follow in France that currently does not have any interest in doing without the concept of territory. This research focus is on the main dimensions from which territory is commonly defined, namely a political dimension that defines a space appropriated by the political power managing, organising or cutting the territory out, a social dimension removed as a place of solidarity or equality by politics, and the dimension of identity regarding a space becoming territory as individuals and groups belonging to this territory appropriate it. Those three major concepts of territory have to be rethought in the context of changes such as mobility, networking or functioning according to the network model and interdependency, that our society is facing since the mid-1970s. As those transformations have often been perceived in France as contrary to the territory notion, this research aim is to study the territory from the opposite point of view. So it is necessary to start from these various mutations' analyses in order to rethink the current notion of territory. The concept of territory has appeared at any one time to translate certain reality, however this notion shouldn't be considered as obsolete once this reality has changed. Its reconceptualization can be done and this is the main purpose of this research. ; L'inflation sémantique qui existe aujourd'hui en France autour de la notion de territoire n'aura pas échappé au plus fin des observateurs. Érigé par le politique en une notion incontournable dont il ne semble plus pouvoir se passer, objet de nombreuses disciplines scientifiques, notion au cœur de multiples controverses : annoncé mort, sur le retour, épuisé, dépassé, l'actualité du territoire est telle qu'on en perdrait presque le sens. Pourtant la question du sens, bien souvent évacuée par ceux qui y ont intérêt, est absolument centrale car à force d'être (trop) utilisée la notion questionne : qui parle du territoire et pourquoi ? Quelles réalités désigne-t-on lorsque l'on parle du territoire en France aujourd'hui ? Faut-il se séparer d'une notion qui semble désigner à peu près tout et son contraire ? L'objet de la présente recherche ne consiste pas en une mise à mort du territoire, ni en son exaltation, mais choisit la voie de la reconceptualisation de la notion, voie qui semble être la plus raisonnable à suivre dans une France qui ne peut, et n'a de toute façon pas intérêt, à se passer du territoire. Afin de reconceptualiser la notion, ce travail se penche sur les principales dimensions à partir desquelles territoire est communément défini, à savoir une dimension politique, le territoire est un espace approprié par le pouvoir politique, qui le gère, le découpe et l'organise ; une dimension sociale, le territoire a été érigé par le politique comme lieu de la solidarité, de l'égalité ; une dimension identitaire, l'espace devient territoire à mesure qu'il est approprié par des individus et des groupes qui s'y sentent appartenir. Afin de continuer à faire sens, ces trois grandes acceptions du territoire doivent êtres reconsidérées au prisme des mutations qui ont transformé notre société depuis le milieu des années soixante-dix et qui sont pour une large part de l'ordre du registre réticulaire : mobilité, fonctionnement selon le modèle du réseau, réticularité, interdépendances. Si ces mutations ont souvent été perçues comme contraires au territoire, car aux antipodes de la manière dont la notion avait été jusque-là construite et pensée en France, cette recherche souhaite prendre le contre-pied de cette idée, en démontrant qu'il s'avère nécessaire de repartir de ces diverses mutations, afin de redéfinir la notion de territoire aujourd'hui au regard de cette réticularité. Car si territoire est apparu à un moment donné pour traduire une certaine réalité, ce n'est parce que cette réalité a changé, que la notion doit être considérée comme obsolète. On peut travailler à sa reconceptualisation et c'est tout le sens de cette recherche.

У статті обґрунтовується, що гарантії прав і свобод людини щодо інформаційної сфери належать до найважливіших засад формування правової держави та громадянського суспільства. Показано, що право є засобом, який за допомогою спеціальних правових методів дозволяє реалізувати інформаційну свободу людини. Будучи породженням і результатом природного розвитку всього суспільства, право повинно враховувати інтереси як усього суспільства, так і індивіда. Право надає людині низку можливостей, скориставшись якими, вона зможе реалізувати притаманну їй інформаційну свободу. ; В статье обосновывается, что гарантии прав и свобод человека касательно информационной сферы относятся к числу важнейших принципов формирования правового государства и гражданского общества. Показано, что право является средством, позволяющим с помощью специальных правовых методов реализовать информационную свободу человека. Будучи порождением и результатом естественного развития всего общества, право должно учитывать интересы как всего общества, так и индивида. Право дает человеку ряд возможностей, воспользовавшись которыми, она сможет реализовать присущую ей информационную свободу. ; In the article grounded, that the guarantees of rights and freedoms of man in relation to an informative sphere belong to major principles of forming of the legal state and civil society. These rights are included to the effective mechanism of state administration in democratic society. It determines providing of protection of rights and freedoms of man in an informative sphere one of major aims of informative safety, and man – by the most important her object. The effective providing of rights, freedoms and legal interests of citizens can be a due only at terms, when structure, the forms of activity, style of labor, attitude toward a man will be optimal in the plan of feeling and rapid reacting on any negative moments that restrain in that or other case practical realization of rights and freedoms, and also legal interests of members of society.It is shown that rights and freedoms of man and citizen were a basic slogan and most achievement of any known revolutions and wars. Close intercommunication of information, freedom, justice and right is educed a long ago, not by chance as early as VIII B. C. there were norms that regulated informative activity of man. In connection with development of society on the basis of technical progress there was intensive development of sphere of informative activity of man. Technogenic development entailed formation of new type of society – informative that entailed the selection of the special type of freedom of man – informative freedom and special class of rights – informative.Grounded, that an exceptional role informative freedom is played by informative human rights. Setting interdependence of the proper and possible behavior, unity and equality of mutual rights and duties, right, outlining the limits of freedom, comes forward as positive existence of freedom, that eliminates an arbitrariness, self-will, oppression of personality.It is shown that a right is means that by means of the special legal methods allows to realize informative freedom of man. Being a generation and result of natural development of all society, a right must take into account interests of both all society and individual. A right gives the row of possibilities to the man, taking advantage of that she will be able to realize inherent to her informative freedom. Informative human rights consist of different complex of norms, that differ in the legal force, territory of action, by normativeness and others like that.Attention is accented on that informative rights regulate informative processes in spheres, that is not well-regulated other rights that regulate information. Informative rights are organically included in the structure of other rights and freedoms, put in order informative processes. But at the use of all rights that behave to the questions of informing of man, it is necessary, foremost, to be oriented on principles of informative freedom of man, that occupies a main place and sets principles of exercising right, that behave to the informative processes.It is marked that as informative freedom predetermines totality of certain possibilities of absolute law, informative rights, then exactly about informative freedom it follows to conduct speech in modern society, from positions of informative freedom it follows to study and interpret informative human rights In an informative right a decision accent is done on information, thus regardless of who owns her, produces, translates and others like that. At research of informative freedom of man confesses that key functions belong to exactly freedom, but not information, although information and is the constituent of informative freedom.It is shown that informative freedom limits the activity sent to keeping order; in some cases of state secret; information about an ecological situation. It allows at the level of the state to conduct limitation of informative freedom in a greater degree, than it is assumed in accordance with Convention about the protection of human rights and basic freedoms.A thesis is grounded, that realization of informative freedom is built not only by introduction of restrictive measures. Important is a guard function right, assuredness of defense of informative freedom, thus both self-defense and guard of informative freedom by means of the state.

У статті вивчено стан політичної епістемології як субдисципліни політичної науки, спрямованої на перетворення уявлень щодо парадигмальних засад фундаментальної політичної теорії. Надано увагу постпозитивістським і гносеологічним основам політичного дослідного мислення. Розглянуто специфіку предметної галузі політики, яка переживає постійну видозміну і потребує від дослідника вивчення комплексних вимірів і проявів політичної сфери. Визначено напрями зусиль щодо пояснення навколишнього політичного світу, яке здійснювалося за напрямками об'єктивації та розуміння сущого, як існуючого або неіснуючого. Метою статті є встановлення співвідношення компонентів постпозитивістської теорії пізнання і чинників мультипарадигмальної трансформації політичної теорії у сучасній політичній епістемології. З'ясовано статус раціональної дискусії, як середовища формулювання тез і антитез, апробації гіпотез і теорій. Встановлено значення псевдонаукових традицій, яким політична епістемологія протиставляє процедури дискусії. Визначено вплив обмежень, тиску авторитетів та штучних нормативів, які можуть вплинути на значення оприлюднених тез і положень. Виявлено особливості формування несуперечливого сучасного наукового політологічного знання. Оцінено значення належної апробації попередніх підходів до визначення істинності політичних теорій. Надано увагу видозміні політичних понять, які відповідають реаліям набуття наукових політичних знань. Проаналізовано відповідність принципів зростання політичного наукового знання природничо-науковим теоріям і концепціям, які наводять як приклади на користь істинності положень постпозитивізму. ; The specifics of contemporary political science as a field of scientific knowledge manifested in a fact that in political science research paradigm of political reality understanding past century and new methodological and meta-theoretical approaches are coexisting. They retain their validity and equality. In political science find their usage research matrixes of philosophy, law, psychology, sociology etc. This is caused by the specific subject area of politics, which is undergoing constant modification and demands from researchers who are looking for complex measurements and displays the political sphere. Meanwhile, political science requires standardization and harmonization, in accordance with needs of fixing rigorous empirical data and innovation as a result of scientific research.Considering the cognitive activities in its retrospection, postpozityvists of twentieth century determined the genesis and causal relationships of theories emergence that articulate picture of modern scientific understanding of the world. To some extent postpositivist epistemic interpretation of scientific knowledge has a common nature with many paradigms that are the objects of postpositivist reflection. The vision of the entire panorama of political knowledge, including ordinary knowledge, means the opportunity to determine the conditions of probable knowledge and its qualitative perspectives. The ability to see the truth and compliance of some sets of knowledge to criteria of truth determines postpositivists` attention to discussion procedures and reaching of conventional agreements. Considering the theory and practice of scientific knowledge as a subject of study, postpositivists refer not only to the objective conditions of competition of knowledge, but also to the subjective aspects of understanding the reality of its formalization. In theory these features occur on certain habits and traditions of the scientific community which have nothing common, or have little common with the actual content of research and their results. Ideological political knowledge, which builds a picture of the political world in authoritarian and totalitarian countries, is an example of pseudoepistemic truth and authoritarian affirmation of the truth status of knowledge. The problem of the usual categories of knowledge becomes central to the study of its staff in the difficult conditions of the modern scientific community. Not only the definition of true or false in postpositivist concepts serves as an argument to determine the mechanisms of new knowledge. Postpositivists analyze the discussion on those issues in political science, which in the past have received resistant and non controversial status. Constant checking of inconsistency in knowledge creates new and new topics for discussion. However, comprehension of epistemic potential of modern political theory is only possible through the recess in the previous structure of knowledge and its logical line. ; В статье изучено состояние политической эпистемологии как субдисциплины политической науки, направленной на преобразование представлений о парадигмальных основах фундаментальной политической теории. Уделено внимание постпозитивистским и гносеологическим основам политического исследовательского мышления. Рассмотрена специфика предметной области политики, которая переживает постоянное видоизменение и требует от исследователя изучения комплексных измерений и проявлений политической сферы. Определены направления усилий по объяснению окружающего политического мира, которое осуществлялось по направлениям объективации и понимания сущего, как существующего либо не существующего. Целью статьи является установление соотношения компонентов постпозитивистской теории познания и факторов мультипарадигмальной трансформации политической теории в современной политической эпистемологии. Выяснен статус рациональной дискуссии, как среды формулировки тезисов и антитез, апробации гипотез и теорий. Установлено значение псевдонаучных традиций, которым политическая эпистемология противопоставляет процедуры дискуссии. Определено влияние ограничений, давления авторитетов и искусственных нормативов, которые могут повлиять на значение обнародованных тезисов и положений. Выявлены особенности формирования непротиворечивого современного научного политологического знания. Оценено значение надлежащей апробации предыдущих подходов к определению истинности политических теорий. Уделено внимание видоизменению политических понятий, соответствующих реалиям получения научных политических знаний. Проанализировано соответствие принципов роста политического научного знания естественно-научным теориям и концепциям, которые приводят как примеры в пользу истинности положений постпозитивизма.

У статті обґрунтовується, що гарантії прав і свобод людини щодо інформаційної сфери належать до найважливіших засад формування правової держави та громадянського суспільства. Показано, що право є засобом, який за допомогою спеціальних правових методів дозволяє реалізувати інформаційну свободу людини. Будучи породженням і результатом природного розвитку всього суспільства, право повинно враховувати інтереси як усього суспільства, так і індивіда. Право надає людині низку можливостей, скориставшись якими, вона зможе реалізувати притаманну їй інформаційну свободу. ; В статье обосновывается, что гарантии прав и свобод человека касательно информационной сферы относятся к числу важнейших принципов формирования правового государства и гражданского общества. Показано, что право является средством, позволяющим с помощью специальных правовых методов реализовать информационную свободу человека. Будучи порождением и результатом естественного развития всего общества, право должно учитывать интересы как всего общества, так и индивида. Право дает человеку ряд возможностей, воспользовавшись которыми, она сможет реализовать присущую ей информационную свободу. ; In the article grounded, that the guarantees of rights and freedoms of man in relation to an informative sphere belong to major principles of forming of the legal state and civil society. These rights are included to the effective mechanism of state administration in democratic society. It determines providing of protection of rights and freedoms of man in an informative sphere one of major aims of informative safety, and man – by the most important her object. The effective providing of rights, freedoms and legal interests of citizens can be a due only at terms, when structure, the forms of activity, style of labor, attitude toward a man will be optimal in the plan of feeling and rapid reacting on any negative moments that restrain in that or other case practical realization of rights and freedoms, and also legal interests of members of society.It is shown that rights and freedoms of man and citizen were a basic slogan and most achievement of any known revolutions and wars. Close intercommunication of information, freedom, justice and right is educed a long ago, not by chance as early as VIII B. C. there were norms that regulated informative activity of man. In connection with development of society on the basis of technical progress there was intensive development of sphere of informative activity of man. Technogenic development entailed formation of new type of society – informative that entailed the selection of the special type of freedom of man – informative freedom and special class of rights – informative.Grounded, that an exceptional role informative freedom is played by informative human rights. Setting interdependence of the proper and possible behavior, unity and equality of mutual rights and duties, right, outlining the limits of freedom, comes forward as positive existence of freedom, that eliminates an arbitrariness, self-will, oppression of personality.It is shown that a right is means that by means of the special legal methods allows to realize informative freedom of man. Being a generation and result of natural development of all society, a right must take into account interests of both all society and individual. A right gives the row of possibilities to the man, taking advantage of that she will be able to realize inherent to her informative freedom. Informative human rights consist of different complex of norms, that differ in the legal force, territory of action, by normativeness and others like that.Attention is accented on that informative rights regulate informative processes in spheres, that is not well-regulated other rights that regulate information. Informative rights are organically included in the structure of other rights and freedoms, put in order informative processes. But at the use of all rights that behave to the questions of informing of man, it is necessary, foremost, to be oriented on principles of informative freedom of man, that occupies a main place and sets principles of exercising right, that behave to the informative processes.It is marked that as informative freedom predetermines totality of certain possibilities of absolute law, informative rights, then exactly about informative freedom it follows to conduct speech in modern society, from positions of informative freedom it follows to study and interpret informative human rights In an informative right a decision accent is done on information, thus regardless of who owns her, produces, translates and others like that. At research of informative freedom of man confesses that key functions belong to exactly freedom, but not information, although information and is the constituent of informative freedom.It is shown that informative freedom limits the activity sent to keeping order; in some cases of state secret; information about an ecological situation. It allows at the level of the state to conduct limitation of informative freedom in a greater degree, than it is assumed in accordance with Convention about the protection of human rights and basic freedoms.A thesis is grounded, that realization of informative freedom is built not only by introduction of restrictive measures. Important is a guard function right, assuredness of defense of informative freedom, thus both self-defense and guard of informative freedom by means of the state.

Введение: в статье рассматриваются дискуссионные вопросы регулирования первого этапа кассационного производства в процессуальном праве России. Цель: провести сравнительный анализ норм ГПК, АПК, КАС, УПК, регулирующих кассационное производство. Выявить несовершенство регулирования первого этапа кассационного производства в уголовно-процессуальном, а также в процессуальном праве России в целом. Методы: методологическую основу исследования составляет совокупность методов научного познания, среди которых ведущее место занимает диалектический метод. В статье использованы общенаучные (диалектика, анализ и синтез, абстрагирование и конкретизация) и частнонаучные методы (сравнительно-правовой, технико-юридический). Результат: выявлено несовершенство регулирования первого этапа кассационного производства предварительное рассмотрение жалобы, представление единолично судьей соответствующего суда кассационной инстанции для принятия решения об их передаче для рассмотрения в судебном заседании или об отказе в передаче (ст. 401.7-401.11 УПК; 380.1-384ГПК; 323-325 КАС; 291.6-291.9 АПК). Законодатель должным образом не обеспечивает единого подхода к регулированию межотраслевого института кассационного производства в процессуальном праве России, что лишает единства судебную практику, приводит к неоправданным нарушениям прав, законных интересов личности, необоснованно ограничивает доступ в кассацию в разных формах судопроизводства. В целом же, в стране отсутствует одинаковый уровень защиты прав граждан, равенство их перед судом и законом. Выводы: в процессуальном праве России и практике его применения относительно межотраслевых институтов (коим в том числе является кассационное производство) необходимо вырабатывать одинаковый подход, и в частности к 1-му этапу кассационного производства. Доступ в кассацию должен быть более строг, чем доступ в апелляцию, но не быть чрезвычайно затрудненным. Правила «строгого» доступа должны быть обоснованными и не могут существенно расходиться (различаться) во всех формах судопроизводства. В настоящее время, согласно действующему законодательству, доступ в кассацию в большей степени затруднен для граждан в уголовном судопроизводстве (по сравнению с гражданским, арбитражным, административным судопроизводством). Критерий существенного характера нарушения норм материального права и (или) норм процессуального права, повлиявшего на исход судебного разбирательства и приведшего к нарушению прав, законных интересов личности, должен определяться коллегиально, а не единолично судьей вне судебного заседания, как это происходит в настоящее время в соответствии с УПК, ГПК и КАС РФ. ; Introduction: in the article, disputable questions of regulating the first phase of cassational proceedings according to the Russian procedural law are considered. Purpose: to conduct a comparative analysis of the Civil Procedural Code, Administrative Procedural Code, Administrative Court Proceedings Code and Criminal Procedure Code rules that regulate cassational procedures; to find drawbacks in the process of regulating the first phase of cassational procedures in criminal procedural law and procedural law of Russia on the whole. Methods: the research is based on a complex of methods of scientific cognition, with the dialectical method being the major one. In the article, general scientific methods (dialectics, analysis and synthesis, abstracting and concretizing) and specific scientific methods (comparative law research and technical legal method) were used. Results: the imperfection in regulating the first phase of cassational procedures has been revealed in the fact that preliminary study of a complaint or a proposal is only conducted by a judge of the corresponding cassational court, who solely takes a decision on whether to transfer those complaints and proposals to the court hearing or to dismiss (articles 401.7-401.11 of the Criminal Procedure Code; 380.1-384 of the Civil Procedural Code; 323-325 of the Administrative Court Proceedings Code; 291.6-291.9 of the Administrative Procedural Code). The legislator does not properly provide a unified approach to the regulation of the inter-branch institution of cassational proceedings in procedural law of Russia. This leads to the lack of consistency in the court practice, resulting in the unjustified infringement of rights and legitimate interests of a person, and groundlessly limits the access to cassation in different spheres of court proceedings. In general, there is no equal level ofprotection of the rights of citizens in the country, their equality before the court and the law is not observed. Conclusions: in procedural law of Russia and in practice of its application as referred to inter-branch institutions (including cassational proceedings as its part), it is necessary to develop a unified approach, to the first phase of cassational proceedings in particular. The access to cassation should be stricter than that to appeal, but it should not be extremely complicated. The rules of a "strict" access should be justified and should not be significantly different for all the forms of court proceedings. At present, according to the current legislation, access for citizens to cassation is most difficult in criminal courts (as compared to civil, arbitration, administrative legal proceedings). The criterion of the considerable violation of substantive law and (or) procedural law rule that influenced the result of the court procedures and led to the infringement of the person's rights and legitimate interests, should be defined collectively but not solely by a judge outside the court hearing, as it takes place now in accordance with the Criminal Procedural Code, Civil Procedural Code and Administrative Court Proceedings Code of the Russian Federation.

ABOUT AXIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF MODERN AGRARIAN LAWA. M. STATIVKA, Doctor of Law Sciences, ProfessorYaroslav Mudryi National Law University As the title implies the article describes the dynamism of the modern agrarian law. This areas of law directs and develops on the basis of the modern principles, as a fundamental and guiding legal requirements, which determines the essence and direction of mechanism of legal regulation of the agrarian relationships, which are the subject of regulation of this branch of law. It should be displayed legal axiological aspects, which have methodological significance for the agrarian science. Because of the importance of agriculture law in the current conditions, has raised a number of issues, which have methodological significance, i.e. approaches to the solution of the axiological problems of the modern agrarian law, its values and further development as an independent branch of law in the national legal system.The purpose of this article is to present general thoughts about some of the axiological aspects, the disclosure of the nature and the definition of their system in agrarian law.It is dealt with the study of axiological aspects in the agrarian law, has important theoretical and practical significance. It not only sets the material, economical and social basis and justification of the functioning of the agrarian law in national law, the objective properties of its normativity, the institutional relationship with society and government, but also its spiritual aspects. The role of law can't understand without value approach in human, social and cultural progress, to understand and explain the manifestation of continuity in the agrarian law, the relationship between law and social controls in the society and the combination of the interests of the farmer and society.The author notes that in the case of axiological aspects in the agrarian law, it's necessary to decide on their types and species. The type values should be viewed as a group of values that characterize the object of legal regulation and its legal content, self that mediates the relationship. To determine the type of the values is to allocate within a single type of values, these values, along with general characteristics, inherent only to this type, have specific characteristics in relation to subject specific agrarian relations.It's seen that the axiological (values) aspects of modern agrarian law appropriate to consider through a prism of two types of values there are legal and spiritual. However, within each of these types of values in the agrarian law should be allocated and the types of values.To the legal type values of the agrarian law are the following values: environmental, economic and social.The environmental dimension values in the agrarian law is to preserve and protect the environment in the process of implementing the production processes and in the formation of value-normative exaltation of the persons' life and health, regardless of its status and social position.It is shown that a form of axiological aspect in the agrarian law is economic. The exponent of the given values there are forms a legally enshrined rights and freedoms. The latter includes science-based methodological approach to claim that personal interest is an important factor of influence on production processes and the efficiency of production relations. However, all this testifies to the universal value, the reference priority of private property and economic freedom of man.In axiological aspects in the agrarian law as a social phenomenon, the author considers the view of social values. The latter includes not just common values such as freedom, equality, justice, democracy, order, security, peace, and values that are associated with a specific person. The legal form are legal rights and freedoms of the citizen.Along with legal type of the axiological aspects of agricultural law, is explored the spiritual type values. The proposed typology (classification) of the values in the agrarian law, allows us to determine how the nature and role of legal values, and the nature and role of spiritual values in the context of other values.The spiritual type of the values in the agrarian law viewed through the prism of two types: a) ethical; b) theological. Thus, the moral-ethical dimension value in agrarian law is the system of beliefs, ideas and evaluations that affect the behavior of people is a form of social consciousness. The essence of theological (theological) view of values is in the theoretical presentation, interpretation and justification of some religious views that are contained in the religious norms of Canon law in the context of development of agrarian relations, the influence of religious norms on contemporary agricultural law.Сonclusions are drawn that the analysis of the axiological aspects of agricultural law, shows that they are not in contradiction with practical agricultural activities. On the contrary, they affect the further development of agrarian relations which are undergoing major changes and continue to transform.

The document attempts to answer the question : Have citizens been unmotivated to carry out popular actions, by the repeal of the economic incentive given to those who achieved a favorable judgment, referred in the Law 472 of 1998? Through the analysis of legal history that gave rise to the popular action, the current situation in comparative law, as well as the jurisprudential precedent of the Constitutional Court that supported the repeal design. We conclude that citizens may have lost interest in participating as popular actors, not have the economic stimulus motivated before his performance, so once again would become a constitutional norm in inconvenience. The document provides a review of some categories such as freedom of legislative configuration, the principles of solidarity and equality within the framework of a social state of law where it is suggested that the legislator should have done a deeper study on the problems that was warned by the repealing ostensible one, and that not to debilitate the protection of the collective rights must have made unscathed the responsibility established in the article 40 of the law 472 of 1998. ; El presente documento busca responder a la pregunta: ¿se han desmotivado los ciudadanos a interponer acciones populares, por la derogatoria del incentivo ecónomico otorgado a aquellas personas que lograban un fallo favorable, contemplado en la ley 472 de 1998? A través del análisis juridico de los antecedentes que dieron origen a la accion popular, de la actual situación en el derecho comparado, así como del precedente jurisprudencial de la Corte Constitucional que soportó el diseño de la derogatoria; concluimos que es posible que los ciudadanos hayan perdido el interés en participar como actores populares, al no contar con el estímulo económico que antes motivaba su actuación, por lo que una vez más una norma constitucional devendría en inconveniente. El documento ofrece una revisión de algunas categorías como: libertad de configuración legislativa, los principios de solidaridad e igualdad en el marco de un Estado Social de Derecho, en donde se sugiere que el legislador debió hacer un estudio más profundo sobre la problemática que se advertía con la pretendida derogatoria, y que para no debilitar la protección de los derechos colectivos ha debido dejar incólume la responsabilidad establecida en el artículo 40 de la ley 472 de 1998. ; Ce document cherche à répondre à la question : les citadains se sont-ils démotivés à interposer des actions populaires, par la dérogatoire de l'aiguillon economique octroyé à ces personnes qui obtenaient un jugement favorable, contemplé dans la loi 472 de 1998 ? À travers de l'analyse juridique des précédents qui ont donné un lieu à l'action populaire, de l'actuelle situation dans le droit comparé, ainsi que du précédent jurisprudencial de la Cour Constitutionnelle qui a supporté le dessin de la dérogatoire, ; nous concluons qu'il est possible que les citadins ont perdu l'intérêt de participer en tant qu'acteurs populaires, après ne pas avoir disposé de l'incitatif économique qui motivait avant son comportement, par ce qu'encore une fois une norme constitutionnelle se transformerait en inconvénient. Le document offre une révision de quelques catégories comme : liberté de configuration législative, les principes de solidarité et d'égalité dans le cadre d'un État Social de Droit, où il est suggéré que le législateur a dû faire une étude plus approfondie du problème qui a été remarqué avec l'abrogation proposée, et pour ne pas affaiblir la protection des droits collectifs il a dû laisser intacte la responsabilité établie dans l'article 40 de la loi 472 de 1998. ; Neste artigo procura responder a pergunta : ter sido cidadãos desmotivados para trazer ações de populares, pela revogação do incentivo financeiro dado para aqueles que conseguiram uma decisão favorável, referida na lei 472 de 1998? Através da análise jurídica do fundo que deu origem à ação popular, a actual situação no direito comparado e o precedente do Corte Constitucional que apoiou o projeto da revogação; Podemos concluir que é possível que os cidadãos perderam o interesse em participar como um atores populares, por não ter o estímulo econômico que, antes de dirigir seu desempenho, por que mais uma vez que uma norma constitucional se tornaria no inconveniente. O ducumento fornece uma revisão de algumas categorias como liberdade de configuracao legislativa, os princípios da solidariedade e da igualdade no âmbito de um Estado Social de direito, onde é sugerido que o legislador teve que fazer um estudo mais profundo do problema que foi observado com a revogação proposta, e não para enfraquecer a proteção dos direitos coletivos deve ter deixado intacta a responsabilidade nos termos do artigo 40 da Lei 472 1998.

The Category of Neighbourhood in Islamic Modernism of Yugoslavia. "Fetve" of Husein ĐozoDeparting from Carl Schmitt's assertion that all significant concepts of modern theory of the state are secularized theological concepts, the article tries to recreate the political and ethical theory of the neighbour present in the Qur'ānic commentaries and fatwās (fatāwā) of Husein Đozo as the main representative of Islamic Modernism in former Yugoslavia. Subsequently it seeks to establish connection between the theoretical framework od theological dogmas, and the everyday praxis preserved in the formula of fatwā as a genre of religious Islamic literature which by giving answers to the questions of the faithful Muslims, forms a dialogue of authority and the society, of the theory and the praxis.Using the tools of Critical Discourse Analysis the text extracts the categories of neighbourhood and reveals that they are mainly faith-based. In other words, in the common perception, members of various religious communities: Muslims, Jews, Christians are each other's neighbours. According to the analysed exegetical and juridical Islamic sources, the neighbourhood category is based on freedom and mutual respect and can be shared by Muslims, atheists and apostates from Islam to atheism.In consequence the text shows that the non-trespassable border of an inherent to each of the neighbour units culture, forms a central neighbourhood-defining category. It is precisely the maintenance of dissimilarities between the neighbours that safeguards tolerance, respect and freedom for the members of particular entities. The internal systems of signs, behaviours, artefacts and lifestyles sustain the preservation of equality between the neighbours, as long as they share the same social capital and thus, retain the symmetrical positionality towards each other.Taking up a position of distance from the common lifestyle values (like in the case of Roma Muslims), or from intellectual legacy of Semitic Abrahamic faiths (like in the case of Baha'i faith which incorporates such figures as Krishna and Buddha), results in exclusion from the category of neighbourhood. Thus, the spatial and social proximity forms the core of neighbourhood classification.The paper is based on rich exemplification of fatwas that reveal the absorption of Judeo-Christian heritage into the Islamic thought, and explains the theoretical and theological framework of this process. It presents the perception of neighbour and neighbourhood in the Islam of socialist Yugoslavia, and – to some extent – the intellectual outcome of Judeo-Christian and Islamic neighbourhood in terms of spatial and theological vicinity.Finally, the article shows that the Yugoslav Islamic stance towards the once classified neighbour is inclusive, welcoming and hospitable. Intellectual background of this attitude is formed by the tradition of Islamic Modernism of early 20th century Egypt, and the influence of such Islamic thinkers as Jamāl ad-Dīn al-Afghānī, Muḥammad 'Abduh, Muḥammad Rašīd Riḍā, Maḥmūd Šaltūt. Hence, the article implicitly poses a question on the intellectual origins of the Islamic openness towards the neighbour, inherent to Titoist Bosnia. Kategoria sąsiedztwa w islamskim modernizmie w Jugosławii."Fetve" Huseina ĐozoWychodząc od twierdzenia Carla Schmitta, że wszystkie znaczące pojęcia współczesnej teorii państwa to zsekularyzowane pojęcia teologiczne, autor próbuje odtworzyć polityczną i etyczną teorię sąsiedztwa, obecną w koranicznych komentarzach i fatwach (fatāwā) Huseina Đozo, głównego przedstawiciela modernizmu islamskiego w byłej Jugosławii. Równocześnie stara się ustanowić relację między teoretycznymi ramami dogmatów teologicznych a codzienną praktyką, zachowaną w formule fatwy jako gatunku religijnej literatury islamskiej, która poprzez odpowiedzi na pytania wiernych muzułmanów tworzy dialog o władzy i społeczeństwie, teorii i praktyce. Zastosowano narzędzia krytycznej analizy dyskursu fragmentów tekstów dotyczących kategorii sąsiedztwa, pokazując, że teksty te są głównie oparte na wierze. Innymi słowy, w potocznej percepcji członkowie różnych wspólnot wyznaniowych, muzułmanie, żydzi i chrześcijanie, są sąsiadami. W myśl egzegetycznej i prawnej analizy źródeł islamskich kategoria sąsiedztwa opiera się na wolności i wzajemnym szacunku oraz może być dzielona przez muzułmanów, ateistów i konwertytów z islamu na ateizm.W konsekwencji tekst pokazuje, że nieprzekraczalna granica nieodłącznie wpisana w każdą sąsiedzką jednostkę kulturową tworzy centralną kategorię definiującą sąsiedztwo. To właśnie zachowanie różnic między sąsiadami chroni tolerancję, szacunek i wolność członków poszczególnych jednostek. Wewnętrzny system znaków, zachowań, artefaktów i stylów życia wspiera zachowanie równości między sąsiadami, dopóki dzielą ten sam kapitał społeczny a przez to utrzymują symetryczną pozycję wobec siebie.Tekst opiera się na licznych przykładach fatw odkrywających przyswajanie dziedzictwa judeochrześcijańskiego przez myśl islamu oraz wyjaśnia teoretyczne i teologiczne ramy tego procesu. Przedstawia także postrzeganie sąsiada oraz sąsiedztwa w islamie w socjalistycznej Jugosławii, a do pewnego stopnia również intelektualny wymiar judeochrześcijańskiego i islamskiego sąsiedztwa jako przestrzennej i teologicznej bliskości. Artykuł pokazuje, że stanowisko w jugosłowiańskim islamie wobec sąsiada ma charakter inkluzywny, otwarty i zapraszający. Intelektualne podłoże takiej postawy tworzy tradycja modernizmu islamskiego formującego się we wczesnych latach XX w. w Egipcie oraz wpływ takich islamskich myślicieli, jak Jamāl ad-Dīn al-Afghānī, Muḥammad 'Abduh, Muḥammad Rašīd Riḍā, Maḥmūd Šaltūt. W ten sposób artykuł stawia też pytanie o intelektualne źródła islamskiej otwartości na sąsiada, nieodłączne dla Titowskiej Bośni.

The concept of social inclusion, also referred to as social integration or social cohesion, represents a vision for "a society for all" in which every individual, each with rights and responsibilities, has an active role to play (Report of the World Summit for Social Development, 1995). While various definitions have been developed to describe social inclusion, they all have been grounded in the promotion of a normative vision of society, in which individuals, groups or institutions are interconnected within a wider social system, and their relationships are maintained and enhanced in a harmonious way. This paper refers to social inclusion as a goal, process and outcome. As a universal goal, social inclusion aims to achieve an inclusive society that entails respect for human rights, cultural diversity and democratic governance, and upholds principles of equality and equity. As a process, it enables citizens´ participation in decision-making activities that affect their lives, allowing all groups to take part in this process, especially marginalized groups. As an outcome, it ensures the reduction of inequalities, elimination of any forms of exclusion and discrimination, and achievement of social justice and cohesion. Since the concept of social inclusion gained prominence following the World Summit for Social Development held in Copenhagen in 1995, there has been a tendency to (i) treat it as an expanded version of "economic" inclusion; (ii) identify exclusion with the marginalization of certain individuals or groups based on their race, ethnicity or gender; and (iii) focus on individual well-being in analysing and measuring social inclusion. Over time, however, it has become evident that, like other social ills such as poverty and inequality, exclusion has multiple causes and takes diverse forms related to age, disability and location, among others. It is therefore important to adopt a more comprehensive approach to inclusion. Furthermore, there has been a renewed interest in social inclusion, with a number of policies and programmes having been implemented around the world, which highlighted the need for the simultaneous promotion of productivity, poverty reduction and greater inclusiveness. The recognized limits in the Millennium Development Goals have generated calls for more transformative and universal policies that are better integrated across social, economic and environmental domains within a more coherent development framework. The Second UN Decade for the Eradication of Poverty (2008-2017) has further reiterated the need to address social exclusion and called for more inclusive approaches to overcome poverty in its multiple dimensions. In some countries, social programmes are now evolving towards a social inclusion framework, which incorporates (i) access to basic services, particularly health and education, requiring the active participation of beneficiaries in relevant programmes; and (ii) access to economic opportunities with the focus on inclusion in the labour market, with an overarching goal to reduce poverty and vulnerability, particularly among the most disadvantaged groups. This paper argues that there are three key interrelated areas that are critical for poverty eradication and inclusive development, which include (i) universal social protection; (ii) meaningful participation; and (iii) social and solidarity economy. It discusses some of the main issues related to these areas and provides examples of best practices at the national level that have been implemented during the UN Decades for the Eradication of Poverty. The paper concludes that it is unlikely that development will be sustainable unless it is inclusive. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development thus needs to be an inclusive plan of action, pursuing the goal of leaving no one behind in the way that meets the needs of present generations without compromising the ability of future generations to participate in the processes that impact their lives. Social policies that promote practices based on universal rights-based entitlements, equal and meaningful participation, as well as norms of solidarity and reciprocity, while paying due respect to diversity and the environment, are more likely to enable social inclusion. It is therefore necessary to move away from the use of social inclusion schemes as remedial action towards making them an intrinsic part of broader and coherent development strategies. Government interventions in the form of enhancement of productive capacities, improved access to quality social services, adequate social protection and decent work are crucial to achieving socially inclusive, broad-based and sustainable development. Under this approach, social policy should be concerned not only with the welfare and rights of an individual but also with supporting social relations, institutions and structures through which the welfare of individuals in their households, communities and nations could be sustained and improved, while recognizing the importance of societal levels of analysis and not simply economic or individual indicators.