Suchergebnisse

Sveučilište u Zagrebu Tekstilno-tehnološki fakultet (u nastavku Fakultet) međunarodno je priznata obrazovna i znanstvena institucija te vodeća nacionalna i regionalna visokoškolska i istraživačka ustanova u području tekstilnog inženjerstva i tehnologije te modnog dizajna. Fakultet je prepoznatljiv po inovacijama koje su osnova za prijenos znanja u gospodarstvo i temelj njegova razvoja. Znanstvena i umjetnička istraživanja usmjerena su potrebama društvenog i gospodarskog razvoja, a nastavni je proces usklađen s potrebama tržišta rada i društva. Većina nastavnika Fakulteta djeluje u tehničkom području, polje tekstilne tehnologije čiji se rad nadopunjuje i isprepliće s radom nastavnika u umjetničkom, prirodoslovnom, društvenom i humanističkom području te ostalim poljima unutar tehničkog područja s ciljem sinergije, jačanja međusobne povezanosti i interdisciplinarnosti ne samo nastavnog nego i znanstveno-istraživačkog, umjetničkog i stručnog rada. Rad Fakulteta i njegova prepoznatljivost, u regiji i svijetu, temelji se na 60-godišnjem iskustvu u izvođenju tekstilnog studija na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu te 30-godišnjem samostalnom djelovanju Fakulteta kao sastavnice Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. U ovih je 60 godina Fakultet dao vrijedan doprinos razvoju gospodarskog sektora u području proizvodnje tekstila, odjeće, kože i obuće, prvenstveno obrazovanjem visokokvalitetnih diplomiranih inženjera, inženjera, sveučilišnih prvostupnika inženjera i magistara inženjera, ali i provođenjem međunarodnih i nacionalnih znanstvenih, razvojno-istraživačkih, tehnologijskih i stručnih projekata. Postojeće stanje i pozicija Fakulteta u zemlji, regiji, EU-u i svijetu proizašlo je iz razvojnih vizija svih uprava i djelatnika koji su kontinuirano radili na unapređenju nastavnog, znanstveno- istraživačkog, umjetničkog i stručnog rada. Prva strategija razvoja Fakulteta usvojena je 2014. godine za razdoblje 2014. - 2020. te su prvi put uvedeni pokazatelji za praćenje učinaka po pojedinim područjima djelovanja. Ovaj je dokument strateški okvir razvoja nastavne, znanstveno-istraživačke, inovacijske, umjetničke i stručne djelatnosti Fakulteta te razvoja organizacije i poslovanja, infrastrukture i sustava osiguranja kvalitete za razdoblje od 2021. do 2027. godine. Strategija razvoja Sveučilišta u Zagrebu Tekstilno-tehnološkog fakulteta izrađena je u skladu s dokumentima Europske komisije, Vlade Republike Hrvatske i Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, a to su: • Program "Obzor Europa" – Okvirni program za istraživanja i inovacije (2021. - 2027.) • Dokument Europske komisije o Održivoj Europi do 2030. (A Sustainable Europe by 2030) • Strategija Europskog zelenog plana (The European Green Deal) • Nova industrijska strategija za Europu (A New Industrial Strategy for Europe) • Strategija istraživanja, transfera tehnologije i inovacija Sveučilišta u Zagrebu • Strategija obrazovanja, znanosti i tehnologije Republike Hrvatske. Strategija razvoja Sveučilišta u Zagrebu Tekstilno-tehnološkog fakulteta za razdoblje 2021. - 2027. usvojena je na 11. redovitoj sjednici Fakultetskog vijeća održanoj 20. rujna 2021. godine. ; University of Zagreb Faculty of Textile Technology (hereinafter: the Faculty) is an internationally recognized educational and scientific institution and a leading national and regional higher education and research institution in the field of textile engineering, textile technology and fashion design. The Faculty is recognizable for its innovations, which are the foundation for knowledge transfer into the economy and its development. Scientific and artistic research is focused on the needs of social and economic development, and the teaching process is harmonised with the needs of the labour market and the society. Most faculty teachers operate in the technical field and the field of textile technology, and their work is complemented and intertwined with the work of teachers in artistic, natural, social and humanistic and other fields with the aim of creating synergy, strengthening cooperation and interdisciplinarity not only in teaching, but also in scientific research, artistic and professional work. The work of the Faculty and its recognisability in the region and the world are based on 60 years of experience in conducting textile studies at the University of Zagreb and 30 years of independent work of the Faculty as a component of the University of Zagreb. In these 60 years, the Faculty has made a valuable contribution to the development of the economic sector in the field of textile, clothing, leather and footwear production, primarily by educating high-quality graduate engineers, university bachelors and master engineers, but also by implementing international and national scientific, developmental, research, technological and professional projects. The existing state and position of the Faculty in the country, the region, the EU and the world, stems from the developmental visions of all departments and employees who have continuously worked on improvement in teaching, scientific research, artistic and professional work. The first Strategy for the Development of the Faculty was adopted in 2014 for the period 2014-2020, and this document is the first to introduce indicators for monitoring the effects by individual areas of activity. This document is a strategic framework for the development of teaching, scientific research, innovation, artistic and professional activities of the Faculty and the development of organization and business, infrastructure and quality assurance system for the period from 2021 to 2027. The Development Strategy of the University of Zagreb, Faculty of Textile Technology has been drafted in accordance with the documents of the European Commission, the Government of the Republic of Croatia and the University of Zagreb: • Horizon Europe — the Framework Programme for Research and Innovation (2021- 2027) • European Commission Sustainable Europe by 2030 • The European Green Deal Strategy • The New Industrial Strategy for Europe • Research, Technology Transfer and Innovation Strategy of the University of Zagreb • Strategy of Education, Science and Technology of the Republic of Croatia. The Development Strategy of the University of Zagreb, Faculty of Textile Technology for the period 2021-2027 was adopted at the 11th regular session of the Faculty Council, held on 20th September 2021.

Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?

Rad donosi podatke o Samueleu Mayländeru (1866. – 1925.), socijalističkom vođi kasnohabsburške Rijeke, i njegovoj obitelji. Mayländeri su bili podrijetlom židovi iz jugozapadne Ugarske, doseljeni u Rijeku krajem 19. stoljeća. Doseljeni Mayländeri uspješno seintegriraju i asimiliraju u riječko i sjevernojadransko građansko društvo, neki udajom za pripadnike građanskih obitelji i obraćenjem na katoličku vjeroispovijest, a drugi uspješnim poslovnim karijerama. Zbog pomanjkanja primarne građe teško je dati odgovor na jezične prakse među pripadnicima obitelji. Ipak, iz objavljenih nekrologa u riječkim novinama, dokumentacije iz gimnazijskih dana i bračnih veza može se zaključiti kako je obitelj bila višejezična. Istraživanje je biografije samoga Samuelea Mayländera problematično jer, također, ne posjedujemo građu iz koje možemo neposredno razabrati njegove političke, nacionalne ili vjerske preferencije. Svakako, Samuele Mayländer bio je socijalističkoga opredjeljenja, kasnije i prvi predsjednik Komunističke partije Rijeka, ali i ličnost koja je bila pod utjecajem dominantne riječke talijanske kulturne paradigme. Studij medicine u Beču, javna angažiranost i politička aktivnost ukazuju na Mayländerova opredjeljenja, ali, kao i ugarsko židovsko obiteljsko podrijetlo, i na njegovu višejezičnost. Na kraju, rad prati biografske podatke o Pavlu Kirchenknopfu, metalurškom radniku rodom iz Ugarske, koji početkom 20. stoljeća doseljava u Pulu i kasnije s obitelji u Rijeku. U Rijeci je Pavle Kirchenknopf označen kao socijalistički, odnosno komunistički aktivist i takav zapamćen od lokalne historiografije. Biografija Pavla Kirchenknopfa korisna je za propitkivanje spoznaja o osobama radničkoga podrijetla i pitanja njihovih jezičnih praksi. Prema sporadičnoj građi, iz matičnih knjiga rođenih u Puli i migracijama Kirchenknopfa može se pretpostaviti kako se obitelj služila s više jezika. Zaključno, rad ukazuje na to kako pored pitanja višejezičnosti, socijalne i ekonomske teškoće trebaju biti uzete u obzir u društvenim i kulturnim povijestima sjevernoga Jadrana u kasnohabsburškom razdoblju, teškoće koje ostaju u pozadini idealiziranjem višejezičnoga habsburškog svijeta. ; The article provides data on Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925), socialist leader in late Habsburg Fiume/Rijeka, and his family. The Mayländer family were Jews from southwestern Hungary who had settled in Rijeka at the end of the nineteenth century. Following their move, the Mayländers successfully integrated and assimilated into the bourgeois society of Fiume/Rijeka and the northern Adriatic, some marrying members of bourgeois families and converting to Roman Catholicism, others having successful professional careers. The lack of primary sources makes it difficult to delineate language use among members of the family. However, through quoted obituaries in Rijeka's newspapers, data of the local gymnasium, and marriages, it can be concluded that the family was multilingual. Research on Samuele Mayländer's biography in particular is problematic since, again, there are no primary sources to understand his national, religious, or political preferences. However, it is clear that Samuele was a dedicated socialist. Later in life, he was the first president of Fiume/Rijeka's communist party, but also someone under the influence of Fiume/ Rijeka's dominant Italian cultural paradigm. His medical studies in Vienna, his public engagement and political activities, display Mayländer's sympathies, but also his Hungarian Jewish family background, his multilingualism. Finally, the article follows the biographic data of Paolo Kirchenknopf, a metal worker from Hungary who, at the beginning of the twentieth century, emigrated to Pula, and with his family later moved to Fiume/Rijeka. In Fiume/Rijeka, Kirchenknopf is marked as a socialist – more precisely as a communist activist – and is remembered as such in local historiography. The biography of Kirchenknopf is useful in that it allows one to gain knowledge about figures from working-class backgrounds and their linguistic practices. Based on various, scattered sources – from records of birth in Pula and Kirchenknopf's migrations – it can be estimated that this family used more than one language. In conclusion, the article points out how, aside from the question of multilingualism, social and economic difficulties have to be taken into account in the social and cultural histories of the northern Adriatic in the late Habsburg period – difficulties that remain in the background by idealizing the multilinguistic Habsburg world. ; Il saggio offre notizie su Samuele Mayländer (1866–1925) leader socialista della Fiume tardo asburgica e sulla sua famiglia. I Mayländer erano ebrei originari dall'Ungheria sudoccidentale, immigrati a Fiume verso la fine del 19 secolo. Gli immigrati Mayländer si integrano e assimilano con successo nella società borghese fiumana e nord adriatica alcuni sposandosi con membri di famiglie borghesi e convertendosi al cattolicesimo, altri intraprendendo carriere di successo. Causa la mancanza di fonti primarie è difficile desumere le pratiche linguistiche dei membri della famiglia. Tramite necrologi pubblicati nei giornali fiumani, documenti del periodo ginnasiale e i matrimoni, è possibile desumere che la famiglia era plurilinguistica. La ricerca sulla biografia di Samuele Mayländer è pure problematica perché non possediamo documentazione che possa in modo diretto farci desumere le sue preferenze politiche, nazionali, religiose o politiche. Certamente, Samuele Mayländer si considerava socialista, successivamente fu primo presidente del Partito comunista di Fiume, ma anche una personalità influenzata dal paradigma culturale italiano fiumano. Lo studio di medicina a Vienna, l'impegno pubblico e l'attività politica, dimostrano le simpatie del Mayländer ma, come le sue origini famigliari ebraiche ungheresi, anche il suo plurilinguismo. Infine, l'articolo segue i dati biografici su Paolo Kirchenkopf, operaio metallurgico originario dall'Ungheria che all'inizio del 20 secolo emigra a Pola e di seguito, con la famiglia, a Fiume. A Fiume Paolo Kirchenkopf è etichettato come attivista socialista ossia comunista e come tale ricordato dalla locale storiografia. La biografia di Paolo Kirchenkopf è utile per conoscere le biografie delle persone di estrazione operaia e la questione della loro passi linguistica. In base a documentazione sporadica, libri di nascita di Pola e le migrazioni dei Kirchenknopf, si può ipotizzare che la famiglia si serviva di più lingue. In conclusione, il lavoro indica come accanto alla questione del plurilinguismo le difficoltà sociali ed economiche devono essere prese in considerazione nelle storie sociali e culturali dell'alto Adriatico nel tardo periodo asburgico, difficoltà che rimangonoi sullo sfondo dell'idealizzato mondo plurilinguistico asburgico.

Alimentarna kampilobakterioza najčešće je prijavljivana zoonoza u Europskoj uniji (EU), predstavlja jedan od vodećih javnozdravstvenih problema i uzrokuje ogromne financijske gubitke (EFSA-ECDC, 2015.). Pileće meso jedan je od najvažnijih izvora uzročnika ove bolesti u globalnim okvirima. U radu je opisana kontaminacija brojlerskih jata i pilećeg mesa bakterijama roda Campylobacter u Bosni i Hercegovini (BiH). Cilj rada bio je istražiti učestalost kontaminacije pilećih trupova uzorkovanih na liniji klanja nakon faze evisceracije kampilobakterija­ma. Pileći trupovi i jetra (n=84) uzorkovani su jednom mjesečno tijekom godine dana u jednoj od najsuvremenijih klaonica brojlera u BiH. S ciljem izolacije bakterija Campylobacter spp. iz svakog trupa u laboratoriju je uzet uzorak grudne musklulature, bris visceralne šupljine, kao i uzorak jetre (n=252). Onečišćenje kampilobakterijama utvrđeno je u 27,4 % (23/84) pilećih trupova, i to najčešće u pilećim prsima (19,0 %), nešto manje u visceralnoj šupljini (15,5 %), a najmanje u uzorcima pileće jetre (9,5 %). Ukupno, bakterije Campylobacter spp. izolirane su iz 37 uzoraka. Izrazita predominacija ustanovljena je za Campylobacter jejuni (91,9 %), dok je Campylobacter coli bila neznatno zastupljena (8,1 %). Rezultati ovog istraživanja podcrtavaju značaj pilećeg mesa kao potencijalnog izvora alimentarne kampilobakterioze i sugeriraju obveznu mikrobiološku kontrolu onečišćenja pilećeg mesa s bakterijama roda Campylobacter u BiH. ; Food-borne campylobacteriosis is the most frequently reported zoonosis in the European Union (EU), which represents one of the leading public health issues and causes enormous financial losses (EFSA-ECDC, 2015.). Chicken meat is one of the most important global sources of the disease. Campylobacter contaminations of broiler flocks and chicken meat in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) have been described. The aim of the study was to research the prevalence of campylobacter contamination of chicken carcasses and liver samples on slaughter line after the evisceration phase. Monthly sampling of chicken carcasses and liver was carried out along a year at one of the most recent broiler slaughterhouses in BiH (n=84). To isolate Campylobacter spp., from each carcass a deep sample of pectoral muscle, visceral cavity swab and liver (n=252) were taken. Campylobacter spp. contamination was detected in 27.4 % (23/84) of chicken carcasses. Out of the 252 analyzed samples, the most prevalent campylobacter contamination was observed in chicken breasts (19.0 %), less in visceral cavity (15.5 %), and the least in chicken liver (9.5 %). In total, Campylobacter spp. were isolated from 37 samples. C. jejuni was predominant (91.9 %), while C. coli was slightly represented (8.1 %). Results of the study underline the importance of chicken meat as a potential source of food-borne campylobacteriosis and suggest compulsory microbiological control of campylobacter contamination of chicken meat in BiH. ; Lebensmittelbedingte Infektionen durch Campylobacter sind die am häufigsten gemeldeten Zoonosen in der Europäischen Union (EU); sie zählen zu den führenden Problemen der öffentlichen Gesundheit und verursachen erhebliche finanzielle Verluste (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). Weltweit zählt Ge­flügelfleisch zu den wichtigsten Quellen dieser Krankheitserreger. In dieser Arbeit wurde die Kontamination von Masthähnchen und Hähnchenfle­isch mit Campylobacter in Bosnien und Herzegowina beschreiben. Ziel der Studie war es, die Prävalenz der Kontamination der Hähnchenrümpfe, die auf dem Schlachtband nach der Ausweidung stichprobenartig untersucht wurden, mit Campylobacter festzustellen. In einem der modern­sten Schlachthöfe in Bosnien und Herzegowina wurden ein Jahr monatliche Proben der Hähnchenrümpfe und Leber untersucht (n=84). Um die Campylobacter spp. zu isolieren, wurden aus jedem Rumpf Proben des Brustmuskels, ein Abstrich des viszeralen Hohlraums sowie eine Leberprobe (n=252) für das Labor entnommen. Die Kontamination mit Campylobacter spp. wurde bei 27,4 % (23/84) der Hähnchenrümpfe festgestellt. Unter den insgesamt 252 untersuchten Proben wurde die größte Prävalenz der Kontamination mit Campylobacter in der Hähnchenbrust (19,0 %) fe­stgestellt, gefolgt vom viszeralen Hohlraum (15,5 %); der niedrigste Anteil wurde in der Hähnchenleber (9,5 %) festgestellt. Insgesamt wurden die Campylobacter spp. in 37 Proben isoliert. Eine ausgeprägte Prädominanz wurde bei C. jejuni (91,9 %) festgestellt, währen die C. coli nur geringfügig vertreten war (8,1 %). Die Ergebnisse dieser Untersuchung unterstreichen die Relevanz von Hähnchenfleisch als potentielle Quelle der lebensmittel­bedingten Infektionen mit Campylobacter und deuten auf eine unerlässliche mikrobiologische Kontrolle der Kontamination von Geflügelfleisch in Bosnien und Herzegowina durch Campylobacter hin. ; La campilobatteriosi alimentare è la zoonosi più frequentemente riscontrata nell'Unione europea (UE). Essa rappresenta uno dei problemi di salute pubbli­ca più importanti e causa enormi perdite finanziarie (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). La carne di pollo è una delle fonti principali di questa infezione a livello globale. Nello studio è descritta la contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. delle batterie di polli da carne (i c.d. brojler) nella Bosnia ed Erzegovina (BiH). Lo studio aveva come scopo quello di accertare la prevalenza della contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. nelle carcasse di pollo campionate sulla linea di mace­llazione dopo la fase dell'eviscerazione. La campionatura mensile delle carcasse e dei fegati del pollo è stata compiuta durante l'arco di un anno in uno dei più moderni stabilimenti di macellazione di polli da carne della BiH (n=84). Al fine di isolare il Campylobacter spp., in laboratorio s'è provveduto a prelevare un campione della muscolatura del petto per ogni carcassa campionata, oltre a sottoporre le carcasse allo striscio della cavità viscerale ed al prelievo di un campione del fegato (n=252). La contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. è stata accertata nel 27,4 % (23/84) delle carcasse di pollo analizzate. Su un totale di 252 campioni analizzati, la massima contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. è stata riscontrata nel petto del pollo (19,0 %), un po' inferiore nella cavità viscerale (15,5 %) e minima nei campioni di fegato di pollo (9,5 %). In totale, il Campylobacter spp. è stato isolato in 37 campioni. Nei campioni contaminati è stata riscontrata la schiacciante predominanza del C. jejuni (91,9 %), mentre la presenza C. coli è stata ritenuta trascurabile (8,1 %). I risultati di questa ricerca sottolineano l'importanza della carne di pollo quale potenziale fonte della campilobatteriosi alimentare e suggeriscono la necessità di un controllo microbiologico obbligatorio per accertare la contaminazione da Campylobacter spp. della carne di pollo in BiH. ; La campilobacteriosis alimentaria es la zoonosis más común en la Union Europea (UE) y representa uno de los problemas principales de salud que causa grandes pérdidas financiales (EFSA-ECDC, 2015). La carne de pollo es uno de los causantes principales de esta enfermedad a nivel mundial. En este trabajo fue descrita la contaminación de los rebaños de los broiler y del pollo por el Campylobacter en Bosnia y Herzegovina. El objetivo de este estudio fue investigar la prevalencia de la contaminación de los abdómenes de pollo por el Campylobacter en la línea de matanza después de la fase de evisceración. Durante un año, mensualmente fueron tomadas las muestras de los abdómenes de pollo y del hígado en uno de los mataderos más modernos en Bosnia y Herzegovina (n=84). Con el fin de aislar el Campylobacter spp. de cada abdomen fueron tomadas las muestras de la musculatura pectoral, el frotis de la cavidad visceral y la muestra del hígado (n=252) en laboratorio. La contaminación por el Campylobacter spp. fue encontrada en 27,4 % (23/84) de los abdómenes de pollo. Entre 252 muestras analizadas, la prevalencia mayor de la contaminación por el Campylobacter spp. fue encontrada en la pechuga de pollo (19,0 %), menor en la cavidad visceral (15,5 %) y la menor en las muestras de hígado (9,5 %). El Campylobacter spp. fue aislado de 37 muestras en total. Prevale­ció el C. jejuni (91,9 %), mientras el C. coli casi no estaba presente (8,1 %). Los resultados de esta investigación muestran la importancia del pollo como una fuente potencial de campilobacteriosis alimentaria y sugieren el control microbiológico obligatorio de la contaminación por el Campylobacter del pollo en Bosnia y Herzegovina.

Članak nastoji rasvijetliti tendencije suvremene etizacije u različitim područjima života, od gospodarstva i tehnike do znanosti i politike, s posebnim naglaskom na pravnu domenu. Ključno je pitanje: kako se danas masovno nabujala etizacija svijeta života odnosi prema načelu odvajanja prava i morala te prema vladavini prava kao minimuma morala u društvu? Teoretsko je polazište za ovo razmatranje Thomasiusova podjela naravnoga prava na honestum, decorum i iustum te Kantova dihotomija metafizičkih temelja nauka o pravu i kreposti u Metafizici ćudoređa. Taj je okvir upravo vrhunac prosvjetiteljskih nastojanja za strogim odvajanjem sfere zakonitosti i moralnosti. Postavlja se u tom sklopu pitanje, potkopavaju li suvremene etičke tendencije prosvjetiteljsko naslijeđe zaštite ljudskih prava. Na temelju takva dihotomna modela dalje se raščlanjuje utjecaj nedavne ekspanzije profesionalnih, medicinskih, znanstvenih, poslovnih i drugih oblika etike, masovno uspostavljanje etičkih povjerenstava, politička korektnost i djelovanje javnoga mnijenja na okvir ljudskih temeljnih sloboda. Za ilustraciju prikazana su dva ogledna primjera iz Hrvatske – normativni nedostaci etičkoga kodeksa i zloporaba etičkoga tijela u političke svrhe. U zaključku se obrazlaže kako suvremena etizacija može donijeti dobre plodove promicanjem ćudorednih pitanja i pravne zaštite. Međutim, ona ne smije prekoračivati granice i potkopavati vladavinu prava. Razdvajanje morala i prava znatna je baština demokratske ustavne države. Neobuzdana i preobilna etizacija raznih sfera, međutim, može biti pogubna za dobro uređenje i blagostanje u suvremenom, sve više pluralističkom i multikulturnom društvu. Primjerenije je stoga da o pravu sude nepristrani sudci i neovisni sudovi, držeći se u pravorijeku stoljećima izborenih i utvrđenih mjerila pravednosti; oni to zacijelo čine znatno pravednije nego što bi to činili provizorni etički odbori i ad hoc imenovani povjerenici. Etika se može baviti unutarnjom stranom djelovanja i moralnim maksimama. No, etičke maksime nisu uvijek vezane uz izvanjsku pravnu prisilu. O toj bitnoj razlici, koju bi svako društvo trebalo pažljivo razgraničiti i propisati, ovisi u bitnome ostvarenje ljudske slobode u njezinoj punini. ; This paper seeks to shed light on the trends of contemporary ethicisation in various areas of life, from business and technology to science and politics, with special emphasis on the legal domain. The key question is: how does nowadays immensely enlarged ethicisation of the lifeworld relate to the principle of separating legality from morality and the rule of law as the minimum of moral in the society? Theoretical framework for this analysis is Thomasius' division of natural law into honestum, decorum and iustum, as well as Kant's dichotomy of the metaphysical foundations of the doctrine of law and virtue in the Metaphysics of Morals. This framework represents the pinnacle of the demand of the Enlightenment era for a separation of the spheres of legality and morality. The question is raised as to whether contemporary ethical tendencies undermine the legacy of the Enlightenment regarding the protection of the human rights. Based on this dichotomous model, the impact of the recent expansion of professional, medical, scientific, business and other forms of ethics, the massive establishment of ethics committees, political correctness, and the mediation of public opinion on the framework of human fundamental freedoms is further elaborated. By way of illustration, two exemplary case studies from Croatia are presented—the normative flaws of a code of ethics and the misuse of an ethical body for political purposes. The conclusion elaborates how contemporary ethicisation can produce good results by promoting legal issues and legal protection. However, it should not exceed the limits and undermine the rule of law. The separation of morality and law is an important legacy of the democratic constitutional state. The unbridled and extensive ethicisation of various spheres, though, can be devastating to good order and well-being in the contemporary increasingly pluralistic and multicultural society. Therefore, the impartial tribunals should judge by the centuries-old and established standards of justice; they do it more equitably than the provisional ethical committees and the ad hoc appointed commissioners would. Ethics may continue to deal with the inner side of action and maxims. Nevertheless, the ethical maxims are not always bound to external compulsion. The full realisation of human freedom depends on this essential distinction, which every society should carefully determine and regulate. ; Cet article vise à faire la lumière sur les tendances de l'éthisation contemporaine dans divers domaines de la vie : des affaires et technologie à la science et politique, en mettant un accent particulier sur le domaine juridique. La question clé est la suivante : quel est le rapport entre l'éthisation contemporaine du monde de la vie, massivement accrue, avec le principe de la séparation entre le droit et la morale et la primauté du droit en tant que minimum de morale ? La présupposition de départ pour cette réflexion est la division par Thomasius de la loi naturelle en honestum, decorum et iustum, ainsi que la dichotomie par Kant des fondements métaphysiques de la doctrine du droit et de la vertu dans la Métaphysique des Mœurs, ledit cadre représentant le comble de l'exigence des Lumières pour une séparation stricte entre les sphères de la légalité et de la moralité. La question se pose de savoir si les tendances éthiques contemporaines nuisent l'héritage des Lumières de la protection des droits de l'homme. Sur la base de ce modèle dichotomique, une analyse plus profonde est fournie ayant pour but de démontrer l'impact de l'expansion récente des formes de l'éthique professionnelle, médicale, scientifique, des affaires et autres, de la mise en place massive des comités d'éthique, de la rectitude politique et de la médiation de l'opinion publique. A titre d'illustration, deux études sur des cas exemplaires en Croatie sont ici traitées: les faiblesses normatives d'un code d'éthique et l'abus d'un organe éthique à des fins politiques. En conclusion, il est montré que l'éthisation contemporaine peut porter ses fruits en promouvant les questions morales et la protection juridique. Cependant, elle ne doit pas dépasser les limites de le régime du droit et le nuire. La séparation entre la morale et le droit est un héritage important de l'Etat constitutionnel démocratique. L'éthisation effrénée et étendue à divers domaines peut néanmoins être dévastatrice pour le bon ordre et le bien-être dans la société contemporaine de plus en plus pluraliste et multiculturelle. Par conséquent, les juges impartiaux et les tribunaux indépendants devraient juger selon les normes de la justice séculaires et bien établies ; ils le font de manière plus équitable que le feraient le comité d'éthique provisoire ou les commissaires nommés ad hoc. L'éthique peut continuer à traiter du côté intérieur des actions et des maximes. Néanmoins, les maximes éthiques ne sont pas toujours liées à la contrainte juridique extérieure. De cette distinction essentielle, que chaque société devrait déterminer et réglementer avec soin, dépend avant tout la réalisation de la liberté humaine dans sa plénitude. ; Dieser Aufsatz versucht, die Tendenzen der zeitgenössischen Ethisierung in verschiedenen Bereichen des Lebens, von der Wirtschaft und Technik bis hin zur Wissenschaft und Politik, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Rechtsdomäne, zu beleuchten. Die Schlüsselfrage lautet: Wie verhält sich die heutige massiv angewachsene Ethisierung der Lebenswelt zum Grundsatz der Trennung von Legalität und Moralität sowie zum rechtsstaatlichen Postulat des Rechts als des Minimums der Moral in der Gesellschaft? Als Rahmen für die Untersuchung dient die Aufteilung des Naturrechts in honestum, decorum und iustum bei Thomasius, ferner Kants Dichotomie der metaphysischen Anfangsgründe der Rechts- und Tugendlehre in der Metaphysik der Sitten, wo als Höhepunkt die aufklärerische Forderung nach einer strengen Scheidung der Sphäre der Legalität von der Moralität untermauert wurde. Es wird die Frage erörtert, ob zeitgenössische Ethisierungstendenzen das aufklärerische Erbe der Verteidigung der Menschenrechte untergraben. Ausgehend von diesem dichotomischen Modell wird erörtert, welche Auswirkungen die jüngere Ausweitung der Ethik im Berufsleben, in Medizin, Wissenschaft, Geschäftsbeziehungen sowie sonstige Formen der Ethik, ferner die massiven Gründungen von Ethikkommissionen, die politische Korrektheit und die öffentliche Meinungsbildung auf den Rahmen der menschlichen Grundfreiheiten haben. Zur Veranschaulichung werden zwei Fallbeispiele aus Kroatien angeführt: die normativen Mängel eines Ethikkodexes und der Missbrauch eines ethischen Gremiums zu politischen Zwecken. Abschließend wird festgestellt, dass die zeitgenössische Ethisierung gute Früchte tragen kann, sofern sie die Rechtsfragen und den Rechtsschutz fördert. Aber sie darf dabei nicht die Grenzen überschreiten und den Rechtsstaat untergraben. Die Trennung von Moral und Recht ist ein wichtiges Erbe des demokratischen Rechtsstaates. Die ungezügelte und extensive Ethisierung verschiedener Sphären kann indessen für die gute Ordnung und das Wohlleben in der heutzutage immer ausgeprägteren pluralistischen und multikulturellen Gesellschaft verheerend sein. Daher mögen lieber unparteiische Richter und unabhängige Gerichtshöfe nach den in vielen Jahrhunderten errungenen und bewährten Maßstäben der Gerechtigkeit urteilen; sie tun dies gerechter, als es provisorische Ethikkomitees und ad hoc ernannte Beauftrage je tun würden. Die Ethik mag sich weiter mit dem inneren Bereich des Handelns und den Maximen befassen. Die ethischen Maximen sind aber dem äußeren Zwang nicht immer verpflichtet. Von dieser wesentlichen Unterscheidung, die jede Gesellschaft sorgfältig bestimmen und reglementieren sollte, hängt die Verwirklichung der Menschenfreiheit in ihrer Fülle ab.

Promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja (VO) u globalnom kontekstu javna se sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti. Internacionalizacija može predstavljati komparativnu prednost sveučilišta, koja razvijena kroz specifičnu inovativnu stratešku odrednicu (nišu), može postati osnova sveučilišne politike koja se provodi i implementira u različitim policy arenama. Što je sveučilište inovativnije u izboru i razvijanju ove specifične niše, ono ima veće razvojne mogućnosti te postaje kompetitivnije. Cilj je ovoga doktorskoga rada istražiti utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta. Pritom se u glavnoj tezi rada tvrdi da se promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja u globalnom kontekstu javna sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti (npr. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001) ali pritom odabiru različite specifične strategije (niše) internacionalizacije, dok se u postavljenoj hipotezi kaže da razlike između nacionalnih konteksta i načina na koji države upravljaju financijskom i ekonomskom krizom utječu na razlike u strategijama internacionalizacije pojedinih javnih europskih sveučilišta. Nacionalni kontekst pritom obuhvaća različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države u kojoj sveučilište djeluje, što sve utječe na razlike u nacionalnim strategijama internacionalizacije i strategijama koje u ovom području razvijaju javna sveučilišta. Budući da u literaturi ne postoji opće prihvaćena definicija globalizacije, internacionalizacije i europeizacije u području visokoga obrazovanja, niti suglasje o njihovom međusobnom odnosu te indikatorima koji ih determiniraju, provođenju komparativne analize triju studija slučaja u svrhu istraživanja utjecaja globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta u ovom je doktorskom radu prethodilo empirijsko istraživanje putem delfi metode među stručnjacima širom svijeta. Minimalne definicije triju pojmova i indikatori globalizacije i internacionalizacije u području VO-a, dobiveni empirijskim istraživanjem provedenim putem delfi metode na temelju konsenzusa među ekspertima, poslužili su kao osnova komparativne analize triju studija slučaja (tri sveučilišta – Beč, Lausanne, Granada; u trima državama – Austrija, Švicarska, Španjolska), koja je provedena na temelju istraživačkog modela posebno osmišljenog za potrebe ovoga doktorskoga rada. Na temelju uvida dobivenih komparacijom triju studija slučaja u radu je utvrđen utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta, čime je potvrđena glavna teza ovoga doktorskoga rada. Također, analizom je utvrđeno i da su različiti nacionalni sustavi VO-a i specifične VO institucije na različit način odgovorili na promjene nastale djelovanjem faktora s globalne i međunarodne razine, koje se vezuju uz zadnji val globalizacije. Sukladno tome, moguće je reći i da su različitosti u prilagodbi ovim promjenama utjecale i na različitost sveučilišnih politika internacionalizacije te na različitost strateških dokumenata koje su u ovom području razvila tri analizirana sveučilišta. S obzirom na činjenicu da se nacionalni kontekst u hipotezi vezivao uz različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države, zbog čega je u analizi trebalo provjeriti je li moguće utvrditi poveznice između specifičnih strateških odrednica (niša) internacionalizacije u ovom području na Sveučilištu u Beču s tradicijom i politikom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, na Sveučilištu u Lausanni s politikom neutralnosti, a na Sveučilištu u Granadi sa španjolskom kolonijalnom politikom prema Sjevernoj Africi, na temelju analize ovakva izravna poveznica u službenim dokumentima nije utvrđena. Ipak, kroz intervjue i boravak u trima sveučilišnim sredinama, utvrđeno je da je specifične strateške odrednice internacionalizacije moguće vezivati uz pojedine karakteristike koje se mogu smatrati povijesnim, kulturalnim i tradicijskim 'ostacima' ili tekovinama spomenutih koncepata, koji su danas, pretvoreni u nova, suvremena obilježja, ipak prisutni u samoj srži triju sveučilišta. Zaključno, kroz uvide dobivene komparativnim istraživanjem putem istraživačkog modela utvrđen je utjecaj financijske i ekonomske krize na sveučilišta u Španjolskoj, što je onda bilo moguće povezati i s provedbom sveučilišne politike u području internacionalizacije te aktivnostima i inicijativama Sveučilišta u Granadi u okviru strategije internacionalizacije, što se posebno očituje kroz izrazitu okrenutost programima za koje postoji osigurano financiranje na EU razini (npr. Erasmus+ program). Suprotno tome, uvidima nije utvrđeno postojanje utjecaja financijske i ekonomske krize na strategije internacionalizacije Sveučilišta u Beču i Sveučilišta u Lausanni te na njihovo djelovanje u ovom području. ; Although according to the opinion of many researchers universities have been among the most globalised institutions (Marginson and Considine, 2000: 8) historically, in last decades universities have had to adapt to many changes under the pressure of the last wave of globalisation (e.g. increased competitiveness, high importance of rankings, new forms of international activities, use of new communication technologies in teaching and learning, etc.). The processes that universities use to adapt to the pressure of globalisation tend to include: new strategic determinants and policies, new organisational and governance models in order to achieve greater competitiveness and better rankings results, the search for alternative and additional sources of financing due to the decrease in public funding allocation, the development of new concepts and activities with an international dimension, the establishment of new partnerships, the development of various models for international collaboration, etc. (for example, see publications by Frølich, Gornitzka, Kehm, Knight, Maassen, Neave, Stensaker, Teichler, Van der Wende, etc.). The aim of this PhD thesis is to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities. This primarily includes verifying the main thesis that by changing the paradigm of higher education (HE) in the global context, public universities are increasingly turning to the development of international activities (eg. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001), but they choose different internationalisation strategies. Internationalisation can be a comparative advantage of the university which, developed through specific innovative strategic orientation (niche), becomes the framework for the official university policy implemented in different political arenas and communicated to stakeholders at all levels. This niche can be based on tradition, culture and the historical role of the state in which the university operates. More the university becomes innovative in the selection and development of this niche, it gets better development opportunities and it can achieve greater global competitiveness. Therefore, this project is secondly oriented on verifying the hypothesis that differences between national contexts xi (tradition, culture and historical role of the state) and the ways in which countries manage the economic and financial crisis, affect the different selection of internationalisation strategies of European public universities. Since scientific understanding of internationalisation have changed over time, this term is today widely understood as a broad umbrella term that covers many dimensions, components, approaches and activities (de Wit and Hunter, 2015: 45). However, in the literature there is no specific answer what is exactly globalisation in HE, what are the pressures of globalisation in HE field, what do we mean by the internationalisation of universities and where and how does Europeanisation fit in. Literature has offered various definitions of these three terms and their mutual relations (for example, see publications by Altbach, de Wit, Knight, Marginson, Rhodes, Robertson, Scott, Stromquist, Sawir, Teichler, Van der Wende), and the researchers in the field of HE adopted various approaches to its operationalisation (see Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2004, 2009; Marginson i Van der Wende, 2007; de Wit, 2010, etc.) Although this PhD project is dealing with the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities, a theoretical concept of Europeanisation is also included in the theoretical framework. The Bologna process, which highly promotes internationalisation policies and efforts, as well as other European initiatives in HE, some researchers consider to be linked with the Europeanisation in HE and therefore all three terms are analysed and discussed in this project. There are two gaps in literature that this PhD project addresses: the problem with the lack of generally accepted definitions of globalisation, internationalisation and Europeanisation and their mutual relations in HE, as well as their indicators; and the lack of projects which use analysis of the role of the context in HE field in order to explore differences between individual national (and subnational) policies. This PhD thesis had three main objectives: (1) to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities; (2) to analyse the factors that determine and redefine the characteristics of internationalisation of universities and factors that indicate the degree of policy change in strategies of HE institutions and national HE policies; (3) to explore the differences in national contexts and ways in which countries 'filter' globalisation pressures and the impact of financial and economic crisis, which affects the characteristics of national HE policies and university strategies in the field of internationalisation. In order to fulfil these goals, triangulation of literature review and empirical research was used. Therefore, in this PhD project, two empirical researches were conducted: a Delphi method research and a comparison of three case studies.

Čitanjem poznatih i dosad nepoznatih arhivskih dokumenata otkriva se logičniji slijed događaja na gradilištu trogirske kapele, a podcrtava se uloga Koriolana Ćipika u njenom projektiranju. Analizom Duknovićevog kipa sv. lvana (kojeg autor datira oko 1482. godine i identificira kao Alviza, Koriolanova sina, izabranog od trogirskog Velikog vijeća za biskupa) unutar majstorovog opusa uvodi se logičan intermezzo - s ne bas kratkim boravkom u rodnom Trogiru početkom 80-ih godina - bez kojega bi inače teško bilo objasniti izvanredna ostvarenja koja je izradio za Ćipika na njegovoj palači i u kapeli bl. Ivana, kao i na palači Andrije Cege. ; Con l'identificazione ipotetica di un ritratto che si cela sotto le vesti della statua di San Giovanni Evangelista nella cappella del beato Giovanni Ursini nella cattedrale di Traù - si cercha di rafforzare il ruolo che poté avere nell'intero progetto l'umanista traurino Coriolano Cippico. I contemporanei lo chiamavano il Grande ( 1425-inizi 1493). È l'autore dell'opera latina Petri Mocenici imperatoris gestorum libri III (Venezia 1477), più nota sotto il titolo De Bello Asiatico, nella quale descrisse le operazioni militari veneziane ( 1470-74) contro i Turchi È importante sottolineare che Coriolano ricoprì un ruolo attivo nei cantieri e nella sistemazione dell'interno della cattedrale per ben quattro decenni e sempre quando i lavori riprendevano. Proprio in rapporto alla Cappella del beato Giovanni Ursini, dirò che Coriolano vi lavorò in qualità di "operario" per un intero anno ( 1466-67) prima del Contratto ricordato per la sua costruzione, nel quale egli figurava come procuratore di Niccolò Fiorentino. La costruzione della cappella si svolse a più riprese per un periodo inusualmente lungo: i lavori iniziarono, in verità, appena dopo il ritorno di Coriolano dalla guerra, nel1475. Dal libro dei conti risulta operario nel 1482 quando, finalmente, ebbe inizio la decorazione della cappella con le statue. La cappella fu ultimata nella parte architettonica solo nel 1488, al tempo in cui era nuovamente operario Coriolano. Considerato il suo ruolo guida nelle controversie con i vescovi traurini Torlon e Marcello, suo successore, proprio intorno alle competenze dell'opera (questioni che, per es., nel 1490, dovettero risolvere il legato papale e lo stesso doge), non vi è dubbio alcuno che Coriolano sorvegliò di persona i lavori fino al termine della sua vita. Si deve notare che tra l'arrivo di Marcello nel 1489 (prima di questa data furono svolti lavori importanti - in assenza del vescovo precedente che si era trattenuto a Roma per cinque anni) e la morte di Coriolano nel 1493, non sono documentati nuovi lavori né nuove statue nella cappella. L'importante svolta iconografica che si verificò all'interno della cappella, quando il precedente Cristo del Fiorentino fu sostituito con uno nuovo, e quando la composizione dietro l'altare ottenne un nuovo significato ic01iologico, segue i lavori successivi alla morte di Coriolano nel 1493. I Cippico potevano avere anche un motivo particolare per legarsi alla cappella: Giovanni Ursini, vescovo traurino nell'XI-XII sec. era giunto a Traù da Roma, e i Cippi co esaltavano le loro origini romane più insistentemente di quanto fosse di moda allora, nella Dalmazia umanistica. E importante avvertire che gli architetti e gli scultori di tutti i principali progetti comunali del tempo di Coriolano lavorarono ai palazzi Cippico- per primo l'Alessi dopo la metà degli anni 50, poi il Fiorentino negli anni 70, e Ivan Duknović negli anni 80. A Traù Coriolano, evidentemente secondo un programma definito, riuscì a occupare tutto il lato ovest della piazza principale della città con i suoi due palazzi - di fronte al palazzo comunale, alla cattedrale e agli altri edifici pubblici, provvedendoli di numerosi stemmi della sua famiglia, con chiare pretese principesche. I figli di Coriolano erano ugualmente stimati come umanisti. Nella parte sita della scala situata nel cortile del "Palazzo Cippico Piccolo" a Traù, realizzato da Niccolò Fiorentino probabilmente alla metà degli anni '70, si trova il rilievo di un poeta incoronato che i critici hanno interpretato finora come il ritratto del re Mattia Corvino, oppure di un amico di Coriolano, il noto storico Marc'Antonio Coccio, detto Sabellico. Il rilievo, secondo autore, rappresenta Alvise, il figlio di Coriolano. Alvise Cippico, nato il 17 settembre 1456, già nel 1470 si recò a Padova per intraprendere gli studi di teologia e diritto, nonché letteratura. In chiusura delle Commoediae di Terenzio (Venezia 1473), curate dal suo professore Rafael Regio, Alvise- allora sedicenne- pubblicò una poesia in latino di dieci versi, dedicata ai lettori dell'opera. Da Padova, dove conseguì il dottorato in utroque iure, in occasione della guerra di Venezia con Ferrara inviò, il 12. XII. 1482, un panegirico di 257 esametri al doge Giovanni Mocenigo, o più propriamente al senato veneziano (Aloysii Cipici iurisconsulti et poetae panegyricus in Senatum Venetiarum). Giovanni era il fratello di Pietro Mocenigo sotto il quale Coriolano aveva combattuto. Si tratta di una poesia di argomento storico, di un'esaltazione mitologica della missione storica di Venezia. Nello stesso anno (1482) Alvise era a Roma. Lo videro con il fratello Giovanni nel circolo di Pomponio Leto. Ottenne alcuni benefici da Innocenza VIII; è qualificato come "familiaris nostris". Nel 1488 divenne vescovo di Famagosta su Cipro. Fu nominato segretario "ab epistolis" di papa Alessandro VI, Rodrigo Borgia. Nel 1500 gli furono negati il vescovato e le rendite, ma alla fine del 1503, il suo nuovo protettore Giulio della Rovere, Papa Giulio II, lo nominò arcivescovo di Zara. Lo celebrò Giovanni Aurelio Augurello. Morì il 2.III.1504 mentre era ancora arcivescovo di Zara. Fu seppellito in San Pietro. Quest'identificazione del rilievo di Palazzo Cippico, è sostenuta dal ritratto della stessa persona che è 'camuffata' sotto la toga della statua di San Giovanni Evangelista, realizzata per la cappella traurina da lvan Duknović. Considerato che la statua è lavorata anche nella parte posteriore si ritiene che originariamente non fosse stata pensata per la nicchia in cui si trova oggi, ma per un altare. Si fa inoltre notare che il Fiorentino, già nel 1482, aveva collocato nella cappella del beato Giovanni Ursini il suo San Giovanni. Nello stesso tempo Coriolano si adoperava per assicurare la cattedra vescovile traurina al figlio Alvise e, suppongo poté ordinare un ritratto identificatorio di questo tipo. Il Gran Consiglio traurino, in verità, prescelse Alvise Cippico come vescovo il 27. XI. 1483, ma la Signoria non confermò questa scelta né la sottopose alla curia. Nonostante tutti i meriti del padre nei confronti dello stato e la fedeltà dichiarata dal figlio (nell'enfatico panegirico al Senato del 1482), la Signoria sicuramente valutò le ambizioni di Coriolano come troppo pretenziose. In epoca rinascimentale, inoltre, Venezia si atteneva al principio che i vescovi e i conti delle città dalmate fossero prescelti fuori dalla Dalmazia. È interessante che il papa più tardi nominò Alvise vescovo di Famagosta a Cipro, dove suo padre quindici anni prima aveva svolto una nota missione diplomatica; Marcello, invece, vescovo locale fu trasferito a Traù, dove si scontrò subito con il Gran Consiglio e gli "operari", rappresentati proprio da Coriolano. L'ipotesi, dunque, sarebbe che in un primo momento il San Giovanni di Duknovié, con il volto di Alvise, proprio per questa identificazione non poté essere accettato, soprattutto non in presenza del vescovo Torlon (†1483) ancora vivo e con il quale Coriolano come procuratore degli interessi comunali in relazione alla cattedrale era in rapporti tesi, e che per questo motivo fosse stato ordinato ex novo al Fiorentino. All'ipotesi presentata si può obiettare che la statua di Duknović è lavorata anche dalla parte posteriore. Allo stesso modo, tuttavia, sono lavorate anche altre statue dello stesso maestro che erano originariamente previste per essere collocate nelle nicchie, come il putto-reggifiaccola che aveva realizzato sempre per Coriolano. Inoltre, al centro della schiena in questo caso non si sarebbe trovato il foro per assicurare ed elevare la statua, che vediamo nel San Giovanni Evangelista. Terminus ante quem per la statua di Duknović è da ritenere il 1489 quando è documentata la realizzazione del San Filippo del Fiorentino, il cui modello, come ha notato Štefanac, è proprio il San Giovanni di Duknović che gli stava di fronte. San Tommaso apostolo del Duknović se osserviamo il sistema dei drappeggi- è ugualmente confrontabile con il San Giovanni. Anche se fosse stato creato per una collocazione esterna alla cappella- alle cui nicchie del resto si adatta meglio delle sculture del Fiorentino- entrò per tempo nella cappella, in ogni caso prima del notevole rifacimento in epoca barocca che vide proprio nel San Giovanni del Duknović la statua più pregevole di tutto l'insieme, e l'attribuì ad Alessandro Vittoria di cui furono innalzate quattro statue accanto alla piramide del campanile, nel XVII secolo. Possiamo però ricordarci che il tipo fisionomico aquilino è uno dei tipi più famosi di ritratto eroico. Già la teoria fisionomica antica e medievale riteneva che l'aspetto di ogni animale fosse determinato dalla sua natura. Di conseguenza: una persona dal naso schiacciato e carnoso simile al leone dovrebbe essere generosa, virile, forte, ma anche incline all 'ira- come il leone; l'aquila, invece, nell'arte profana rinascimentale è portatrice di una varietà di significati simbolici -con associazioni alla regalità, all'acutezza visiva, all'elevatezza del pensiero. È allo stesso tempo attributo della speranza, della virtù e del ringiovanimento. L'identificazione di Alvise Cippico dal naso aquilino con San Giovanni poté stabilirsi proprio attraverso l'aquila attributo dell'Evangelista. Nel caso traurino, oltre a tutta la pretenziosità del ritratto che oggi ravvisiamo, Cippico voleva rappresentare il figlio nell'atto di ossequiosa imitazione delle virtù del santo (imitatio exempli virtutis). Con questo contributo (pubblicato in altra versione negli Atti del Convegno Internazionale: Michefozzo, scultore e architetto (1396-1472), a cura di G. Moroli , Firenze 1998: 287-296) si apre l'interrogativo se il San Giovanni di Duknović fosse destinato proprio ad essere il primo nella cappella. All 'interno dell 'opus del Duknović s'introduce un logico intermezzo con il soggiorno nella nativa Traù ai primi degli anni '80, senza il quale sarebbe difficile spiegare le eccezionali creazioni realizzate per il Palazzo Cippico. Soprattutto, leggendo i documenti noti e quelli finora non noti dell'archivio della cattedrale traurina si scopre la logica successione degli avvenimenti nel cantiere della cappella di Traù, e si pone in rilievo il ruolo di Coriolano Cippico sia nella sua progettazione, sia all'interno del circolo umanistico traurino della seconda metà del XV secolo.

Glavni cilj disertacije je analizirati ideologiju glavnih predstavnika radikalne desnice u Poljskoj. Ova doktorska disertacija dizajnirana je kao studija slučaja unutar okvira kulturalnog pristupa u političkim znanostima. Kao metoda istraživanja odabrana je kombinacija kvalitativne analize sadržaja i konceptualne analize ideologije Michaela Freedena. Iako je najveći fokus istraživanja na dvjema političkim strankama (Zakon i pravda i Liga poljskih obitelji) kao glavnim predstavnicima radikalno desne političke scene u Poljskoj, istraživanje se bavi i drugim akterima, prije svega organizacijama civilnog društva, društvenim pokretima i medijima, koji sudjeluju u konstruiranju i promoviranju ideologije radikalne desnice. Pritom istraživanje nije ograničeno na sadržaj ideologije i aktere koji tu ideologiju promoviraju, već ono uključuje i analizu procesa putem kojih se ideologija radikalne desnice eksplicira i formulira, kao i analizu dinamičnih odnosa među akterima procesa proizvodnje ideologije doprinoseći istraživanju ideologije radikalne desnice kao i istraživanju procesa konstruiranja političkih ideologija općenito. Kao polazište za navedenu analizu u disertaciji se koristi ponešto modificirana definicija radikalne desnice poznatog politologa Casa Muddea prema kojoj su konstitutivna obilježja radikalne desnice integralni nacionalizam, autoritarnost i populizam. Analizom je utvrđeno kako su sve tri ideološke karakteristike tipične za radikalnu desnicu prisutne kod glavnih aktera istraživanih u ovoj disertaciji. Na tragu konceptualne analize, ova disertacija je pokazala kako središnji konstitutivni koncept radikalno desne ideologije u Poljskoj predstavlja nacija, i kako svi ostali okolni koncepti detektirani analizom, poput solidarnosti, jednakosti šansi, pravde, demokracije, slobode, zadobivaju svoje značenje na temelju svog odnosa prema središnjem konstitutivnom obilježju ideologije. ; In the last thirty years or so, the influence of the radical right has been constantly growing throughout Europe. This political success has been accompanied by an increasingly intensive scientific research on the phenomenon of the radical right, which has resulted in several studies that address various aspects of the radical right phenomenon in Europe. Paradoxically, despite such an abundance of research papers, their review suggests that there are relatively few papers that have a systematic and in-depth approach to the political ideology of the radical right. This doctoral dissertation fills this research gap and focuses on the political ideology of the radical right, taking into account the thesis of the well-known researcher of political ideologies Michael Freeden, that political ideologies are the center of political analysis because the study of ideologies can provide relevant insights necessary for understanding politics and political processes. In the context of the debate on the wave of radicalism in Europe, Poland is a particularly interesting case. Firstly, it is the largest and most populous post-communist country that became a member of the EU and a country in which the radical right won three parliamentary and three presidential elections between 2005 and 2020. Secondly, in academic papers and media Poland is often portrayed as an example of a country that has successfully gone through the process of transformation to liberal democracy and as an example of the most successful transition economy in Europe. The Polish case is also interesting because it is a a country with more than 90% of declared Catholics and where, primarily due to historical development, Catholicism plays a significant role in political, social, and cultural life; it has become a key component of the Polish national identity. In contrast to Western European countries, in Poland Political Catholicism, did not spark the development of strong Christian- Democratic parties, it rather gave rise to radical right-wing parties instead. In addition to cultural factors, historical heritage is often considered a fertile ground for the emergence of this type of parties, especially its influence on political processes and on the processes of building a national identity. Namely, the Polish historical heritage, specifically the one related to the 20th century, was marked by a short period of democratic rule (1918-1925), and two long periods of authoritarian rule, that of Jozef Pilsudski (1925 to 1939), and that of the communist authoritarians (1945 to 1989). Thus, the main goal of the dissertation is to analyze the ideology of the main representatives of the radical right in Poland by exploring its discursive manifestations, as well as the way in which the radical right ideology is produced. This doctoral dissertation is designed as a case study within the framework of a cultural approach in political sciences. The cultural approach is characterized by the insistence on the importance of context, which, on the other hand, makes it difficult to define clear independent, dependent, and intervening variables. Therefore, in the cultural approach, a case is most often taken as the analytical unit taking into consideration all the complexity of its historical and socio-political distinctiveness. Qualitative content analysis was chosen as the research method, and conceptual analysis of Michael Freeden's ideology was added to it, since this approach allows us to better understand the morphology of ideologies and their operationalization in politics. The first chapter is about the theoretical and methodological framework. Since the concept of the radical right is one of the deeply contested concepts which there is no consensus about in political science, and since the aim of this doctoral dissertation is to explain this concept, the first part of the chapter consists of a review and analysis of recent literature. The notion of the radical right was analyzed through comparison with related terms such as the extreme right, right-wing populism, and the far right. As a starting point for analysis in the dissertation, a somewhat modified definition of the radical right by the well-known political scientist Cas Mudde is used. According to him, the constitutive features of the radical right are integral nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism. Like the concept of the radical right, the concept of ideology is also ambivalent and can be understood in different ways which result in multiple uses of the term ideology which are often contradictory. This doctoral dissertation is largely based on the morphological approach to the study of ideology developed by Michael Freeden. The second chapter deals with the history of Poland before 1989. The first part of the chapter explains the early context of the emergence of Polish nationalism, which has its roots in the 'noble democracy' of the 17th century, as well as in the national struggles for independence of the 19th century. However, the chapter focuses on two periods that significantly influenced the emergence and growth of Polish political nationalism in the early 2000s. The first is the interwar period (1918-1939) in which two traditions of Polish political thought, Sanacja and Endeca, crystallized, and from which two visions of the Polish nation, national identity, and the nation-state, emerged. The second period is after the Second World War, i.e., the period of the People's Republic of Poland in which the legitimization and institutionalization of the nationalist discourse take place. Equally, in this period there emerged and formed social groups with different visions of the Polish state after the fall of communism. The third chapter deals with the transformation of the People's Republic of Poland into the The third Republic and with an account of political and social events in the first decade after the fall of communism. This chapter sheds light on the political and social context within which the dominant social divisions in Polish society emerged, which in large part resulted in the evolution of radical right-wing parties in the early 2000s. In particular, the very nature of the transformation process emerged as the main subject of dispute. Namely, the Polish right believes that due to the contractual transformation of the system, the 'revolution' is not over and that the left-liberal groups have made an agreement with the former communist establishment. They believe that the Third Republic is a product of this agreement and that it serves the left-liberal and former communist elites to maintain positions of power and rule the The third Republic to the detriment of the oppressed people. This conspiratorial narrative represents the foundation around which the politics and ideology of the radical right have been built in Poland since 2000. The fourth chapter deals with the emergence and profiling of two radical right-wing parties, Law and Justice (Polish: Prawo I Sprawiedliwość – PiS) and the League of Polish Families (Polish: Liga Polskich Rodzin – LPR) . The chapter is structured in such a way as to first present the history of the formation of these parties, with an emphasis on the main actors who participated as the originators and implementers of these projects. In both cases, these are largely the 'family projects' of the Kaczynski brothers (Law and Justice) and father and son Giertych (League of Polish Families). From the Kaczynskis' biographies, it is obvious that they come from an environment dominated by the legacy of Sanacja, while father and son Giertych openly presents themselves as the heirs of the interwar Endecja. After presenting their political activities and the first successes in the elections, the ideology of these two parties is reconstructed, primarily from their programs and other party publications. The research showed that until 2005 both parties contained all the constitutive elements of the radical right according to Mudde's conceptualization. While these constitutive elements have been present in the League of Polish Families since its founding, the party Law and Justice gradually became radicalized. This period, at least from the perspectives of PiS and LPR, is dominated by the conflict between the post-communist elites (former communists and left-liberal intellectuals) gathered around the left Democratic Left Alliance (Polish: Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, SLD) and the so-called "patriotic' camp that emerged from Solidarity. This chapter also covers the period between 2005 and 2007 when these two parties, together with the Self-Defense party, formed a government that lasted less than two years. This first, shorter coming to power of the radical right in Poland is not important because of the public policies they pursued during that period, but because of the experience and lessons gained by PiS during its rule in the liberal democratic system. Namely, after 2007, the LPR disappeared from the Polish political scene, leaving the PiS as the only relevant political actor of the radical right. The fifth chapter covers the period between 2007 and 2015. It is the period of rule by the Civic Platform (Polish: Platforma Obywatelska, PO), a center-right party with strong pro-EU views and liberal economic and social policies. Due to the disappearance of the left from the Polish political scene, the main social and political conflict underwent a radical change. PiS formulated a new conflict – the struggle between solidarity and liberal or corporate Poland – and built its ideology around this conflict. This period in Polish political and social life was marked by the immigration crisis that hit Europe and the debate on the acceptance of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women, the so-called Istanbul Convention. Both topics as well as the pro-European orientation of the PO government led to the mobilization of radical right-wing social groups and media that skillfully occupied public space by successfully imposing their topics on the public agenda. As this dissertation will show, PiS has adapted its discourse to that of radical right-wing organizations and has successfully presented itself as their political representative. On the one hand, this 'alliance' helped the PiS succeed in the 2015 presidential and parliamentary elections, while on the other it marked the further radicalization of the PiS, especially when it comes to issues of morals and values. The sixth chapter deals with the period between 2015 and 2020. During that period, the PiS won both the presidential and the parliamentary elections twice. This chapter emphasizes how PiS translates its ideology into public policies. Namely, during this period PiS focused its efforts on two projects: 'repairing the state' and rebuilding the community (nation). The first project was marked by the judicial reform and the crisis related to the Constitutional Court; it aimed to strengthen the executive branch to the detriment of other branches of government. The PiS community reconstruction project was conceived as a change in the material and spiritual dimension of the community. The first is mostly related to social policies, the emphasis being on family policies. Changes in the spiritual dimension imply changes in cultural policy, within which there has been a reform of public media and the announcement of the "recolonization" of private media. In changing the spiritual dimension, PiS placed special emphasis on the defense of the traditional way of life on the one hand, and on the politics of history on the other, in which the Institute of National Remembrance played an exceptional role. The seventh chapter takes the form of a final discussion in which the basic theses of the radical right ideology in Poland are reconstructed. The aim of this discussion is to position the topic of this dissertation within the framework of a broader theoretical discussion between liberals and their critics. Finally, the conclusion summarizes the main research results in this doctoral dissertation and points to the possible direction of future research, especially research of countries with a strong radical right and with a similar historical and cultural heritage. Equally, the conclusion points to the fact that this dissertation has not fully answered the research question related to finding out how ideology is constructed, and the actors involved in the process. Namely, the problem was the research design and selection of the analysis method. The conclusion is that a more complete answer to this research question would require some field research, preferably using the method of interview or survey. Finally, we believe that some future research on ideology should move in that direction.

U studiji se, nasuprot uvriježenim mišljenjima, dokazuje da su blokovi sjevernog dijela Dioklecijanove palače bili izvorno projektirani i izvedeni za potrebe gineceja kojemu se u Notitia Dignitatum spominje nadstojnik (Procurator gynaecii lovensis Dalmatiae -Aspalato). Opskrbljivao ga je akvedukt kapaciteta 1500 1/sec. = 129.600 m3 na dan. Problem obilnog ispiranja riješen je odgovarajucim kanalizacijskim sistemom koji je postojao samo duž ulica sjevernog dijela Palače u kojem su se nalazili pogoni carskih tkaonica. Tehnologija je (uz sustav bazena arheološki uočenih u prizemlju Papalićeve palače) ukljucivala sumporavanje, za što su bili na raspolaganju brojni izvori sumporne vode uz samu Palaču. Čitava građevina savršeno se uklapa u dugački niz tetrarhijskih javnih radova. Bila bi to izvorna, osnovna funkcija građevine u koju se Dioklecijan povukao nakon što je 305. g. bio prisiljen na abdikaciju. ; In scholarly literature, the term "city" was first mentioned by Lj. Karaman, talking of the beginnings of medieval Split in Diocletian's Palace, and then by Andre Grabar in his Martyrium (I: 232-233).2 Noel Duval, in a series of studies he wrote, asks whether Diocletian's residence should be classified as palatium, villa, castrum, urban settlement or some special type of architecture, considering that in comparison with genuine imperial palaces like those in Constantinople, Antioch, Philippopolis and Ravenna, it was wanting a number of "attributes": proposed the term "chateau".3 -5 The term was thoroughly investigated by Slobodan Čurčić, discussing late antique palatine architecture, showing convincingly that the urban character of these residences was undoubted (of Antioch , Nicomedia, Salona, Constantinople, Split) - although the miniature municipal quarters in them had an only slightly more than symbolic significance.6 Diocletian's building in Split really does not have the external look of a Roman imperial villa. In Split, in particular with respect to the two architectural masses in the northern part of the building, we note, its innate anti-landscape character, both the internal and the external disposition of the architectural elements, which is almost inorganically formalised. Not even in the narrow residential area, within which the halls are interconnected only via the "cryptoportico" having no direct contacts with the surrounding landscape, we do not find any of the characteristics that in the nature of things we would expect in a residence in which, it was always considered, the emperor intended to while away his final years. The Split edifice is really primarily an example of fortification. But here too we can be surprised. The sentry patrol corridor should be on the top of the walls and should be protected with a parapet, while here it is on the first floor, perforated with hardly defensible apertures (3 x 2m). The building was clearly primarily motivated by the desire to impress the surroundings, with its emphatic delineation of military presence and power. The Golden and Silver Gates and the great apertures of the sentry corridor on the three sides of the walls onto the mainland must have been walled up before the Byzantine-Gothic wars of the 530s.7 But it would seem that we can understand its form - so very particular that it evades the usual, in some sense fossilized, terminology – only through some new reading of the original meaning and purpose of the building itself. In author's opinion, this is proffered by a very simple question. The aqueduct that brought water into the palace from the source of the river Jadro was, in the design and execution of the imperial architects, undoubtedly related to the construction of his final dwelling place. Although it is a rare specimen of a Roman monument of this kind that is still being used today (reconstructed in 1878), in the literature and in research it has been almost entirely neglected, and has certainly never been interpreted in the original context. The aqueduct provided 1500 l/ sec. (129.600 m3 a day), which in terms of our standards would be enough for a population of 173,000. 8,9 The sheer amount of water inevitably leads to the question of what it was meant for, because it far exceeded the needs of the relatively modest bath complexes in the Palace. The answer might be hidden in an almost neglected item of information from Notitia Dignitatum OC XI 48 (ed. 0 . Seeck, 150) where there is a mention of the Procurator genaecii Iovensis Dalmatiae - Aspalato- warden of the imperial weaving shop for the production of woollen clothing for the army that worked in Split, under the title of Jupiter. So far it has always been thought, on the rare occasions when this fact has been mentioned at all (and then only by-the-bye) that this gynaeceum was only after Diocletian's death "inscribed" into the Palace, which was for the whole of the 5th century a kind of pensiopolis of dethroned emperors or pretenders to the throne. It has been considered that the northern part of the Palace was reserved for the Imperial Guard, for stables and the like. 10,11 Notitia Dignitatum, a long list of all the senior offices in the Empire, civilian and military, is certainly of a composite character. The basic text was created probably in about 408 (in partibus Occidentis changes were recorded up to 420), but it conceals a lot of information about the periods before the revision of the basic copy, mirroring the order that Diocletian had brought into the state, which certainly relates to the Split gynaeceum, which alone of the 14 such complexes located in the most important cities of the empire bears the characteristic predicate Iovense: it must in itself constitute a terminus post quem non to do with the origin of the factory of military uniforms of wool in the building in Split. 12,13,15 Although the gynaecea were never mentioned in the context of Diocletian's reforms, it is generally accepted that they were created at the time of the first Tetrarchy. The concentration of the labour force, the range of specialised jobs, the degree of organisation and their connection with urban centres makes them, in the judgement of historians, the closest to the modern industrial factory. State factories (fabricae) were set up in the late Empire to eliminate or at least to alleviate the difficulties concerning the supply of the state and the army with certain products. It was necessary to clothe the approximately half a million soldiers that Diocletian 's army reforms had raised, as well as no small number of clerks. Archaeology, however, has never made any direct contribution to the understanding of their internal organisation, except in the case of the otherwise well documented gynaeceum in Carthage, which lay in the heart of the city, on the edge of the celebrated Circular Harbour. 16,17 The state operated, through the comes sacrarum largitionum, a number of weaving mills, both for woolen and linen fabrics, and dyeworks 18 The Split gynaeceum should have probably been in some kind of complementary relationship with the gynaeceum moved to Salona, perhaps for security reasons, from Bassiana (Donji Petrovci, Pannonia Inferior) also noted by Notitia Dignitatum, XI, 46 (Procurator gynaecii Bassanensis Pannoniae Secundae translati Salonis). In Salona, thus, there was a large cloth dyeworks (In Not. dign. the Procurator bafii Salonitani Dalmatiae was also mentioned) and weaving mill. At Five Bridges in Salona artisan workshops were actually found, probably a dyer's workshop, and fulling mills for cloth and the dyeing of cloth. Also to be seen is the reservoir from which the water to drive the mills ran, and a building for the habitation of the workers. 19 In one inscription in Salona, a magister conquilarius is mentioned (CIL III 2115 + 8572), clearly the head of the state workshops in which purple was extracted from shellfish, perhaps for the gynaeceum in Aspalathos. 22 Another inscription found in Salona mentions a certain Hilarus, who was the purpurarius, dyer of red garments or, perhaps, negotiator artis purpurae. 23 That the Salona baffeum and the Split gynaeceum were mentioned only in the Notitia Dignitatum, says that their production was a strictly channelled state monopoly, and that the products from them did not make their way to the general market as other goods did. The army was supplied directly, without the agency of merchants. Although not all the technological details of the gynaeceum, the fullonica and the baffeum have been revealed, we can conjure up in the northern half of the Palace an image of the whole system of pools in which the fabrics were washed, softened and finished by being trampled on with bare feet in a solution of potash , fuller's earth, human and animal urine. Here then there was a very large demand for water.28 Garments were rubbed with chalk, and fumigated with sulphur. It is particularly important to remember that the technology included, among other things, sulphur treatment (sulfure sulfire ), for which there were the many springs of sulphurous water alongside the Palace itself, which were used for the washing and bleaching of cloth right up to the first half of the 20th century, by St Francis church on the Shore.29 The problem of copious rinsing was solved by the extraordinarily handled sewage system that existed only along the the cardo and decumanus and the perimeter streets of the northern part of the Palace , in which the mentioned plant was located. Among other things, the extreme western part of the sewer under the decumanus, at the exit from the Palace, has been explored. It passed under the western gate (Porta ferrea), and moved in a gentle arc towards the south-west, finishing some forty metres further in a stone portal (below the kitchen of today's Hotel Central). Thence in an open channel all this water flowed into the bay of the sea, in the immediate vicinity of the grandest corner of the Palace.30 The monumental cross-section of this sewage system corresponds perfectly to the cross-section of the aqueduct. We should underscore the fact that the sewage system was located only along the streets of the northern part of the Palace, while we might expect it to be primarily in the residential southern part, which also shows that it was constructed for the purpose of the production inside the gynaeceum. Unfortunately, there are practically no archaeological records of the small finds from investigations of the northern part of the Split building. But, during excavations of the crossing place of the cardo and decumanus (in order to establish the original level of the street and the Peristyle) M. Suić in 1974 did observe, "a very thick layer of fine sediment of a markedly red colour of non-organic origin", which had been deposited in the cloaca, and which had retained its intensity for centuries. This must prove the existence of fullonica, which must have been located within the gynaeceum.31, 32, 55, 56 Gynaeciarii, like other craftsmen, were associated into corporations or collegia, but were not able to leave their work, being nexu sanguinis ad divinas largitiones perlinenles, which makes the construction of the northern part of the Palace, in which they lived alongside their workshops even more logical. 36 - 4 0 Their patron saint in 5th c. might have been, as I have already speculated, St Martin - patron of soldiers and weavers -to whom the little church in the sentries' walk over the Golden Gate, walled-in very early on, was dedicated. 41 All this also suggests that Christianity was alive in the Palace from day one. Along with the bishop and the praetorians, the weavers were probably that industrial revolutionary guard of the time. It is not at all surprising that a martyr like St. Anastasius - a fullo, the co-patron of Split, should have come precisely from the milieu of the fullers, probably working in the baffeum in Salona. In Split, Diocletian's gynaeceum was probably reliant upon a manufacture that already existed, one linked with the sulphurous water and perhaps on the broom, genisla acanlhoclada, from which a colouring agent for dying the cloth was obtained, and according to which, it is believed, Aspalathos actually obtained its name.43 There was raw material in Dalmatia within reach. Immediately following the Second World War there were about one million sheep in the central hinterland of the Adriatic coast. Delm or Dalm in Old Illyrian means shepherd, herder, flock, and hence Delminium means the place of pasture, and delme- dalme still today in Albanian means sheep.44 - 49 Evidence of the organised weaving industry in Roman Dalmatia can be seen in the form of the weaving industry around Split, which all the way through the Middle Ages and until quite recently was different from that in the other regions. 51 The Gynaeceum iovense might have been special precisely in the fact that this was not a remodelled and expanded production area already in existence, the expropriation of some extant minor complexes (as is assumed to have happened in Carthage), but a green field project, an exemplarily constructed industrial unit. And for this reason, of all such establishments, it was the only one to have such a flowery dedication and name. At the end one should also draw attention to an almost neglected reference concerning the palace, that is, the first description of it, uttered by the most authoritative mouth of all. In the Oralio ad Sanclorum coelum which he delivered in Antioch in 325, Emperor Constantine said that the colossal pile of the palace was a "loathed dwelling" in which the Emperor Diocletian shut himself up after this abdication: "After the massacre in the persecutions, after he had condemned himself by depriving himself of power, as a man of no utility, acknowledging the damage he had done with his imprudence, he remained hidden in his really contemptible dwelling place". 61 This surprising statement of Constantine might be an allusion to the fact that Diocletian had to spend his last days in a building that in spite of all the sumptuousness of its centre and the residential quarters looking onto the sea- must also have had the features of a military factory, to which the form of the castrum must have been in all respects much more suitable than to a charming imperial residence. The whole of the building fits perfectly in with the long series of tetrarchic public works. It is important to stress the autonomy of the cardo and the decumanus (12 metres broad) with their own lastricatus and their own porticatus, independent of the blocks that they hid. I would even say that the form of the castrum is more logical for a gynaeceum than it is for a palace. What should be actually highlighted is the surprising pragmatism, as well as the great social focus of the lllyrian emperors, who really did want to renew the "fervent patriotism and iron duty in the evil days" (Syme). Probus in Egypt worked on an important improvement of the navigation of the Nile; temples, bridges, porticoes, palaces, all were put up by the army. Galerius himself was a devotee of public works, and undertook an operation worth of a monarch, says Gibbon, diverting the excess of water from Lake Pelso (Balaton) to the Danube, at the border with Noricum. He had the endless woods all around cleared, and gave the whole reclaimed area between the Drava and the Danube to his Panonian subjects to be cultivated, naming it Valeria after his wife. 65, 66 Most of the buildings that Diocletian put up were of a utilitarian purpose, such as mints and the factories that Lactantius mentions, or border forts, roads and bridges. Dozens of extant inscriptions tell us of the dedications of new and restored temples, aqueducts, nymphea and public buildings - "vetustatu con lapsum" or "Ionge incuria neglectum"- dilapidated from age and long neglect. 67 According to Lactantius's writing, Diocletian had an infinitam cupiditatem aedificandi, an infinite desire to build. 68 Today we are apt to count mostly the imperial palaces in connection with this statement, and to forget the whole framework of comprehensive public works that were undertaken during the first tetrarchy. Twenty years of relaxation from civil wars and barbarian invasions, and the gradual suppression of local unrest, led to the renovation of the prosperity in cities all round the Empire, hence the major number of public dedications, the revival of overall construction activity. The Tetrarchan New Deal - with Diocletian as the Roosevelt of the ancient world - is often understood in a formalist way, as a series of legislative and political attempts to halt inflation, overlooking exploits like Galerius's round Balaton, or this one in Split. The construction of the Split Palace, then, no kind of imperial Xanadu, as it is often held to be, justified its investment. More than that: its existence enabled antiquity in Dalmatia, even after the 7th century catastrophe, not to be extinguished with a sudden death, but over long centuries to be merged into the modern age, remaining until this day a lesson in and criterion for every creative architectural operation into the tissue of the city, which developed organically within the precise, almost dry geometry of the Emperor's palace-cumfactory. * The article was published in English, in: Das Imperium zwischen Zentralisierung und Regionalisierung: Palaste- Regionen- Volker (ed. A. Demand, A. Goltz und H. Schlange-Schoningen), Berlin - New York 2004: 141-162.