Suchergebnisse

U članku predstavljam analizu odziva slovenske osnovne škole na prisutnost različitih etničkih skupina i zajednica u slovenskom prostoru. Zanima me reagira li osnovnoškolski sustav u smislu suvremenog shvaćanja interkulturalnosti i teži li prema omogućavanju jednakih mogućnosti za "autohtone" i "novodobne" manjine. Analiza je potvrdila hipotezu da se u javnoj slovenskoj osnovnoj školi vodi asimilacijska, a ne integracijska školska politika, što etničkim manjinama onemogućuje ravnopravan obrazovni razvoj. Integracija je izražena više deklarativno nego u zbilji. ; In this article we present the analysis of Slovenian elementary school's response to the presence of different ethnic groups and communities in Slovenia. Does the elementary school system react along the lines of contemporary concept of interculturality and does it seek to enable equal opportunities for "native" and "new" minorities. The analysis confirmed the hypothesis that Slovenian public elementary schools implement the assimilative and not the integrative school politics, which prevents the ethnic minorities to achieve equal educational development. The integration is more declarative than real. ; In diesem Artikel wird eine Analyse vorgenommen, die sich mit der Reaktion der slowenischen Grund schule auf die Anwesenheit verschiedener Volksgruppen und ethnischer Gemeinschaften in Slowenien beschäftigt. Dabei stellte ich mir die Frage, ob das slowenische Grundschulsystem moderne interkulturelle Ansätze aufnimmt und sich um die Chancengleichheit "autochtoner" und "neuzeitlicher" Minderheiten bemüht. Die Analyse hat meine Ausgangshypothese bestätigt, dass an den öffentlichen slowenischen Grundschulen eine assimilatorische, und nicht integrative Schulpolitik betrieben wird, wodurch ethnische Minderheiten an einer gleichberechtigten Entfaltung und Ausbildung gehindert werden. Die Integration findet nur deklarativ, und nicht im Schulalltag statt.

Rezultati teorijsko — komparativne analize i empirijskog dijela istraživanja u sklopu znanstvenoistraživačkih projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" (1991.— 1996.) i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture" 1997. — 2002.) upućuju na zaključak kako ispitanici sebe vide primarno u okruženju nekih nacija: Hrvati, pa Amerikanci, Talijani, Nijemci i prema njima iskazujuj socijalnu blizinu. Kod nacija i etniciteta kod kojih je više iskazano neprihvaćanje: Srbi, Crnogorci, Romi., ne može se govoriti o crno-bijelim odnosima, jer istovremeno nije zanemariv postotak odgovora koji upućuju na prihvaćanje. Sličan je trend prisutan u odnosu na socijalne udaljenosti prema vjerskim skupinama. Dobiveni rezultati mogu pomoći definirati obrazovnu politiku te mogu pridonijeti neposrednoj školskoj praksi u procesu osuvremenjivanja odgojnog rada, i s gledišta rasterećenja od nepotrebnih sadržaja, prema uvođenju inoviranih programa, poboljšanju kvalitete udžbenika i drugih izvora znanja, u kontekstu interkulturalne pedagoške komunikacije. ; The results of theoretical-comparative analysis and of the empirical part of the study conducted as part of projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" 1991-1996 and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture" 1997-2002 point to the conclusion that subjects perceive themselves as primarily surrounded by certain nations: Croats, then Americans, Italians, Germans, expressing greater social closeness towards them. In the case of less accepted nations and ethnic groups, such as Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, etc. it is not possible to speak about "black and white" relations, since at the same time there is a certain percent of answers pointing to acceptance. There is a similar trend in the relation of social distance towards religious groups. The obtained results can help in the definition of educational politics and immediate school practice in the process of modernization of educational work from the viewpoint of clearing away the superfluous teaching matter as well as introduction of innovated programs and improvement of quality of textbooks and other sources of knowledge in the context of intercultural educational communication. ; Ergebnisse der theoretisch-vergleichenden Analyse und der empirischen Untersuchung im Rahmen der wissenschaftlichen Forschungsprojekte "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" 1991-1996 und "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" 1997-2002 lassen die Schlussfolgerung zu, dass die Befragten sich selbst und die anderen primar im Umfeld einer Nation betrachten: als Kroaten, Amerikaner, Italiener, Deutsche und dass sie zu diesen Gruppen eine ausgeprägte soziale Nähe aufweisen. Bei den Nationalitäten und ethnischen Gruppen, bei denen die Nichtannahme ausgeprägter ist, wie z.B. bei den Serben, Montenegrinern, Roma kann jedoch nicht von "schwarzweissen" Beziehungen gesprochen werden, da gleichzeitig der Prozentsatz der Akzeptanz zeigenden Antworten nicht zu vernachlässigen ist. Ein ähnlicher Trend zeigt sich auch im Verhältnis der sozialen Ferne zu den einzelnen Religionsgemeinschaften. Die erhobenen Resultate können bei der Definierung der Bildungspolitk und in der unmittelbaren Schulpraxis als Orientierung herangezogen werden, um den Ausbildungsprozess zu modernisieren, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Entlastung von unnötigen Lehrinhalten als auch im Hinblick auf die Einführung neuer Lehrprogramme und Verbesserung von Lehrbüchern und anderen Wissensquellen, im Kontext der interkulturellen pädagogischen Kommunikation.

Focuses on the ethnic structure & the system of protecting the rights of national minorities in an ethnically plural Slovenia. According to the 1991 census, 87.8% of the country's population is Slovenian, & the rest are Croats, Serbs, Muslims, Italians, Hungarians, Romanies, members of other smaller ethnic groups, ethnically uncommitted persons, & individuals with regional identities. The Slovenian Constitution guarantees to all individuals, not only to Slovenian citizens, the right to expression & protection of ethnic identity. In line with the Constitution, the author distinguishes several basic categories of ethnic communities: the Slovenian people, the autochthonous minorities (Hungarians & Italians), the Romanies, the nonautochthonous (immigrant) minority groups whose members are Slovenian citizens, &, finally, the members of immigrant groups who are not Slovenian citizens. The Slovenian concept of the protection of autochthonous minority communities guarantees to the members of these minorities collective & individual rights. Their political representation in the Slovenian national parliament is guaranteed. The ethnic community of Romanies enjoys a high level of protection of their minority rights, allowing for a number of specific features of their social structure & taking into consideration their territorial dispersion & a low level of organization. The rights of the nonautochthonous ethnic communities are protected in a somewhat lesser degree. The author concludes that in Slovenia the constitutional & legal protection of ethnic minorities & their members is exemplary & can serve as a model to other countries. 1 Table, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Focuses on the ethnic structure & the system of protecting the rights of national minorities in an ethnically plural Slovenia. According to the 1991 census, 87.8% of the country's population is Slovenian, & the rest are Croats, Serbs, Muslims, Italians, Hungarians, Romanies, members of other smaller ethnic groups, ethnically uncommitted persons, & individuals with regional identities. The Slovenian Constitution guarantees to all individuals, not only to Slovenian citizens, the right to expression & protection of ethnic identity. In line with the Constitution, the author distinguishes several basic categories of ethnic communities: the Slovenian people, the autochthonous minorities (Hungarians & Italians), the Romanies, the nonautochthonous (immigrant) minority groups whose members are Slovenian citizens, &, finally, the members of immigrant groups who are not Slovenian citizens. The Slovenian concept of the protection of autochthonous minority communities guarantees to the members of these minorities collective & individual rights. Their political representation in the Slovenian national parliament is guaranteed. The ethnic community of Romanies enjoys a high level of protection of their minority rights, allowing for a number of specific features of their social structure & taking into consideration their territorial dispersion & a low level of organization. The rights of the nonautochthonous ethnic communities are protected in a somewhat lesser degree. The author concludes that in Slovenia the constitutional & legal protection of ethnic minorities & their members is exemplary & can serve as a model to other countries. 1 Table, 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author starts from Kuhn's division into Western civic nationalism & Eastern ethnic nationalism as a continuum along which a population is distributed. He claims that ethnic identification cannot be analyzed outside its political context & historical circumstances. Thus after the first phase of the ethnic revival following the collapse of communism in Croatia, we have witnessed how the civic component seeped into the ethnic identification. The author claims that the commitment to the Yugoslav idea in the former Yugoslavia was a multifunctional phenomenon that served also as a means of avoiding a narrow ethnic identification. With the collapse of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav idea in Croatia reemerged as the civic identity that replaced the ethnic identity. The difference stemmed from modern Western political discourse & penetrated the processes of identification. The civic identification was an equivalent to the Yugoslav idea as it enabled people to distance themselves from the narrow ethnic identification & the sweeping ethnic revival in Croatia's first postcommunist phase. This served as an escape from the minority status just like the former commitment to the Yugoslav idea. 5 Tables, 50 References. Adapted from the source document.

Ethnic minorities & minorities-related conflicts have always been one of the most important security issues for the international community. The durability of ethnic conflicts in certain regions & the difficulties in their resolution, have resulted in the outbreak of many armed conflicts, the collapse of multi-ethnic states, the changes of borders & of demographic relations. Despite the increasing number of security challenges & needs, it is still not possible to talk about a certain uniform & universally accepted model of solving the problems among ethnic minorities. It is obvious that in the post-Cold War period this is going to be an increasingly pressing need of international community. The paper deals with most basic security problems that are caused by the unsettled relationships between ethnic minorities & majority; it also covers the policies of their resolution. By analyzing the model of resolving ethnic conflicts in South Tyrol, two groups of ethnic conflicts' resolution policies are looked into: the policy of the elimination of differences & the policy of managing differences. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

Using Quentin Skinner's & John Pocock's methodological guidelines, the author argues that the topic of the text by Pavao Ritter Vitezovic, Ozivljena Hrvatska (The Revived Croatia) is identity. The text establishes ethnic identity &, at the same time, provides the "tools" for the future "constructors of the nation" in their creation of national identity. Because of this, the author suggests that Vitezovic, due to the subject he covered -- ie, identity -- should be considered as part of the Croatian political science tradition. 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Wars & suffering in the 20th century, mostly the consequences of ethnic & religious antagonisms, have been typical for Europe's Southeast. That is why the ethnic aspects of security are central to an understanding of the totality of this region's security, particularly in the 21st century. The security of southeastern Europe can be analyzed using realistic, idealistic, & neo-realistic approaches to contemporary security as its starting point. The security of this region is affected by the internal circumstances of the region's states, particularly their economic situations & interethnic relations. Similarly, significant influence is exerted by the relations among the various states & nations, as well as by the ethnic-based conflicts that result from these relations. This part of Europe is likely to remain a volatile region, fraught with economic difficulties & crises, nationalisms, & xenophobia. In such circumstances, with the open sores of simmering ethnic feuds & the specter of various nationalisms, is it realistic to expect the rational politics needed to lead the countries of southeastern Europe toward a united Europe? The answer to this question is sought not only by this region's states but also by the leading European states & the US. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

In numerous European countries, majority nations & national minorities that live in them, aware of the complexity of relations between majorities & minorities in the ethnic sense & the ensuing dangers, have engaged in mutual accommodation & compromise, thus fashioning certain models of coexistence. Constitutional provisions of European states prove that there is no single model of recognition of the rights of national minorities. Still, European states may be divided into three groups: (1) those that advocate the constitutional principle of the integral nation & refuse to recognize any other ethnic origin of their citizens; (2) those that do not divide their ethnic communities into majority & minority ones, which means that they do not recognize the category of the national minority, but protect the ethnic identity of their members by distinguishing their citizens by the languages they use; & (3) those that recognize the notion of the majority nation & national minorities. The latter states have elaborated provisions regarding the rights of national minorities, particularly the protection of their national, cultural, religious, & linguistic identity, with major differences in the scope of individual rights. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.