Suchergebnisse

Autor istražuje etničko nasilje usmjereno prema Srbima u Zadru 1990. i 1991. koristeći se različitim oblicima pisanih izvora (novine, sudski dokumenti, policijski izvještaji, nalazi psihijatrijsko-forenzičkih vještačenja i srodni izvori) i prikupljenim usmenim svjedočanstvima ljudi koji su tih godina živjeli u Zadru. Istraživanje obuhvaća prva otpuštanja s posla, stvaranje atmosfere straha i nepovjerenja, uništavanje imovine tijekom zadarske "kristalne noći" i nakon nje, te djelovanje "trojki" koje su upadale u stanove i zlostavljale Srbe s ciljem njihovog zastrašivanja i protjerivanja, te na kraju, ubojstva Srba u Zadru u drugoj polovici 1991., s osobitim naglaskom na umorstvo troje zarobljenih Srba u improviziranom zatvoru u listopadu 1991. Autor te događaje promatra u svjetlu diskurzivnog djelovanja državnih i lokalnih elita, koristeći teoriju kulturalne politike emocija koju je iznijela teoretičarka kulture Sarah Ahmed u svojoj studiji "The Cultural Politics of Emotions" u kojoj ističe kako emotivni iskazi osim deklarativnih imaju i performativnu ulogu u smislu da mogu stvarati, oblikovati i teritorijalizirati polje društvenih odnosa. Uloga emocije straha i emocije bijesa u stvaranju podjela bila je razvidna devedesetih, no u većini studija etničkih sukoba u bivšoj Jugoslaviji, nije joj pridana odgovarajuća težina. Autor istražuje kako je politički diskurs koji se u Hrvatskoj počeo artikulirati za vrijeme prvih višestranačkih izbora 1990., a postao sveprisutan početkom ratnih napetosti 1991., utjecao na stvaranje nacionalnih podjela i formiranje društvene situacije u kojoj je međuetničko nasilje postalo društveno prihvatljivim načinom političkog djelovanja. Također, u radu će biti istaknuti načini na koji su zadarski Srbi sami proživljavali vlastitu viktimizaciju, te nedostatak interesa institucija za nasilje prema njima. ; The author examines ethnic violence against the Serbs in Zadar in 1990 and 1991 by using different written sources (newspapers, judicial documents, police reports, medical and forensic ...

Rad se bavi prikazom položaja kurdske manjine u Turskoj te nastoji istražiti mogućnosti rješenja kurdskog pitanja s obzirom na okolnosti, unutarnje i vanjske, kroz koje je Turska prolazila i koje danas oblikuju političku situaciju te države. Cilj je procijeniti perspektivu za rješavanjem kurdskog problema s obzirom na interpretaciju istog od strane turskih vlasti kao vodećeg izazova za nacionalnu sigurnost. Nadalje, navođenjem i analizom faktora koji se pokazuju ključnim u oblikovanju politike vlasti prema Kurdima, rad opisuje status kurdskog pitanja kao ugroze turskog identiteta i sigurnosti. Isto tako, nastoji pokazati potencijale za drugačijim pristupom tematiziranom problemu. Promotrivši sve činitelje, njihova preklapanja, pozitivne i negativne učinke, u konačnici se ispostavlja kako trenutno ne postoji perspektiva za boljim položajem Kurda u Turskoj, na koje će se i dalje gledati kao na vodeću prijetnju unutarnjoj sigurnosti države. Razlozi tome zaključku su slabosti turskog političkog sustava u obliku nedostatka demokratskih vrijednosti, terorističke prijetnje PKK i Islamske države, regionalnih sukoba i nedostatka pozitivnog utjecaja iz međunarodne sfere. Prema svemu navedenom, mogućnost rješenja pitanja Kurda ostaje neostvarena. ; This paper presents the condition of Kurdish minority in Turkey and attempts to explore the possibilities of finding solution to the Kurdish question regarding the circumstances, internal and external, through which Turkey went through and which mold the political situation in that country today. The goal is to estimate a perspective for finding a solution to the Kurdish issue considering the interpretation of the same from Turkish government as a leading national security challenge. Furthermore, through listing and analysis of key factors in shaping government's policy towards the Kurds, this paper describes the status of Kurdish issue as a threat to Turkish identity and security. Also, it attempts to manifest potentials for a different approach to the question at hand. By ...

Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.

U radu se izlažu rezultati istraživanja (re)konstrukcije etničkih/nacionalnih identiteta pojedinih manjinskih zajednica u Republici Hrvatskoj uvjetovanih promjenama društveno-povijesnog konteksta (u razdoblju kad se Hrvatska nalazila u sastavu SFRJ, potom u razdoblju demokratskih promjena, Domovinskog rata, i samostalne RH). Koristi se kvalitativni pristup koji s jedne strane uključuje propitivanje službenog kategoriziranja i klasificiranja nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica unutar Ustava SFRJ i Ustava RH, teorijsko-pojmovnih objašnjenja i njihovoj implementaciji u definiranju identiteta, te empirijski dio koji obuhvaća dubinske intervjue maksimalne varijacije s pripadnicima različitih nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica koji žive na širem području RH. Naglašava se kako određene institucionalizirane klasifikacijske sheme ili povijesni trenutak mogu nametnuti ili dovesti do promjenjivosti strategija, položaja i uloge određenih manjinskih zajednica. Osim službenih definicija i institucionaliziranih klasifikacijskih shema kojima se neposredno pripisuju određena identitetska svojstva pojedinoj grupi, društveni identiteti mogu biti i rezultat slobodnog izbora, prinude, strategijske igre samih pojedinaca/članova određene grupe ili resurs podložan mobilizaciji u ostvarivanju političkih ili ekonomskih ciljeva. Kroz ova dva pristupa analizi identiteta nacionalnih manjinskih zajednica u RH pojašnjavamo ne samo procesualni i dinamični karakter identiteta nego i njegovu promjenjivu i situacijsku prirodu. ; This paper presents research results concerning the (re)-construction of the ethnic / national identities of particular minority communities in the Republic of Croatia, as shaped by fluctuations in the social and historical context (over the period when Croatia was part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, thereafter in the periods of democratic transformation, the Homeland War, and the independent Republic of Croatia). We take a multi-method approach, on the one hand exploring the official categorization and classification of national minorities within the Constitution of the FRY and the Constitution of the RC, whilst also examining theoretical and conceptual explanations and their implementation in defining identity. The empirical part includes in-depth interviews with members of different ethnic minority communities living across the territory of present-day Croatia. The paper emphasizes how certain institutional classificatory schemes or historical moments may be imposed or lead to volatility as concerns the strategies, positions and roles of certain minority communities. In addition to the official definition and institutionalized classificatory schemes that are directly attributed to the specific identity characteristics of each group, social identities can be the result of free choice, coercion, strategy games played by individuals / members of certain groups themselves or resources mobilized in order to achieve political or economic goals. Through considering these two approaches to the analysis of national minority identities in present-day Croatia, we elaborate not only the procedural and dynamic character of identity but also its variable and situational nature.

Ovaj rad je treći nastavak geografske studije o Boki kotorskoj (u daljem tekstu: Boka). U prvom radu (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2005) prikazane su društveno-političke promjene i razvoj etničkog sastava Boke do 1918. g., a u drugome etnički sastav Boke u razdoblju austrijske uprave 1814.-1918. g. (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A. 2006). U ovom, tre¬ćem radu analiziraju se promjene etničkog sastava Boke nakon razdoblja austrijske uprave, s posebnim osvrtom na drastičan pad broja Hrvata. Razumljivo je, stoga, da ova analiza započinje prikazom strukture etničkog sastava Boke pred kraj austrijske uprave, i to na temelju podataka posljednjeg austrijskog popisa 1910. g. Nakon toga slijedi analitički osvrt na promjene etničkog sastava prostora Boke, koje proizlaze iz podataka popisa stanovništva u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije (1918.-1941. g.) i federalne Jugoslavije (1945.-1991. g.). Prikaz završava analizom popisa stanovništva Crne Gore 2003. g., naslovljenom «Hrvati u etničkom sastavu Boke - odumiranje bokeljskih Hrvata». ; The paper is the third part of the geographic essay on the area of Boka kotorska (the Bay of Kotor). In the firstpart,theauthors(Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2005) describe social and political changes in Boka kotorska and development of ethnic structure of the area until 1918. The subject of the second part of the essay (Crkvenčić, I.; Schaller, A., 2006) is ethnic structure of Boka kotorska in the period of Austrian rule (1814-1918). Finally, in this, third part, the changes of ethnic structure of Boka kotorska since the fall of Austrian regime onward are analysed. In the focus of the analysis is the phenomenon of a huge decrease of Croatian population in Boka kotorska. The explanation of ethnic development in the area begins with analysis of data obtained from the last Austrian census in 1910. There are two periods considered in the paper: (1) development of ethnic composition in the period of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1918-1941), and (2) ethnic features of the population of Boka kotorska in the period of federal Yugoslavia (1945-1991). In addition, the analysis of data by Montenegrin census in 2003 is made in the chapter titled «Croats in ethnic structure of Boka kotorska – the dying away of Croatian population in Boka kotorska».

Since mid 1991, in the context of structuring the ethnic relations & statuses in Bosnia & Herzegovina, a great attention is being devoted to the country's internal territorial division in accordance with the ethnic principle. The leadership of the three peoples in Bosnia & Herzegovina, appealing to the size of "their own" ethnic territories, formulated incompatible & extremely conflicting ethno-territorial demands. The Serbs claimed that two thirds of the country's territory should belong to them, the Croats demanded one third, & the Muslims/Bosniaks, being unable to articulate a project of a unitary state, demanded one half. After its initial involvement in the attempts to find a solution to the crisis in the country, at the beginning of February 1992, the international community supported a proposal for a federal arrangement where the federal units would be established according to the ethnic principle. However, since the international community rightly considered the existing demands as exaggerated, it tried to find an objective method to determine the size of the ethnic units in order to achieve a fair distribution of the country's territory. For that purpose, it used "the ethnic map" made on the basis of the numbers of each people in the existing administrative units -- counties (opcine). After the break out of the war (1992-95), the significance of that map would diminish in the subsequent peace plans & territorial division that accompanied them. Still, most of the experts interested in the problems of Bosnia & Herzegovina consider the mentioned map, thanks to its initial popularization by the international community, as an adequate basis for determining the size of the "ethnic units" according to which one should measure the ethno territorial divisions created by the war. Those views had their share of influence on the interethnic relation in the Bosnia & Herzegovina, on the internal geopolitical relations, & even on the aspect of international relations that was influenced by the war in Bosnia. The article claims that this map gives a wrong idea about the real size of the ethnic territories in the country. Thus, it was wrong to consider the map as an adequate "politically correct" basis in determining the ethno territorial units, & it is also wrong to use it as a standard by which one should measure the ethno territorial results of the war in Bosnia. Adapted from the source document.

In this article the traditional and modern elements of the identity of Serbs in Croatia are analysed. The author identifies the following key elements or markers of this identity: Christian Orthodox faith, use of Cyrillic alphabet, social and political preferences and values, concern for the status of their ethnic community, loyalty to specific organisations that represent their community, and memories of the Second World War, i.e. loyalty to Partisans. This article presents results of in-depth interviewing of a large number of ethnic Serbs from different regions of Croatia. The author concludes that following the disintegration of Yugoslavia, Serb identity in Croatia has been through an ambivalent process. On one hand, there is a process of re-traditionalisation and 'reviving of identity', which had been neglected in the times of Yugoslavia. On the other hand, due to the war of the 1990s, Serb ethnic community in Croatia has been significantly reduced, and there are new fears - especially of the trend of assimilation. Many Serbs have left Croatia and will not return. Thus, it is possible that the Serb community is facing disappearance. Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

With the production of their own media material, the ethnic minorities assume responsibility for opposing the predominant media discourses of the majority culture, and fight for their own distinctiveness and (self)representation within the Croatian media sphere. The ethnic-minority media serve not only the purpose of preserving the socio-cultural values and special features of the minority identity, but also of providing information both to a particular community on the intra-ethnic level and to the majority of the Croatian society regarding the situation, the needs and the rights of the minorities themselves. Thus they represent and convey their interests to the general public. This paper aims to investigate how ethnic minorities are represented in the media and to what extent the ethnic-minority media are represented in the media arena of the Republic of Croatia. The author focuses especially on the city of Zagreb and the minorities which have organized ethnic-minority Councils there. An introductory discussion on the role and influence of the media is followed by an overview of the analysis of ways of reporting on ethnic minorities in the mainstream media of the majority, based on the results of research carried out so far. Furthermore, the paper includes a discussion on the minority media, comprising a tabular outline of print media and digital media (from the Internet domain) of the ethnic-minority communities in the Republic of Croatia. Finally, the author provides an analysis of such a state of affairs regarding the media, and some concluding remarks. Adapted from the source document.

In spite of the fact that Serbia is a multicultural state in which many ethno-cultural minorities live, that basic regulations have been issued which secure the rights of ethnic minorities, and that a system of multiculturalism has been established, only partial recognition of the identity and rights of ethnic minorities has been accomplished in Serbia. This has been carried out through introducing procedures, rules, institutions, mechanisms and instruments which guarantee the exercise of rights of ethnic minorities which live and develop their own identity alongside other minorities and the ethnic majority, with the actual effect that, regardless of the attained high level of multiculturalism, the minorities are still separated, mutually and with regard to the majority, i.e. ghettoised. This is caused by the established type of segregative multiculturalism, which contributes to the situation in which minorities are separated; they coexist, but are not intermixed in an integrated multicultural society. Adapted from the source document.