Compte rendu critique ; Cet ouvrage est important à double titre. D'abord, parce qu'il propose de renouveler les approches dominantes en sciences sociales et politiques sur l'épidémie de VIH/sida ; ensuite, parce qu'il soulève une série d'interrogations sur la méthode et les impensés tant normatifs que politiques qui président à ce type de travaux. Jusqu'à la fin des années 1990, le paradigme dominant des recherches sur le VIH/sida mettait l'accent sur les comportements individuels à risques, et ce dans le but de changer ces derniers afin de prévenir l'extension de l'épidémie. Le poids des contextes sociaux et économiques était ainsi central dans l'analyse du développement et de l'implantation des politiques favorisant l'abandon des pratiques à risques. Durant toute cette première phase de la recherche, la variable politique est restée largement inexplorée, et il a fallu attendre les années 2000 pour que des travaux sur les politiques de l'après-guerre froide fassent du sida une clef pour comprendre les phénomènes de globalisation [1]. Cette perspective nouvelle se voulait à la fois inclusive et cumulative, puisque comprendre la globalisation des politiques de lutte contre le sida nécessitait autant une prise en compte des facteurs socioéconomiques, culturels et politiques que des données épidémiologiques sur l'étendue et la répartition de l'épidémie dans le monde. Celle-ci étant devenue une métaphore de la globalisation, selon la formule que rappelle Lieberman en introduction, « le sida ne connaît pas de frontières », le questionnement s'est alors orienté vers la caractérisation des freins et des obstacles au déploiement des politiques globales contre le VIH. [Premier article du compte-rendu]
Compte rendu critique ; Cet ouvrage est important à double titre. D'abord, parce qu'il propose de renouveler les approches dominantes en sciences sociales et politiques sur l'épidémie de VIH/sida ; ensuite, parce qu'il soulève une série d'interrogations sur la méthode et les impensés tant normatifs que politiques qui président à ce type de travaux. Jusqu'à la fin des années 1990, le paradigme dominant des recherches sur le VIH/sida mettait l'accent sur les comportements individuels à risques, et ce dans le but de changer ces derniers afin de prévenir l'extension de l'épidémie. Le poids des contextes sociaux et économiques était ainsi central dans l'analyse du développement et de l'implantation des politiques favorisant l'abandon des pratiques à risques. Durant toute cette première phase de la recherche, la variable politique est restée largement inexplorée, et il a fallu attendre les années 2000 pour que des travaux sur les politiques de l'après-guerre froide fassent du sida une clef pour comprendre les phénomènes de globalisation [1]. Cette perspective nouvelle se voulait à la fois inclusive et cumulative, puisque comprendre la globalisation des politiques de lutte contre le sida nécessitait autant une prise en compte des facteurs socioéconomiques, culturels et politiques que des données épidémiologiques sur l'étendue et la répartition de l'épidémie dans le monde. Celle-ci étant devenue une métaphore de la globalisation, selon la formule que rappelle Lieberman en introduction, « le sida ne connaît pas de frontières », le questionnement s'est alors orienté vers la caractérisation des freins et des obstacles au déploiement des politiques globales contre le VIH. [Premier article du compte-rendu]
International audience ; [The geography of population of Iraq is severely disrupted since the military conquests of Daech. To understand the current situation, it is important to re-ahead on the history of Iraqi territory in its international-ly recognized boundaries and why Iraq is, originally, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic state. The most often cited idea is to see it as the result of decisions imposed from without fixing the borders. This is not true. Geopolitical events of the early twentieth century, including the consecutive developments in the First World War, are essential to the border geography of the Middle East. However, it should not be limited to the Sykes-Picot but also take into account geopolitical developments in the US and Franco-British negotiations which took part in the Clemenceau and Lloyd George in 1920.In addition, the multi-religious and multi-ethnic character of Iraq is not only related to the borders selected in 1920, but also the fruit of a history much an-CIENNE territories that make up this country, a story that explains dissemination of religions of the book but also recounts many divergent theological choices within first of Christianity and Islam, emphasizing the choice multi-religious character. In all, Iraq is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country, not only because of a territorial division imposed from outside but also from its own history.] ; La géographie du peuplement de l'Irak est profondément bouleversée depuis les conquêtes militaires de Daech. Pour comprendre la situation actuelle, il importe de re-venir sur l'histoire du territoire irakien dans ses délimitations reconnues internationale-ment et de savoir pourquoi l'Irak est, à l'origine, un État pluri-religieux et pluriethnique. L'idée la plus souvent avancée consiste à y voir le résultat de décisions imposées de l'extérieur fixant les frontières du pays. Ce n'est pas faux. Les événements géopolitiques du début du XXe siècle, et notamment les évolutions consécutives à la Première Guerre mondiale, sont ...
International audience [The geography of population of Iraq is severely disrupted since the military conquests of Daech. To understand the current situation, it is important to re-ahead on the history of Iraqi territory in its international-ly recognized boundaries and why Iraq is, originally, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic state. The most often cited idea is to see it as the result of decisions imposed from without fixing the borders. This is not true. Geopolitical events of the early twentieth century, including the consecutive developments in the First World War, are essential to the border geography of the Middle East. However, it should not be limited to the Sykes-Picot but also take into account geopolitical developments in the US and Franco-British negotiations which took part in the Clemenceau and Lloyd George in 1920.In addition, the multi-religious and multi-ethnic character of Iraq is not only related to the borders selected in 1920, but also the fruit of a history much an-CIENNE territories that make up this country, a story that explains dissemination of religions of the book but also recounts many divergent theological choices within first of Christianity and Islam, emphasizing the choice multi-religious character. In all, Iraq is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country, not only because of a territorial division imposed from outside but also from its own history.] ; La géographie du peuplement de l'Irak est profondément bouleversée depuis les conquêtes militaires de Daech. Pour comprendre la situation actuelle, il importe de re-venir sur l'histoire du territoire irakien dans ses délimitations reconnues internationale-ment et de savoir pourquoi l'Irak est, à l'origine, un État pluri-religieux et pluriethnique. L'idée la plus souvent avancée consiste à y voir le résultat de décisions imposées de l'extérieur fixant les frontières du pays. Ce n'est pas faux. Les événements géopolitiques du début du XXe siècle, et notamment les évolutions consécutives à la Première Guerre mondiale, sont ...
International audience ; [The geography of population of Iraq is severely disrupted since the military conquests of Daech. To understand the current situation, it is important to re-ahead on the history of Iraqi territory in its international-ly recognized boundaries and why Iraq is, originally, a multi-religious and multi-ethnic state. The most often cited idea is to see it as the result of decisions imposed from without fixing the borders. This is not true. Geopolitical events of the early twentieth century, including the consecutive developments in the First World War, are essential to the border geography of the Middle East. However, it should not be limited to the Sykes-Picot but also take into account geopolitical developments in the US and Franco-British negotiations which took part in the Clemenceau and Lloyd George in 1920.In addition, the multi-religious and multi-ethnic character of Iraq is not only related to the borders selected in 1920, but also the fruit of a history much an-CIENNE territories that make up this country, a story that explains dissemination of religions of the book but also recounts many divergent theological choices within first of Christianity and Islam, emphasizing the choice multi-religious character. In all, Iraq is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic country, not only because of a territorial division imposed from outside but also from its own history.] ; La géographie du peuplement de l'Irak est profondément bouleversée depuis les conquêtes militaires de Daech. Pour comprendre la situation actuelle, il importe de re-venir sur l'histoire du territoire irakien dans ses délimitations reconnues internationale-ment et de savoir pourquoi l'Irak est, à l'origine, un État pluri-religieux et pluriethnique. L'idée la plus souvent avancée consiste à y voir le résultat de décisions imposées de l'extérieur fixant les frontières du pays. Ce n'est pas faux. Les événements géopolitiques du début du XXe siècle, et notamment les évolutions consécutives à la Première Guerre mondiale, sont essentiels pour la géographie frontalière du Moyen-Orient. Toutefois, il ne faut pas se limiter aux accords Sykes-Picot mais prendre également en compte l'évolution géopolitique aux États-Unis et les négociations franco-britanniques aux-quelles ont participé Clémenceau et Lloyd George en 1920.En outre, le caractère pluri-religieux et pluriethnique de l'Irak n'est pas seulement lié aux frontières retenues en 1920, mais aussi le fruit d'une histoire beaucoup plus an-cienne des territoires qui composent ce pays, une histoire qui explique la diffusion des religions du livre mais qui relate également de nombreux choix théologiques divergents au sein d'abord de la religion chrétienne puis de l'islam, choix accentuant le caractère pluri-religieux. Au total, l'Irak est un pays pluri-religieux et pluriethnique en raison non seulement d'un partage territorial imposé de l'extérieur mais aussi de sa propre histoire.
Toponyms, along with other urban symbols, were used as a tool of control over space in many African countries during the colonial period. This strategy was epitomized by the British, who applied it in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya from the late 1800s. This paper shows that toponymy in colonial Nairobi was an imposition of British political references, urban nomenclature, as well as the replication of a British spatial idyll on the urban landscape of Nairobi. In early colonial Nairobi, the population was mainly composed of three main groups: British, Asians, and Africans. Although the Africans formed the bulk of the population, they were the least represented, socially, economically and politically. Ironically, he British, who were the least in population held the political and economic power, and they applied it vigorously in shaping the identity of the city. The Asians were neither as powerful as the British, nor were they considered to be at the low level of the native Africans. This was the deliberate hierarchical structure that was instituted by the colonial government, where the level of urban citizenship depended on ethnic affiliation. Consequently, this structure was reflected in the toponymy and spatial organization of the newly founded city with little consideration to its pre-colonial status. Streets, buildings and other spaces such as parks were predominantly named after the British monarchy, colonial administrators, settler farmers, and businessmen, as well as prominent Asian personalities. In this paper, historical references such as maps, letter correspondences, monographs, and newspaper archives have been used as evidence to prove that toponyms in colonial Nairobi were the spatial signifiers that reflected the political, ideological and ethnic hierarchies and inequalities of the time.
The objective of this research is to analyze a set of identitary and territorial practices that take place in the Andean village of Guamal in northwest Caldas, Colombia. This ethnographic and documentary research was developed between 2013 and 2019. The Guamal community, whose members are mainly descendants from colonial period slaves, settles in an indigenous reservation ruled by the Cañamomo Lomaprieta Council. The main purpose of this research is to understand how the various identities (collective, ethnic, communitary and individual) and the territorial appropriation interact, sometimes in a conflicting way and sometimes in a conciliatory way. This research highlights the relational transformations that have taken place through history among groups and individuals in the light of power struggles. After 28 years since the promulgation of the 1991 Colombian Constitution, the ethnic groups have taken advantage of the constitutional protection of multiculturalism to modify, once more, the borders of both the territory and their identities. At the local level, the encounter of different kinds of authorities has produced a very particular administrative model that sometimes makes those authorities overlap in political and legal ambiguities. Similarly, some newer categories are appropriated and resignified which results in the interweaving of reclaimed identities. Consequently, new social, relational and territorial configurations arise. ; Esta tesis tiene como objetivo el análisis de un conjunto de prácticas, identitarias y territoriales, que tienen lugar en la localidad andina colombiana de Guamal en el noroccidente caldense. La investigación etnográfica y documental se desarrolló entre los años 2013 y 2019. La comunidad de Guamal, cuyos miembros son en su mayoría descendientes de los esclavos del periodo colonial, habita bajo la jurisdicción del Cabildo de Cañamomo Lomaprieta en un territorio reconocido como resguardo indígena. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es comprender la manera en que los ...
The objective of this research is to analyze a set of identitary and territorial practices that take place in the Andean village of Guamal in northwest Caldas, Colombia. This ethnographic and documentary research was developed between 2013 and 2019. The Guamal community, whose members are mainly descendants from colonial period slaves, settles in an indigenous reservation ruled by the Cañamomo Lomaprieta Council. The main purpose of this research is to understand how the various identities (collective, ethnic, communitary and individual) and the territorial appropriation interact, sometimes in a conflicting way and sometimes in a conciliatory way. This research highlights the relational transformations that have taken place through history among groups and individuals in the light of power struggles. After 28 years since the promulgation of the 1991 Colombian Constitution, the ethnic groups have taken advantage of the constitutional protection of multiculturalism to modify, once more, the borders of both the territory and their identities. At the local level, the encounter of different kinds of authorities has produced a very particular administrative model that sometimes makes those authorities overlap in political and legal ambiguities. Similarly, some newer categories are appropriated and resignified which results in the interweaving of reclaimed identities. Consequently, new social, relational and territorial configurations arise. ; Esta tesis tiene como objetivo el análisis de un conjunto de prácticas, identitarias y territoriales, que tienen lugar en la localidad andina colombiana de Guamal en el noroccidente caldense. La investigación etnográfica y documental se desarrolló entre los años 2013 y 2019. La comunidad de Guamal, cuyos miembros son en su mayoría descendientes de los esclavos del periodo colonial, habita bajo la jurisdicción del Cabildo de Cañamomo Lomaprieta en un territorio reconocido como resguardo indígena. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es comprender la manera en que los ...
The objective of this research is to analyze a set of identitary and territorial practices that take place in the Andean village of Guamal in northwest Caldas, Colombia. This ethnographic and documentary research was developed between 2013 and 2019. The Guamal community, whose members are mainly descendants from colonial period slaves, settles in an indigenous reservation ruled by the Cañamomo Lomaprieta Council. The main purpose of this research is to understand how the various identities (collective, ethnic, communitary and individual) and the territorial appropriation interact, sometimes in a conflicting way and sometimes in a conciliatory way. This research highlights the relational transformations that have taken place through history among groups and individuals in the light of power struggles. After 28 years since the promulgation of the 1991 Colombian Constitution, the ethnic groups have taken advantage of the constitutional protection of multiculturalism to modify, once more, the borders of both the territory and their identities. At the local level, the encounter of different kinds of authorities has produced a very particular administrative model that sometimes makes those authorities overlap in political and legal ambiguities. Similarly, some newer categories are appropriated and resignified which results in the interweaving of reclaimed identities. Consequently, new social, relational and territorial configurations arise. ; Esta tesis tiene como objetivo el análisis de un conjunto de prácticas, identitarias y territoriales, que tienen lugar en la localidad andina colombiana de Guamal en el noroccidente caldense. La investigación etnográfica y documental se desarrolló entre los años 2013 y 2019. La comunidad de Guamal, cuyos miembros son en su mayoría descendientes de los esclavos del periodo colonial, habita bajo la jurisdicción del Cabildo de Cañamomo Lomaprieta en un territorio reconocido como resguardo indígena. El objetivo principal de esta investigación es comprender la manera en que los ...
The work on black populations in Mexico has long been confined to the inner circle of some specialists, mainly historians. In recent years, studies have been on the rise and have dealt with contemporary issues concerning these minority populations, which are beginning to express public demands of a cultural and, more tirelessly, political nature. The literature review makes it possible to identify the strengths and weaknesses of current theoretical trends, while at the same time placing the challenges of Mexican issues on the national scene and within the 'afro' studies in Latin America. The strategies and means of action of the actors — academic, political, cultural — who take part in the debates are then analysed. Faced with a phenomenon of rapid and largely exogenous ethnicisation, a final part explores some alternative avenues of research. ; For many years the studies on black populations in Mexico focused mainly on historic themes. During the past few years, studies regarding Mexican black populations have begun to multiply and to diversify towards a more contemporary approach. These studies are responding to a small but real mobilization of some Afro-Mexican groups, which are venturing into the cultural and public arenas, and less frequently into the political realm. The critical revision of the present and past bibliography allows us to pinpoint the challenges and specificities of the Mexican situation. Furthermore, we analyze the strategies of the participants in the current debates, mainly academic, political and cultural activists. Facing a process of rapid and exogenous ethnicization, we are proposing alternative approaches and leads to consider in this field of study. ; The work on black populations in Mexico has long been confined to the inner circle of some specialists, mainly historians. In recent years, studies have been on the rise and have dealt with contemporary issues concerning these minority populations, which are beginning to express public demands of a cultural and, more tirelessly, ...
We carry out a test to measure discrimination in access to employment for young people in Paris by considering both their origin and their place of residence. At the same time, we measure the effects of the place of residence (favoured or non-favoured suburbs), nationality (French or Moroccan), and the sonance of the surname and first name (evoking French or Maghreb origin), on the chances of obtaining a job interview in response to an offer of employment. Our experiment focuses on the server profession for which we have built 16 job seeker profiles and sent 938 CVs in response to 118 job vacancies. We achieve two main results. In the first place, we conclude that there is significant discrimination against candidates reporting a Maghreb origin. Secondly, I point to discrimination based on the place of residence but only against the most successful candidates or those of French origin. Living in a disadvantaged suburbs further penalises access to employment for candidates reporting French origin by their surnames, which contributes to amplifying the ethnic segregation of neighbourhoods. ; Nous effectuons un testing afin de mesurer la discrimination dans l'accès à l'emploi des jeunes de banlieue parisienne en considérant à la fois leur origine et leur lieu de résidence. Nous mesurons simultanément les effets du lieu de résidence (banlieue favorisée ou non), de la nationalité (française ou marocaine), et de la consonance du nom et du prénom (évoquant une origine française ou maghrébine), sur les chances d'obtenir un entretien d'embauche en réponse à une offre d'emploi. Notre expérimentation porte sur la profession de serveur pour laquelle nous avons construit 16 profils de demandeurs d'emploi et envoyé 938 CV en réponse à 118 offres d'emploi. Nous obtenons deux résultats principaux. En premier lieu, nous concluons à une discrimination significative à l'encontre des candidats signalant une origine maghrébine. Deuxièmement, nous relevons une discrimination liée au lieu de résidence mais uniquement à l'encontre des ...
This research analyses the way in which social housing policy contributes to the construction of ethnic boundaries in Britain and in France, relying on case studies in Birmingham and Marseilles. The thesis which is advocated is that social housing policy has a central role in the production of ethnic boundaries in both countries. As a consequence, it is not relevant to oppose a French universalist model, blind to ethnicity, to a British multiculturalist model which would recognise ethnic differences and mobilise ethnic categories. On both sides of the Channel, there is some institutional racism in local social housing policies, especially in the local management of social housing allocations. Social housing institutions routinely produce and mobilise ethnic categories and develop processes of ethnicisation and exclusion (or segregation) of some groups. Racism can neither be reduced to an ideology nor to individual and intentional acts. The ethnicisation and the exclusion of some groups from social housing (or from some parts of the social housing stock) are rooted in the banal, day-to-day working of institutions. The comparison between France and Britain reveals that there are some structural and cultural conditions of the production of ethnic boundaries. Its also shelds light on the contradictions of local antiracist policies. In Britain, multiculturalist antiracism, based on the recognition of "cultural difference" and of ethnic communities, encourages the euphemisation of ethnic discriminations into mere "cultural differences". In France, universalist antiracism, relying on the republican myth of ethnic indifferentiation, encourages the denial of ethnic discriminations, euphemised into socio-economic inequalities or attributed to the "misfitness" of some groups. ; Cette recherche analyse la façon dont la politique du logement social contribue à la construction des frontières ethniques en Grande-Bretagne et en France à partir d'études de cas menées à Birmingham et à Marseille. La thèse défendue est celle selon ...
This research analyses the way in which social housing policy contributes to the construction of ethnic boundaries in Britain and in France, relying on case studies in Birmingham and Marseilles. The thesis which is advocated is that social housing policy has a central role in the production of ethnic boundaries in both countries. As a consequence, it is not relevant to oppose a French universalist model, blind to ethnicity, to a British multiculturalist model which would recognise ethnic differences and mobilise ethnic categories. On both sides of the Channel, there is some institutional racism in local social housing policies, especially in the local management of social housing allocations. Social housing institutions routinely produce and mobilise ethnic categories and develop processes of ethnicisation and exclusion (or segregation) of some groups. Racism can neither be reduced to an ideology nor to individual and intentional acts. The ethnicisation and the exclusion of some groups from social housing (or from some parts of the social housing stock) are rooted in the banal, day-to-day working of institutions. The comparison between France and Britain reveals that there are some structural and cultural conditions of the production of ethnic boundaries. Its also shelds light on the contradictions of local antiracist policies. In Britain, multiculturalist antiracism, based on the recognition of "cultural difference" and of ethnic communities, encourages the euphemisation of ethnic discriminations into mere "cultural differences". In France, universalist antiracism, relying on the republican myth of ethnic indifferentiation, encourages the denial of ethnic discriminations, euphemised into socio-economic inequalities or attributed to the "misfitness" of some groups. ; Cette recherche analyse la façon dont la politique du logement social contribue à la construction des frontières ethniques en Grande-Bretagne et en France à partir d'études de cas menées à Birmingham et à Marseille. La thèse défendue est celle selon laquelle la politique du logement social participe de façon décisive à la production des frontières ethniques dans les deux pays et que l'on ne peut, en conséquence, opposer un modèle français universaliste, qui serait aveugle à l'ethnicité, à un modèle britannique multiculturaliste, qui reconnaîtrait les différences ethniques et mobiliserait des catégories ethniques. Des deux côtés de la Manche, un racisme institutionnel peut être mis en évidence dans la gestion locale du logement social et notamment des attributions de logements sociaux. Les institutions de la politique du logement social construisent et mobilisent de façon routinière des principes de classification ethniques et développent des logiques d'ethnicisation et d'exclusion (ou de ségrégation) de certains groupes. Le racisme ne se réduit ni à une idéologie, ni à des actes individuels et intentionnels ; l'ethnicisation et l'exclusion de certains groupes du logement social (ou de certains logements sociaux) relèvent du fonctionnement banal, routinier, des institutions. La comparaison franco-britannique conduit à mettre à jour des conditions structurelles et culturelles de production des frontières ethniques. Elle éclaire aussi les apories des politiques locales antiracistes. En Grande-Bretagne, l'antiracisme multiculturaliste, fondé sur la reconnaissance de la « différence culturelle » et des communautés ethniques, favorise l'euphémisation des discriminations ethniques en simples « différences culturelles ». En France, l'antiracisme universaliste, sous-tendu par le mythe républicain de l'indifférenciation ethnique, favorise le déni des discriminations ethniques, euphémisées en inégalités socio-économiques ou attribuées à l'« inadaptation » de certains groupes.
This research analyses the way in which social housing policy contributes to the construction of ethnic boundaries in Britain and in France, relying on case studies in Birmingham and Marseilles. The thesis which is advocated is that social housing policy has a central role in the production of ethnic boundaries in both countries. As a consequence, it is not relevant to oppose a French universalist model, blind to ethnicity, to a British multiculturalist model which would recognise ethnic differences and mobilise ethnic categories. On both sides of the Channel, there is some institutional racism in local social housing policies, especially in the local management of social housing allocations. Social housing institutions routinely produce and mobilise ethnic categories and develop processes of ethnicisation and exclusion (or segregation) of some groups. Racism can neither be reduced to an ideology nor to individual and intentional acts. The ethnicisation and the exclusion of some groups from social housing (or from some parts of the social housing stock) are rooted in the banal, day-to-day working of institutions. The comparison between France and Britain reveals that there are some structural and cultural conditions of the production of ethnic boundaries. Its also shelds light on the contradictions of local antiracist policies. In Britain, multiculturalist antiracism, based on the recognition of "cultural difference" and of ethnic communities, encourages the euphemisation of ethnic discriminations into mere "cultural differences". In France, universalist antiracism, relying on the republican myth of ethnic indifferentiation, encourages the denial of ethnic discriminations, euphemised into socio-economic inequalities or attributed to the "misfitness" of some groups. ; Cette recherche analyse la façon dont la politique du logement social contribue à la construction des frontières ethniques en Grande-Bretagne et en France à partir d'études de cas menées à Birmingham et à Marseille. La thèse défendue est celle selon laquelle la politique du logement social participe de façon décisive à la production des frontières ethniques dans les deux pays et que l'on ne peut, en conséquence, opposer un modèle français universaliste, qui serait aveugle à l'ethnicité, à un modèle britannique multiculturaliste, qui reconnaîtrait les différences ethniques et mobiliserait des catégories ethniques. Des deux côtés de la Manche, un racisme institutionnel peut être mis en évidence dans la gestion locale du logement social et notamment des attributions de logements sociaux. Les institutions de la politique du logement social construisent et mobilisent de façon routinière des principes de classification ethniques et développent des logiques d'ethnicisation et d'exclusion (ou de ségrégation) de certains groupes. Le racisme ne se réduit ni à une idéologie, ni à des actes individuels et intentionnels ; l'ethnicisation et l'exclusion de certains groupes du logement social (ou de certains logements sociaux) relèvent du fonctionnement banal, routinier, des institutions. La comparaison franco-britannique conduit à mettre à jour des conditions structurelles et culturelles de production des frontières ethniques. Elle éclaire aussi les apories des politiques locales antiracistes. En Grande-Bretagne, l'antiracisme multiculturaliste, fondé sur la reconnaissance de la « différence culturelle » et des communautés ethniques, favorise l'euphémisation des discriminations ethniques en simples « différences culturelles ». En France, l'antiracisme universaliste, sous-tendu par le mythe républicain de l'indifférenciation ethnique, favorise le déni des discriminations ethniques, euphémisées en inégalités socio-économiques ou attribuées à l'« inadaptation » de certains groupes.
International audience ; This article has a twofold objective: to explain why phenomena such as ethnic cleansing have long remained outside of geographers' reflections, and to underline the impact of homogenization policies carried out by States. Since Pierre George in the 1950s, human geography and population geography have explained the distribution of peoples according to natural, economic and historical factors. This last category, however, does not seem to be operational and should be replaced by political factors that would highlight the role of States and the effect of their homogenization policies. Ethnic homogeneity appears to be the best guarantee of the legitimacy and security of nation-states. This is sought in two ways, either by developing in-politics (forced assimilation) or ex-politics (expulsion or extermination). These policies involve a gradual violence that ranges from cultural retaliation to genocide. Among the ex-politics, "cleansing" has become a mass practice, since in one century nearly 100 million individuals have had to suffer its consequences. ; Cet article répond à un double objectif : expliquer pourquoi les phénomènes du type nettoyage ethnique sont longtemps restés en dehors des réflexions des géographes, et souligner l'impact des politiques d'homogénéisation menées par les Etats. Depuis Pierre George dans les années cinquante, la géographie humaine et la géographie de la population expliquent la répartition des peuples en fonction de facteurs naturels, économiques et historiques. Cette dernière catégorie ne paraît pourtant pas opératoire et devrait être remplacé par les facteurs politiques qui mettraient en exergue le rôle des Etats et l'effet de leurs politiques d'homogénéisation. L 'homogénéité ethnique apparaît en effet comme le meilleur garant de la légitimité et de la sécurité des Etats-nations. Celle-ci est recherchée par deux façons, soit en développant des in-politics (assimilation forcée), soit des ex-politics (expulsion ou extermination). Ces politiques impliquent une ...
