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One drawback of aggregate data in the study of ethnic pol Is the necessity of assuming the presence of ethnic identification. Survey res presumes to rectify this deficiency, yet some attempts, measuring Identification on the basis of degree of group commitment, may not be satisfactory. Survey res conducted in Buffalo, NY, studied the determination of ethnic Identity by survey res. In addition to revealing how more direct measures of the components of ethnic identification can be made, data are presented suggesting that (1) while identification & saliency are related, non-saliency is not a, good predictor of nonidentification; (2) if group influence (commitment) is measured by sensitivity to criticism by fellow-group members, 'one must call into question the assumption that ethnic identity necessarily entails the concept of `group commitment'.' AA.

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The contributions of the 'plural society' approach to the understanding of ethnic relations in Africa are examined. Most African states are ethnically extremely heterogeneous. They are nearly all successor states to colonial territories which were pol'ly dominated by the ethnic minority belonging to the foreign colonial power. Most African states continue to be multi-nat'l ones, but now they are often ruled by a Westerneducated elite drawn from several ethnic groups. Great disparities in access to educ, power & wealth continue to exist between ethnic groups as a consequence of the accidents of colonial conquest, missionary activities, geographical location, ED & other factors. These disparities contribute greatly to internal conflicts in those states, & frequently threaten their pol'al existence. The term 'tribalism' applied to ethnic sentiments in Africa is invidious & misleading. What is called 'tribalism' in Africa is in fact nat'lism, & what is called 'nat'lism' in Africa is in essence the preservation of pol'al unity for the benefit of the multi-ethnic ruling mandarinate. The fluidity & relativity of ethnic boundaries in Africa raise complex analytical problems. The definition of ethnicity differs situationally. Diff issues activate diff lines of ethnic cleavage & diff levels of ethnic consciousness. The relationship between the objective cultural criteria of ethnicity (who speaks what language, adheres to what customs, etc) & the subjective definition of it by the persons involved is also problematic & complex. Furthermore, -there is often lack of consensus, both within & between groups, as to where ethnic boundaries are, & what the relative salience of various levels ethnicity & subethnicity is. All these complications make ethnic relations in plural societies more difficult to analyze than in Western societies where most res on the subject has been conducted. AA.

La présents recherche porte sur l'association àétablir entre le bilinguisme des étudiants de divers groupes ethniques, d'une part, leur adaptation et leur succés au cours secondaire, d'autre part. Le matériel utilisé provient de la banque de données Carnegie sur le capital humain, organisme qui fit effectuer une enquête sociale sur les 90,000 étudiants inscrits dans les écoles secondaires de l'Ontario de 1959 à 1966. Les étudiants qui appartiennent a des groupes culturels en voie d'assimilation ‐ allemands, hollandais, italiens, slovaques, polonais et hongrois ‐ ont des carnets scolaires comparables à ceux des étudiants qui ne parlent que l'anglais et ils ne sont pas percus différemment de ces derniers par leurs maitres. Par ailleurs, les étudiants qui sont members de groupes linguistiques moins enclins à l'assimilation ‐ judéo‐allemands et frangais ‐ réussissent à l'école selon les prédictions que l'on ferait en tenant compte des caractéristiques socio‐culturelles de leur groupe.

In attempting to explain the origins of pol'al conflict in new states, the soc sci'st needs to make a clear analytical distinction between culture & soc structure & to examine apparently ethnic conflict in terms of its total structural context. While conflict in new states tends to be expressed in ethnic terms, a particular conflict may have its basis in other divisions superimposed upon the ethnic ones; its structural origins may, for example, be econ. There are a number of major objections to any attempt to view ethnic conflict simply as a function of the general system of soc stratification: (1) While ethnic conflict may reflect divisions based on objective econ class, it also magnifies these divisions by relating them to competing cultural loyalties based on deep emotional attachments. (2) Far from invariably being the superstructure merely reflecting the econ base, ethnicity may determine not simply the subjective perception of that base but also its objective reality, to the extent that rational econ criteria have to be subordinated to pol'al considerations reflecting the independent influence of ethnicity. (3) Diff culturally-conditioned reactions to the same econ opportunities mean that even the most consciously non-discriminatory program of ED may further divide, rather than unite, the diff ethnic groupings within the typical new state. (4) In a stratified society like South Africa, where race provides a primary basis for ordering the whole range of SR, racial stratification does not neatly coincide with econ stratification. On the contrary, color overshadows & weakens class identification, preventing the establishment of econ ties across racial barriers. The South African case study emphasizes the importance of analyzing ethnic conflict in terms of pol'al as well as ethnic stratification patterns in the relevant society. Modified AA.