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The paper analyses two interrelated fields: residential differentiation in the Vilnius metropolitan area on the basis of socio-economic status and of political alignment. Data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses were used to investigate socio-economic and ethnic segregation and data from the parliamentary elections of 2000 and 2012 were used for the analysis of political alignment. Indices of segregation and isolation were calculated, and the main occupational groups were used as a proxy for socio-economic status. GIS tools were used to visualise existing spatial differences. Though most indices indicated quite low levels of segregation, the situation was changing. The wealthiest and poorest groups tend to live more and more separately. The political preferences of the different social groups differ and differentiation of political field is increasing. The paper reveals socio-political spatial interrelations in the metropolitan area which have a unique ethnic structure. Our findings suggest that socio-economic structure is a major factor determining the degree of differentiation of electoral alignment in the metropolitan area. The different political preferences of the different ethnic groups could be related not simply to ethnicity but rather to socio-economic status.

The paper analyses two interrelated fields: residential differentiation in the Vilnius metropolitan area on the basis of socio-economic status and of political alignment. Data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses were used to investigate socio-economic and ethnic segregation and data from the parliamentary elections of 2000 and 2012 were used for the analysis of political alignment. Indices of segregation and isolation were calculated, and the main occupational groups were used as a proxy for socio-economic status. GIS tools were used to visualise existing spatial differences. Though most indices indicated quite low levels of segregation, the situation was changing. The wealthiest and poorest groups tend to live more and more separately. The political preferences of the different social groups differ and differentiation of political field is increasing. The paper reveals socio-political spatial interrelations in the metropolitan area which have a unique ethnic structure. Our findings suggest that socio-economic structure is a major factor determining the degree of differentiation of electoral alignment in the metropolitan area. The different political preferences of the different ethnic groups could be related not simply to ethnicity but rather to socio-economic status.

The paper analyses two interrelated fields: residential differentiation in the Vilnius metropolitan area on the basis of socio-economic status and of political alignment. Data from the 2001 and 2011 censuses were used to investigate socio-economic and ethnic segregation and data from the parliamentary elections of 2000 and 2012 were used for the analysis of political alignment. Indices of segregation and isolation were calculated, and the main occupational groups were used as a proxy for socio-economic status. GIS tools were used to visualise existing spatial differences. Though most indices indicated quite low levels of segregation, the situation was changing. The wealthiest and poorest groups tend to live more and more separately. The political preferences of the different social groups differ and differentiation of political field is increasing. The paper reveals socio-political spatial interrelations in the metropolitan area which have a unique ethnic structure. Our findings suggest that socio-economic structure is a major factor determining the degree of differentiation of electoral alignment in the metropolitan area. The different political preferences of the different ethnic groups could be related not simply to ethnicity but rather to socio-economic status.

After liberation Lithuanian society & Lithuanian nation expected to build nation state & to consolidate & recreate national identity at the same time denouncing the Soviet legacy, however European integrational processes promoted the political & cultural attitude to create new European civil identity. The author of this article examines the deconstructional impact on the debates about the Idea of Europe & the efforts to deconstruct all types of identities, including national identity, & national essentialism. Some features of new European identity are highlighted by critical analysis of the meditations of J. Derrida on today's Europe, his & J. Habermas' joint efforts to ground the necessity of European Constitution & base new European identity on constitutional patriotism, solidarity, unconditional openness to the Other & the feeling of common destiny. The article examines the radical criticism of the Idea of Europe & Europeanness provided by G. Agamben & A. Amin. The author of this article comes to conclusion that the efforts to create & embed European civil identity disconnected from national identity features & feelings & national state power disavow the possibility of promoting a manifest European identity politics & disclaim the idea of Europeanness, because of the idea of multi-ethnicity on which these efforts are based. Adapted from the source document.

This theoretical work explores the meanings of leisure in the context of social and cultural formations of our time as well as works of art which portray leisure activities in their narrative. The work is divided into two parts: the first part discusses the idea of social leisure and its stages throughout the history. The second part analyses the concept of leisure in art and is represented in five chapters: pleasure meaning in leisure activity, casual leisure, gender and leisure experience, ethnicity and leisure experience and virtual leisure. This part concentrates more on leisure portrayal in art and discusses artist's relation to cultural leisure experience. The purpose of this work was to find out how different cultural, ethnical and political society tradicions influence leisure activity and how artists represent that heritage in their artwork. The work also addresses the virtual reality aspect and new technological side of contemporary art. The theoretical work comes to the conclusion that the socio-cultural aspects of living society have a main input in formatting leisure based activities and influence art, especially which portrays leisure experience. This observation also showed that artists either represent the individual metaphysical relation to ethnical society or criticize the global consumer culture in their leisure narrative based works. When portraying leisure activities, artists are influenced by their own experience which is formed by ethnical and cultural identity.

Of Lithuanian and foreign scientists articles analysis, is determined that the phenomenon of nepotism is presented as protection of relatives, i.e., investment in human capital – family, relationship by marriage, not to productivity. This way does not guarantee the quality of human resources and damage workers' interpersonal relationships, disturbing both the public and private sector organizations' work. In a broad sense, nepotism is dysfunction of social relationship, in assessing aspects of all socium. Although nepotism is often associated with the legacy of the socialist system in Lithuania – it is a broader social phenomenon, beyond the political systems of frames, well grounded of the human nature and the cultural context. Society development is related with the negative aspects of the phenomenon harm to the public and private sector systems and understanding of the phenomenon as unacceptable, the institutionalization of the national acquis. Analysis of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism specificity showed that these phenomena are described quite differently, the common denominator is becoming protection, exceptionally creating favorable conditions for a social network of representatives: the family members, relatives, friends, financial partners. Social networks can be formal (family) and informal (similar geographic origin, ethnicity, military service, friendship, etc.). Informal network boundaries are difficult to define, and one person can belong to multiple networks, so networks can overlap and form metanetwork. Of the general denominators of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism, it is proved that these phenomena are closely related, and they can not be completely separated. Analyzed phenomena have the same core – corruption and discrimination, but differs protection objects and forms of corruption. [.]

Of Lithuanian and foreign scientists articles analysis, is determined that the phenomenon of nepotism is presented as protection of relatives, i.e., investment in human capital – family, relationship by marriage, not to productivity. This way does not guarantee the quality of human resources and damage workers' interpersonal relationships, disturbing both the public and private sector organizations' work. In a broad sense, nepotism is dysfunction of social relationship, in assessing aspects of all socium. Although nepotism is often associated with the legacy of the socialist system in Lithuania – it is a broader social phenomenon, beyond the political systems of frames, well grounded of the human nature and the cultural context. Society development is related with the negative aspects of the phenomenon harm to the public and private sector systems and understanding of the phenomenon as unacceptable, the institutionalization of the national acquis. Analysis of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism specificity showed that these phenomena are described quite differently, the common denominator is becoming protection, exceptionally creating favorable conditions for a social network of representatives: the family members, relatives, friends, financial partners. Social networks can be formal (family) and informal (similar geographic origin, ethnicity, military service, friendship, etc.). Informal network boundaries are difficult to define, and one person can belong to multiple networks, so networks can overlap and form metanetwork. Of the general denominators of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism, it is proved that these phenomena are closely related, and they can not be completely separated. Analyzed phenomena have the same core – corruption and discrimination, but differs protection objects and forms of corruption. [.]

Of Lithuanian and foreign scientists articles analysis, is determined that the phenomenon of nepotism is presented as protection of relatives, i.e., investment in human capital – family, relationship by marriage, not to productivity. This way does not guarantee the quality of human resources and damage workers' interpersonal relationships, disturbing both the public and private sector organizations' work. In a broad sense, nepotism is dysfunction of social relationship, in assessing aspects of all socium. Although nepotism is often associated with the legacy of the socialist system in Lithuania – it is a broader social phenomenon, beyond the political systems of frames, well grounded of the human nature and the cultural context. Society development is related with the negative aspects of the phenomenon harm to the public and private sector systems and understanding of the phenomenon as unacceptable, the institutionalization of the national acquis. Analysis of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism specificity showed that these phenomena are described quite differently, the common denominator is becoming protection, exceptionally creating favorable conditions for a social network of representatives: the family members, relatives, friends, financial partners. Social networks can be formal (family) and informal (similar geographic origin, ethnicity, military service, friendship, etc.). Informal network boundaries are difficult to define, and one person can belong to multiple networks, so networks can overlap and form metanetwork. Of the general denominators of nepotism, favoritism and protectionism, it is proved that these phenomena are closely related, and they can not be completely separated. Analyzed phenomena have the same core – corruption and discrimination, but differs protection objects and forms of corruption. [.]

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

A great number of men affected by rapid social, economic and political developments suffer severe marginalization due to their age, class, sexuality, disability and ethnicity in Lithuania. ,is paper examines the intersection of social marginalization, sexuality and masculinity. Using a Lithuanian male sex worker's case, it argues that a dysfunctional family, poor employment and educational history and low socioeconomic status made his choice of sex work the means of survival. Differently from studies conducted in Europe and North America that suggest that enjoyment of sex was, in many cases, a reason for working as an escort, pleasurable sexual interactions with clients were not a critical reason for involvement in escorting in this case. ,e paper is based on an extensive semi-structured interview with a 27-year old male escort. ,e interview demonstrates that the Lithuanian sex worker both confirms and deconstructs the traditional male sexual script of erotic adventures (Gagnon and Simon 1973, 1984). On the one hand, he plays an active role both in sexual and non-sexual encounters and tries to look and act like a real man aspiring to the institutional gender script of hegemonic masculinity. On the other hand, he minimizes the risk in dealing with clients by not engaging in an unsafe sex, declining unwanted sexual practices and rejecting drugs. Besides pleasant memories of his generously paying clients who bolstered his sense of self, the escort is susceptible to societal condemnation, stigma, and self-doubt because he clearly considers his work as a conscious deviation from sexual and gender norms. Othering himself, the respondent expresses a subjective feeling of hopelessness and powerlessness that makes him miserable. Both powerlessness and the lack of imaginable future create a sense of his wounded and injured masculinity.

Experts state that Lithuania remains one of the most intolerant countries in Europe. Intolerance towards some specific social minorities is extremely high. Prejudices, stereotypes and discrimination are a concurrent in many minorities' daily life. Discrimination has a negative influence not only on the discriminated but also on the society as such. There is a lack of studies analyzing the causes and sequences of discriminatory beliefs and behaviors in Lithuania. There is neither a real integral conception of minorities nor a systemic approach to minorities' problems and possibilities to solve them. This ends in inaccurate preventive and interventional measures. The object of this work was to survey equal opportunities and antidiscrimination field experts' prospects of discrimination against minorities in Lithuania and approach to possibilities of overcoming discrimination. The set tasks were to survey experts' (1) concepts of minorities and discrimination; (2) prospects of situation of minorities; (3) supposed causes and sequences of discrimination; (4) evaluation of current antidiscrimination policy in Lithuania; and (5) supposed possibilities and means of overcoming discrimination. A qualitative descriptive research was made. The method: a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interview. Four experts were selected from different fields of antidiscrimination and equal opportunities policy implementation covering wide field of working issues on all minority groups. The survey has revealed experts' complex concept of minorities, vital discrimination on the grounds of sexuality and ethnicity, causes of discrimination (firstly related to social structures), negative effects of discrimination on the individual and society, negative evaluation of current antidiscrimination policy, and possibilities of overcoming discrimination through education and alternation in political culture. These results can be helpful with a view to develop effective antidiscrimination strategies.

Experts state that Lithuania remains one of the most intolerant countries in Europe. Intolerance towards some specific social minorities is extremely high. Prejudices, stereotypes and discrimination are a concurrent in many minorities' daily life. Discrimination has a negative influence not only on the discriminated but also on the society as such. There is a lack of studies analyzing the causes and sequences of discriminatory beliefs and behaviors in Lithuania. There is neither a real integral conception of minorities nor a systemic approach to minorities' problems and possibilities to solve them. This ends in inaccurate preventive and interventional measures. The object of this work was to survey equal opportunities and antidiscrimination field experts' prospects of discrimination against minorities in Lithuania and approach to possibilities of overcoming discrimination. The set tasks were to survey experts' (1) concepts of minorities and discrimination; (2) prospects of situation of minorities; (3) supposed causes and sequences of discrimination; (4) evaluation of current antidiscrimination policy in Lithuania; and (5) supposed possibilities and means of overcoming discrimination. A qualitative descriptive research was made. The method: a qualitative analysis of semi-structured interview. Four experts were selected from different fields of antidiscrimination and equal opportunities policy implementation covering wide field of working issues on all minority groups. The survey has revealed experts' complex concept of minorities, vital discrimination on the grounds of sexuality and ethnicity, causes of discrimination (firstly related to social structures), negative effects of discrimination on the individual and society, negative evaluation of current antidiscrimination policy, and possibilities of overcoming discrimination through education and alternation in political culture. These results can be helpful with a view to develop effective antidiscrimination strategies.

In terms of political context of Catalonia's referendum and declaration of independence, it's relevant to analyse Catalans' national identity and its main structural elements. The main cause for the study was to identify whether catalans' identity is constructed through the opposite narratives and variables of distance from Spanish people and what are the main elements which allow us to highlight the process of strengthening this national identity of Catalans. Therefore the main goal is to identify how (and if) the distance between these two identities of Spanish and Catalans was developed. Also, to assess the connection of Catalans' identity to the secession process. In order to reach these goals the main structural elements for the national identity were distinguished. Futhermore, the recent political events and the political system of Catalonia were discussed. It was chosen two Catalans websites (El National and La Vanguardia) and their analytical articles for this research. The study showed that apparently there are quite a lot of differences between Spanish and Catalans which are reflected in the narratives of media. And the distance definitely demonstrates the strenght of Catalans' identity which reflects to the concrete political steps towards Catalonia's independence. However La Vanguardia narratives show the existence of seeking to diminish these differences and suggesting to take uniting decisions for both parts of the conflict. However it should be mentioned that the hostility and ethnicity (basically the language) are the only one non-changing elements of national Catalans' identity, the others might be changed. This means that in the long-term perspective there is a likely possibility for Catalans and Spanish to find a solution of living together, especially by giving more autonomy and rights for Catalonia within the country of Spain. All in all it's worth to follow the process of Catalan national identity in the future to see their direction and possible changes in terms of distance or the proximity.

In terms of political context of Catalonia's referendum and declaration of independence, it's relevant to analyse Catalans' national identity and its main structural elements. The main cause for the study was to identify whether catalans' identity is constructed through the opposite narratives and variables of distance from Spanish people and what are the main elements which allow us to highlight the process of strengthening this national identity of Catalans. Therefore the main goal is to identify how (and if) the distance between these two identities of Spanish and Catalans was developed. Also, to assess the connection of Catalans' identity to the secession process. In order to reach these goals the main structural elements for the national identity were distinguished. Futhermore, the recent political events and the political system of Catalonia were discussed. It was chosen two Catalans websites (El National and La Vanguardia) and their analytical articles for this research. The study showed that apparently there are quite a lot of differences between Spanish and Catalans which are reflected in the narratives of media. And the distance definitely demonstrates the strenght of Catalans' identity which reflects to the concrete political steps towards Catalonia's independence. However La Vanguardia narratives show the existence of seeking to diminish these differences and suggesting to take uniting decisions for both parts of the conflict. However it should be mentioned that the hostility and ethnicity (basically the language) are the only one non-changing elements of national Catalans' identity, the others might be changed. This means that in the long-term perspective there is a likely possibility for Catalans and Spanish to find a solution of living together, especially by giving more autonomy and rights for Catalonia within the country of Spain. All in all it's worth to follow the process of Catalan national identity in the future to see their direction and possible changes in terms of distance or the proximity.