Suchergebnisse

In most of the European countries immigration is occurring since decades, which leads to an increasing intercultural mixture of the national population. In Germany the scientific and public discourse on sustainable development has hardly noticed possible effects of "ethnicity". Research on the actual situation of intercultural participation in environmental planning is missing as well as on the needed preconditions for an appropriate "intercultural empowerment" of public engagement. Up to now the percentage of immigrants engaged in organisations of the ecological movement or institutions dealing with environmental or sustainability affairs is very low (Katz/ Kontzi 2009). There is a lack of profound knowledge about the attitudes or every day acting of (im-)migrants towards nature and its management, about their interests in environmental protection, about risk awareness and demands regarding environmental and sustainability issues. But, ethnicity is nothing fixed which can be easily analysed or "allocated" to people or a societal group. It is a construction which evolves if certain similarities are supposed. The contribution is stressing this point: According to the approach of critical whiteness the exclusion and the construction of "the other", of "being involved" in procedures of "doing nature relations" is scrutinized. Qualitative Data of an explorative study on environmental organisations in Germany and their efforts in "acting intercultural" are introduced. The existing mental images and ideas about migrants´ interests and public engagement in nature and sustainability issues by environmental actors are presented and reflected. Literature Katz C., Kontzi K. (2009b) Interkulturalität: Kein Thema im Nachhaltigkeitsdiskurs?! Politische Ökologie 115-116, S. 86-87.

This paper explores the connections between ethnicity and sexuality. Racial, ethnic, and national boundaries are also sexual boundaries. The borderlands dividing racial, ethnic, and national identities and communities constitute ethnosexual frontiers, erotic intersections that are heavily patrolled, policed, and protected, yet regularly are penetrated by individuals forging sexual links with ethnic "others." Normative heterosexuality is a central component of racial, ethnic, and nationalist ideologies; both adherence to and deviation from approved sexual identities and behaviors define and reinforce racial, ethnic, and nationalist regimes. To illustrate the ethnicity/sexuality nexus and to show the utility of revealing this intimate bond for understanding ethnic relations, I review constructionist models of ethnicity and sexuality in the social sciences and humanities, and I discuss ethnosexual boundary processes in several historical and contemporary settings: the sexual policing of nationalism, sexual aspects of US-American Indian relations, and the sexualization of the black-white color line.

International audience ; BOX is an artwork that exposes some of the social and political impact of artificial intelligence, computer vision, and automation. The project uses a commercially available computer vision system that predicts the interactor's ethnicity, and locks or unlocks itself depending on this prediction. The artwork showcases a possible use of computer vision, making explicit the fact that every technological implantation crystallises a political worldview.

This article examines the education system of the Republic of Macedonia by focusing on education segregation along ethnic lines between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians who comprise the second largest ethnicity in the country. The article builds upon an existing body of literature on the country as well as a number of reports from international organizations. It utilizes theories on ethnicity and nationalisms, brings forth the historical context of the conflict in the country, identifies how this affected the post-conflict education system and proposes a number of steps that are necessary to desegregate the education system in order to achieve reconciliation and foster integration.

This article examines the education system of the Republic of Macedonia by focusing on education segregation along ethnic lines between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians who comprise the second largest ethnicity in the country. The article builds upon an existing body of literature on the country as well as a number of reports from international organizations. It utilizes theories on ethnicity and nationalisms, brings forth the historical context of the conflict in the country, identifies how this affected the post-conflict education system and proposes a number of steps that are necessary to desegregate the education system in order to achieve reconciliation and foster integration. Article visualizations:

It is generally agreed that the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) and the deep economic crisis which prefaced and continued to attend their adaptation in several African countries have had serious economic, social and political consequences. Against this background, this study examines the effect of SAP on ethnicity in Nigeria.

Ornella Urpis analyses in depth the perspective of ethnic identity in its cognitive, evaluative and emotional dimensions, as well as the policy approaches of multiculturalism and interculturalism in relation to violence and social conflict. ; Ornella Urpis analizza in profondità la prospettiva dell'identità etnica nelle sue dimensioni cognitive, valutative ed emozionali, nonché gli approcci politici del multiculturalismo e dell'interculturalismo in relazione alla violenza e ai conflitti sociali.

The purpose of this study to analyze the strategy of the political power of ethnicity, political objectives ethnicity, and the US response to the political power of ethnicity East Asia (Japan, South Korea and China). This type of qualitative research, data collection techniques interviews, and literature, and data using the analytical techniques and models Miles Hubberman. The findings of this study the map of the political power of ethnicity in East Asia they are all on the Natives. Japan's defense system was originally "Self Defense" to "Collective Self Defence", South Korea's defense system shifts from "Defense Ambrella" into the system "Extended Nuclear Deterrence"; China shifted from "Continental Defense" to "Opensive Defense". Political objectives etnisistas East Asia (Japan, South Korea and China) to realize "Bonum Publicum". US response to the political power of ethnicity in East Asia are routed through the strength of the economic, political, military and East Asia (Japan, South Korea and China), using a system of "persuading, the protection system and pressing system. However, in the light of "persuasion", "protection" and "pressure" varies between countries. Map of the political power of ethnicity in East Asia "base on power" Yamato indigenous groups, Hangukin, and Chung Hua.

It was MG Smith (1965, 1984,1991) more than any other social scientist in the post-independence Anglophone Caribbean who stressed over and over again the political and social dangers of the culturally and racially plural nature of our societies, however theoretically and empirically problematic his own work. By directing full and sole attention to the ethnic cleavages in the society, Smith had hit the proverbial nail on the head but his critics, mainly Marxist in orientation largely dismissed his focus, since for them class and class conflict was seen as the mother of all conflict, contradiction and ultimately revolution (Cross 1971; Robotham 1980; Beckford and Witter 1984). In Trinidad and Tobago today, and since the implosion of the NAR in 1988, we can perhaps now understand the forebodings of Smith as the African-Indian cleavage has more than ever superseded the formerly dominant white! African cleavage of plantation vintage though the latter still lives and lurks in certain spaces.

In the United States, immigration tends to be associated mainly with Hispanics, although recently Muslims and Africans have been entering the debate. Hispanics are the focal point of immigration discourse in this country, especially illegal immigration. The issue of illegal immigration has become a staple in current political hot topics.

Today, an increasing number of people regularly switch from ethnicityto ethnicity in normal discourse, in an attempt to maximize theireconomic and political interests. This paper focuses specifically onethnic flexibility among Latina/os in New York City. Drawing onethnographic, linguistic, and social network data we explore howLatina/os in NYC negotiate between multiple ethnic identities ineveryday contexts. Through language and dialect switches, accents,and even calculated silence the Latinos in our research negotiatedNYC's multi-level system of categorization. We hope to show that noone-to-one relationship exists between subjective feelings of ethnicbelongingness and the use of ethnic markers. Ethnic markers,particularly language-related ones, are manipulated in a number ofcreative ways by members and non-members alike, pushing the limitsof what constitutes ethnic group membership and challenging notionsof ethnic authenticity.

In this essay I offer a sharply revisionist account of Taiwan's transition to democracy, based upon an empirically derived neo-Weberian class-analytic framework. My analysis reveals that the conventional accent on the middle class was largely misplaced. Instead, the true heroes in the struggle for democracy, even in prosperous, placid Taiwan, were the island's urban and rural working classes, although proper recognition of this fact requires us to look beyond the politics of the workplace. While the better-educated middle classes in fact displayed the highest normative affinity for democratic values, as the primary beneficiaries of the State they were also among the most politically conservative sectors in society. In contrast, working class support for the opposition was driven primarily by a generalized sense of disaffection with the existing social order, although its lack of a coherent agenda also proved consequential for the opposition's mobilizational strategy and policy orientation after the initial political opening.

Recently, the term 'hybrid warfare' has been applied to a set of levers by which some actors in international relations attempt to achieve their foreign policy objectives. One of the levers Russia employs in their use of hybrid warfare is to exploit ethnic cleavages in targeted societies. In former Soviet Republics, Russian uses propaganda to reach out to ethnic Russians populations (or Russian speakers) in those countries. In other countries, Russia cynically exploits ethnic cleavages simply to cause problems in targeted countries, such as Arab immigrants in western Europe or Catalonians in Spain. This paper explores the nature of Russia's attempts to exploit ethnic cleavages and how western government should address them

This study aims to investigate how different ethnic groups (Turkish/Kurdish) and religious sects (Alevi/Sunni) are perceived in Turkey. These groups have a long history of conflicts. In order to examine the perception of these conflicting group identities, we adopted the theoretical frameworks of simple and cross categorization developed by the Social Identity Theory and the Category Differentiation Model. Both theories converge on the idea of in-group favoritism in the case of simple categorization while they offer different explanations for cross categorization condition. In order to test these differing theoretical propositions, we asked our participants to evaluate simple and cross categorization conditions based on variables of ethnicity and sect. Our sample consisted of 106 individuals from two ethnic groups (Kurdish/Turkish) and two religious sects (Alevi/Sunni). The participants completed a questionnaire based on Zavalloni's focused introspection technique. Within subjects repeated measures ANOVA analysis were carried out for both simple and cross categorization. The results of the analysis revealed that the participants emphasized in-group similarities and out-group differences both for ethnicity and religious sect in the simple categorization condition. Moreover, in-group similarities based on religious sects rather than ethnicity were prioritized in the cross categorization condition. The results confirmed the Social Identity Theory's assumptions generally. Results were discussed in terms of relevant literature, and in relation to historical and political issues regarding ethnicity and sects in Turkey.

How do changes in socio-economic inequality between ethnic groups affect interethnic ties in a divided society? I analyse the evolution of cross-ethnic marriages in a society affected by violence along ethnic boundaries and make three principal findings. First, as inequality between ethnic groups increases, the prospects of interethnic marriages decline. Status equalization between ethnic groups promotes cross-ethnic ties. Insofar as intermarriage indicates social cohesion, reducing ethnic inequality in multiethnic societies may facilitate ethnic integration. Second, the effect of ethnic inequality is not uniform across ethnic groups. Endogamy remains high among certain groups even when socio-economic disparities diminish. I suggest this is because the ethnic norms and sanctions proscribing outmarriage are particularly powerful within these groups. Third, the social and political salience of ethnic boundaries may be distinct. Intermarriages can increase even as civil war violence intensifies. Ethnic divisions risk being overstated by assuming political attitudes also drive choices in the social sphere. I establish these findings in the deeply-divided society of Mindanao in the southern Philippines by analysing over 6.2 million marriages and comparing individual-level census data for the years 2000 and 2010. Mindanao is home to a longstanding insurgency, waged by rebels drawn from the native Muslim Moro population resentful of their minoritization and dispossession by Christian settlers.