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The article analyzes the process of Three Horizons of Eurasian Integration. The authors consider the Eurasian Economic Community, the European Union and Belt and Road to be the main political, moral, economic and technological leaders in building a new world order. The global pandemic COVID‑19 made it clear that the Westphalian political system, based on the nation state and sovereignty, is still relevant and that it is the state that is able to cope with various types of crises.

The author defines such concepts as "the Altai vector of Eurasian integration" and "Altai civilization". Altai today, as the cradle of many Eurasian peoples, acquires a special unifying meaning. The cultural and humanitarian aspect of cooperation can be put on a par with the economic and political activities of states in terms of importance.

The institutions of Eurasian integration were formed from the experience of other integration associations, but taking into account the specifics of the participating countries. The article assesses the impact of spatial factors on the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), which has not yet been sufficiently studied, although this is quite significant. Among these factors are Russia's sharp dominance in the EAEU, large social and economic differences at the country and regional levels, the predominance of energy sector and its infrastructure in the interaction of the participating countries, and the deep-seated position in Eurasia. The existing institutions are mainly aimed at ensuring freedom for mutual trade and cross-border movement of the population. Mainly, capital cities benefited from this, to which the main part of mutual trade and labor migrations is locked. At the same time, they did not stimulate the development of industrial and technological cooperation between the participating countries. Eurasian integration has done nothing to reduce the unevenness of spatial development in the participating countries, which bolsters skepticism towards the EAEU and increases internal political instability. The recently adopted Strategic Directions for Developing the Eurasian Economic Integration until 2025 presuppose correction of integration institutions towards strengthening of the coordination elements and joint design in them. This will make it possible to reduce the negative impact of the intracontinental position and more actively use the potential of a central position in Eurasia. The system of measures for joint economic policy presented in them has created a new platform for stable interaction between states, national communities, and business for more efficient use of the Eurasian space they occupy.

Almost immediately after the Soviet Union collapsed at the end of 1991, the newly independent states encountered the problem of establishing economic relations in the new geopolitical conditions. In so doing, some of the states in the post-Soviet space-Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova-did not support the initiative to create integration unions, being in favor of weakening economic relations with Russia and reorienting their foreign economic ties toward the European countries and the U.S. Another group of countries-Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and several other Central Asian states-advocated economic integration, seeing in it an opportunity to retain their industry and implement industrialization plans. The need for economic interaction was determined by tasks to maintain the industrial potential that was created during the Soviet Union and the need to resolve current socioeconomic problems. Adherence to one or the other of these two positions determined the difference or, often, the diametrical opposition in the approaches of the countries of the post-Soviet space to economic integration, as well as in the evaluation of the prospects for their future relations. Over 25 years, the countries of the post-Soviet space have repeatedly tried to implement integration projects. Not all of them proved successful due to the difference in approaches to establishing coopera-tion and the unwillingness to relinquish some of their national sovereignty to supranational structures. Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, which, given the special features of their domestic political development and need to preserve the economic potential they had, showed the greatest interest in cooperating within the post-Soviet space and have comprised the nucleus of the integration organizations over the last 20 years. In the past five years, one of the most promising integration projects has been the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), to which Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan belong. Formation of the EEU was preceded by projects to create a Customs Union and a Common Economic Space aimed at augmenting cooperation and maintaining industrial potential. Creation of the EEU was possible due to the growing interest of several of the post-Soviet countries in intensifying multilateral cooperation. Furthermore, the far-from-easy situation in industry and the limited opportunities for establishing and developing equal trade and economic relations with Western countries have been forcing the post-Soviet states to turn toward their neighbors. Domestic political and foreign political factors, primarily the policy of non-regional states, have been providing an additional impetus to develop integration interaction. This article examines the results of the activity of the Eurasian Economic Union, analyzes the factors that interfere with greater cooperation among the EEU member states, and forecasts the possible paths of development of this integration union. © 2016, CA and CC Press AB. All rights reserved.

The term "Eurasia" has had different geopolitical meanings in world history. The concept of Eurasia and Eurasian integration should be adapted to the new geopolitical realities. Based on the Russian, Western, Chinese and other literature, the historical transition from Minor to Greater Eurasia is analyzed. It is argued that the concept of Greater Eurasia corresponds to the processes taking place in today's world. In general, Greater Eurasia is a broad and open concept that includes the entire Eurasian continental space: China, the European Union, India, Pakistan, South Korea, Iran, ASEAN and post-Soviet territories. The changes in the concept of "Eurasia" calls for investigation of the essence of Eurasian integration. In this study it is divided into three levels: Eurasian Minor integration, general Eurasian integration, and a large Eurasian community of common destiny. The three models can replace the ambiguous interpretation of the original concept of Eurasian integration.

This book examines the major economic and political transitions currently taking place in the Eurasian continent. Libman and Vinokurov provide a detailed account of various aspects of Eurasian integration, looking at both its bright side (trade, investments and joint infrastructure) and dark side (trafficking humans and drugs and the spread of diseases) and linking it to waves of 'Eurasian exchanges' in the past. The authors explore how political reality adapts and shapes the changing networks of economic interconnections and delineate a concept of 'pragmatic Eurasianism' necessary for understanding these linkages and sharply contrasting to the heavily ideological views of Eurasia that often dominate the political and social discussions.

How impactful has the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) been since it was signed in 2015? This book provides a thorough and critical analysis of economic integration in the EAEU from the perspective of international economic relations. It focuses on trade, FDI, manufacturing, energy, transport and logistics, science and education, digital economy, labour and ecology. The book also addresses the global positioning of the EAEU by evaluating its existing and potential trade agreements both with third countries and regional blocks. Although the EAEU is an established regional entity that has achieved a number of quantitative and qualitative economic results, there needs to be inclusive dialogue at the intra-regional (within the EAEU) and interregional (for instance, BRICS+) levels to further deepen the economic integration in the EAEU. This book will be of interest to academics and policymakers working in Eurasian economic integration, international economic relations and regional studies.

The Eurasian Economic Union, launched in 2015, is often seen with suspicion for ostensible domination by the Kremlin over those former Soviet republics that seek various benefits from reestablishing close links with Russia. Yet the very idea of intergovernmental integration implies that Russian influence can no longer be applied directly but has to be channeled through supranational institutions. In the context of globalization the Eurasian project can also be seen as an attempt to boost economic competitiveness of its members by reorienting the region from inherently unstable resource-based models into more sustainable ones, based on vibrant domestic industries. In practice, however, the EAEU has not yet demonstrated much economically, especially as far as mutual trade and investment are concerned, and after the recent resignation of the Kazakhstan's president Nursultan Nazarbaev as one of its earliest and most influential enthusiasts, there may also be political challenges to the very survival of the project.

"As Eurasia and the adjacent territories become more important to the world, there is increasing interest from international powers, accompanied by attempts to give institutional form to traditional economic and security links within the region. This book includes a range of substantive work from scholars based in the region, offering contrasting perspectives on the process of Eurasian integration and its place in the world. Chapters consider economic, political, social and security developments, with notable studies of the major countries involved in the development of the Eurasian Economic Union. The work also examines the connections between the region and China, greater Asia and the European Union. It outlines the varying dynamics, with populations growing in Central Asia while at best stagnant elsewhere. The book discusses the increasing strategic significance of the region and explores how the new post-Soviet states are growing in national cohesion and political self-confidence. Above all, the book examines the concept of 'Eurasia', outlining the debates about the concept and how various aspects of the legacy of 'Eurasianism' contribute to contemporary plans for integration. The book argues that although regional integration is very much a popular idea in our age, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence, in practice contemporary projects for Eurasian integration have been highly ambiguous and contested. Nevertheless, significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. The book analyses developments to date, noting the achievements as well as the challenges."--