Suchergebnisse

At head of title: Union Interparlementaire. ; Mode of access: Internet.

The expulsion of the papacy from Europe.--The great American democracy.--The foundation of the American empire.--The anarchial condition of American society.--Papal sovereignty in the United States.--Our ultramontane party and Rome's auxiliaires.--Public education and Rome.--Leo XIII and the modern evolution of the papacy.--Christian union, papal ambition and the Protestant masses.--From Rome to Washington.--The mission of our deputy popes.--The social question and the American universities. ; Mode of access: Internet.

von Herman Kranold ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Cam. 219 a-29/30

von Friedrich Naumann ; In Fraktur ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- H.un.app. 1157 k

von Friedrich Naumann ; In Fraktur ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- H.un.app. 1249

von Friedrich Naumann ; In Fraktur ; Volltext // Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- H.un.app. 52 t

The peace conference held at Paris in 1919 was called upon to consider no question of wider political or economic significance than that of the ordering of navigation on those great rivers usually designated as international and of which the Danube affords one of the most striking examples. In the long progress of 1800 miles from its source eastwards to the Black Sea this river traverses or bounds the territory of eight extensive states displaying a route capable of beneficial exploitation on the part of every country in Europe. Rising on the easterly slope of the Black Forest hill region in the extreme south of Baden, where it is formed by the union at Donaueschingen of two small streams flowing southerly from points near Villingen and Furtwangen, the Danube pursues a general easterly course across Wurtemberg and Bavaria. At Ulm it is joined by the Iller and now becomes navigable.

In 1806 Prussia engaged in war with Napoleon. The swiftest of his triumphs followed. In two months the Prussians had surrendered their fortresses, and seen annihilated the greatness which Europe had failed to crush in the time of Frederick the Great. A period of humiliation followed, and for some years the people lived under the conqueror's yoke.Deliverance came when Napoleon, stretching too far his power, and arousing the spirit of peoples, was defeated by Europe in arms. The liberation which alone Prussia could not have accomplished, was yet wrought partly by herself, for deliverance was preceded by regeneration in which her military system was fundamentally reformed. But it may be that what remained after all as the principal heritage from these years was the abiding sense that Prussia had suffered from being weak, and that only through military strength could there be safety in the future.The expansion and greatness of Prussia left unfulfilled the old idea of a united Germany. Through the middle ages and down to this time Germany had remained disunited, and weak and despised because of it. The smallest states had now disappeared, but still there were larger ones, grouped under Austria in vague and shadowy empire. And the history of Germany in the half century which followed the downfall of Napoleon is a record of yearning and striving on the part of people filled with distant memories, and noble aspiration after that strength and union which had come to their neighbors and yet been denied to themselves.

The nineteenth century, it is a commonplace to remark, witnessed a notable revival of nationalistic sentiment, the germs of which go back to the eighteenth, and the political consequences of which are in considerable part still outstanding. The emancipation of the Balkan States, the union of Italy, and the consolidation of Germany, were substantial, though incomplete, realizations of nationalism. The Germanization of Austria-Hungary, which had seemed inevitable, was brought to a halt by the national revival of Slav and Magyar. And today, not to mention the Irish situation, Eastern Europe is fairly alive with smaller nationalities seeking to gain or to maintain autonomous development. Nationalism, in spite of, or rather because of its being so largely a matter of sentiment, is the most active force in European politics. The dynastic system, certainly, is only a superficial relic of a past reality; loyalty to a dynasty, except as it is identified with nationalism, has lost its former significance. And on the other hand, a socialistic brotherhood which shall rise superior to the bounds of nationality is a dream of the future.