Suchergebnisse

Libro de Investigación ; El libro recoge la evolución y tendencias de las principales políticas socioeconómicas existentes en la Unión Europea ; The book includes the evolution and trends of the main socio-economic policies in the European Union ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Ovaj rad analizira prosječnu bruto per capita dohodovnu konvergenciju osam zemalja Jugoistočne Evrope (JIE) prema prosjeku EU-a. Cilj je utvrditi koji faktori doprinose konvergenciji zemalja JIE regije kao i opisati kretanje konvergencije u periodu 2000.-2018. godine, s posebnom pozornošću na dva pod perioda, prije i nakon Svjetske ekonomke krize. Koristimo pri tome kombinaciju parametarskih i neparametarskih metoda i linearne panel regresije fiksnih efekata s robusnim standardnim greškama. Rezultati sugeriraju da je konvergencija bila podstaknuta procesom EU integracija, obrazovnim nivoom stanovništva, investicijama (stranim, domaćim i javnim), kreditnom ekspanzijom u privatnom sektoru, kao i rastom javnih rashoda. S druge strane, ekonomska kriza, nezaposlenost i inflacija bili su glavni faktori koji su utjecali na divergenciju procesa. Zaključujemo na kraju i da je post-tranzicijski model rasta dominantan u regiji SEE, temeljen na stranim direktnim investicijama, nedovoljan, i da su domaće privatne investicije kritično-nedostajući faktor brže dohodovne konvergencije. ; This paper investigates the average gross per capita income convergence of eight Southeast European economies towards the EU average. Our goal is to analyse which factors have driven that convergence in the SEE region and describe convergence paths in the 2000-2018 period, concerning two sub-periods, before and after the economic crisis. We use a combination of parametric and nonparametric methods and a fixed effects linear panel regression with robust standard errors. Results suggest that the EU integration process drove convergence, education level, investment (FDI, private domestic and public investments), and private sector lending, as well as by government expenditures. Economic crisis, unemployment, and inflation were the main factors which have influenced the divergence process. We also concluded that the post-transition growth model dominant in the SEE region, based on an FDI inflow, has not sufficient for income convergence in this region. Private domestic investments are a critical missing factor for faster income convergence.

Este artículo analiza la historia de Europa desde un triple punto de vista. Por un lado, valora cómo llegó a construirse la cultura europea y su integración política, y cómo fácilmente pudo desaparecer o pasar a la irrelevancia. Por otra, se describe el vaivén de fuerzas centrípetas y centrífugas que han jugado sus cartas en el continente a lo largo de los siglos. En tercer lugar, se analiza el papel, a menudo ignorado, que en todos esos procesos ha jugado España. Por último, se estudian las amenazas internas que dominan el momento presente, así como las lecciones que podemos sacar del pasado para lograr un nuevo renacimiento cultural europeo, evitando así una decadencia a la que parecemos estar abocados ; This article analyzes the History of Europe from a threefold point of view. On the one hand, it evaluates how European culture and political integration came to be built, and how it could easily disappear or become irrelevant. On the other, it describes the swing of centripetal and centrifugal forces that have played their cards in Europe over the centurie. Thirdly, it analyzes the role, frecuently underestimated, played by Spain in these processes. Finally, it examines the internal threats of the present moment and the lessons we can draw from the past in order to achieve a new European cultural renaissance, avoiding a decline to which we seem to be heading

In July 2008 the European Commission gave out its annual report on how the key aspects of education and training have been developed in Europe. This article contains a description of the challenges for the teaching profession at the European Union and the new competences to practice. The increasing worry about improving educational standards has lead to create different policies which include the teachers' training. The teacher role is palpable in the common texts, because of his/her training and professional career. Teacher is the key piece to improve school efficiency. Therefore, there's work through two perspectives: the training during the professional career as a precious stone for educational quality. Secondly, the free circulation of these professionals doesn't require just a legal framework to prove a recognizable and authorized competence by the member States, but also a specific preparation in order to reach a new dimension called "euroidentity". The heading question has been used to make this endeavour more explicit and it's not intended to create a "standardised teacher model" and "standardised teaching model". If there is unity in diversity through national identities, the question remains, does it make a teacher "European"? ; En Julio de 2008 la Comisión Europea emitió su informe anual sobre los aspectos clave de la satisfactoria evolución de la Educación en Europa. En este artículo es una breve descripción de los retos a los que se enfrenta la profesión de maestro en la Unión Europea y las nuevas competencias que debe ejercer. La creciente preocupación por mejorar los estándares educativos ha llevado a impulsar diferentes tipos de políticas en las que se incluye la formación de docentes. El papel del maestro por su formación y su carrera profesional es palpable en los textos comunitarios. Es la pieza clave para mejorar la eficacia escolar. Por ello se trabaja en dos líneas básicas: la formación a lo largo de la carrera profesional como piedra angular de la calidad educativa. Y, en segundo lugar, la libre circulación de estos profesionales demanda no sólo un marco legal que acredite una competencia reconocible y homologada por todos los Estados Miembros, sino una preparación específica que contribuya a gestar una nueva dimensión denominada euroidentidad. Se plantea de fondo una cuestión de la posible estandarización del modelo de enseñanza y si se está proponiendo un modelo uniforme de profesor. Finalmente, se plantea una cuestión básica, ¿qué es lo que define a un profesor como "europeo"?

Este trabajo analiza el proceso de negociación de un acuerdo de Asociación entre la Unión Europea (UE) y el Mercado Común del Sur (Mercosur), cuyo objetivo es la creación de una alianza estratégica entre ambos bloques regionales. El argumento que se desarrolla es que el impulso a la negociación interregional surgió en un contexto internacional y regional en cada bloque muy favorable a la firma de acuerdo de apertura comercial. Ese contexto comenzó a modificarse a fines de la década del noventa, y a partir de allí el proceso se estancó. Las causas del estancamiento no han sido aún superadas y por ello existen pocas razones para pensar que la negociación birregional concluya exitosamente en el corto plazo. ; This paper analyses the process of negotiation of an Association Agreement between the European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), the utmost objective of which is the creation a strategic Alliance between both regional blocs. Herby, it is argued that the impulse to this negotiation occurred in an international and regional context favourable to the trade liberalisation. This context start being modified by the late 1990s and the process started stagnating onwards. The reasons of this stagnation have not been overcome and, in consequence, there are not too many reason to think that the process will successfully concluded in the short term. ; 41-52 ; bricenoj@ula.ve, bricenoruiz@hotmail.com ; semestral

Reseña en español del último libro de Jo Ritzen (Una Segunda Oportunidad para Europa: Perspectiva Económica, Política y Legal de la Unión Europea).

Desde hace quince años, la cooperación intergubernamental sobre asilo e inmigración se ha vuelto de forma legal prioritaria en Europa; tal fue el caso de la búsqueda de un sistema común a todos los asilos, a nivel europeo. El articulo trata de las 'políticas para asilados y refugiados', que ponen en nueva luz el mecanismo de integración europea. El refugiado que busca asilo a través de la Unión Europea, tendrá que confrontarse con la realidad europea es decir con lo que los estados miembro ofrecerán en término de recepción y de nueva ciudadanía. En este artículo se nota que los refugiados son, en realidad, individuos que han sufrido violaciones humanas básicas, y que han perdido todo tipo de protección del país de origen. El refugiado podrá obtener el restablecimiento de los derechos negados por medio de la intervención de otro país que lo garantiza. Los análisis desarrollados indican que la integración europea es más un hecho exclusivamente económico que un sistema de protección de ser humanos. ; For fifteen years, the intergovernmental cooperation on asylum and immigration became a legal urge in Europe; this is the case of the research of a common system for every asylum seeker at the European level. This article examines policies on asylum seekers and refugees, which mirror the mechanism of European integration. The refugee that seeks a job in European Union will have to face the European reality, i.e. whatever the member state will offer in terms of reception and new citizenship. This article underlines that refugees are in fact individuals that have suffered of a total lack of basic human rights. More than that, it is shown that refugees have been deprived of their protection from their own countries. The refugee could receive the reestablishment of the denied rights through the intervention of another country that would guarantee for it. The analyses made here demonstrate that European integration is more a matter of economics than a system of protection for human beings. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada

Currently the essence of European integrationis in crisis: the idea of an open and continuous process in the economy and in the politics. Restart the debate on the political model of integration and its democratic modes of articulation is also recovering the very essential aims of the integration process, and the story of the European project. It is proposed to explicitly discuss new model of legitimacy to Europe, through a Confederal Pact between States and citizens. ; Actualmente esta en crisis la esencia de la integración europea, que es la idea de proceso abierto y continuo, en lo económico, en lo político. Reiniciar el debate sobre el modelo político de la integración y sus modos democráticos de articulación es recuperar también el impulso esencial y el relato del proyecto europeo. Se propone plantear explícitamente un nuevo modelo de legitimidad para Europa, mediante un Pacto Confederal entre Estados y ciudadanos.Currently the essence of European integrationis in crisis: the idea of an open and continuous process in the economy and in the politics. Restart the debate on the political model of integration and its democratic modes of articulation is also recovering the very essential aims of the integration process, and the story of the European project. It is proposed to explicitly discuss new model of legitimacy to Europe, through a Confederal Pact between States and citizens.

Actualmente esta en crisis la esencia de la integración europea, que es la idea de proceso abierto y continuo, en lo económico, en lo político. Reiniciar el debate sobre el modelo político de la integración y sus modos democráticos de articulación es recuperar también el impulso esencial y el relato del proyecto europeo. Se propone plantear explícitamente un nuevo modelo de legitimidad para Europa, mediante un Pacto Confederal entre Estados y ciudadanos. ; The essence of European integration, which is the idea of an open and continuous process, is currently in crisis, economically and politically. To revive the debate on the political model of integration and its democratic modes of articulation is also to recover the essential impulse and the narrative of the European project. It is proposed to explicitly propose a new model of legitimacy for Europe, through a Confederal Pact between States and citizens.

In this research it is analyzed through empirical evidence the orthodox thesis about excessive public expenditure, generator of public deficit and debt, as cause of the current crisis in the peripherical european countries. After looking at the tendency of these variables within the last decade in Spain and the European Union it concludes with some reflections about the aforesaid thesis. ; En el presente estudio se analiza a través de la evidencia empírica la tesis ortodoxa del excesivo gasto público, generador de déficit y deuda pública, como causante de la actual crisis que viven los países de la periferia europea. Tras observar la tendencia de estas variables en la última década en el Estado español y la Unión Europea se concluye con unas reflexiones finales sobre susodicha tesis.

This paper investigates the content and the different «dimensions» of «quality» in the current «policies of knowledge» of the European Union as they are specified by the renewed Lisbon Strategy and in the frame of the construction of a «measurable Europe of Knowledge». The study analyses critically the policy discourses and policy practices of the European Union from 1994 to 2010 using both primary (e.g. official documents) and secondary (e.g. scholarly articles, studies and research) sources. It consists of four sections: The first section refers to the current constructions of quality discourse in the European context (e.g. globalization, knowledge economies and GATS, new public management, new governance, etc.). In the second section, we examine the integration of «quality» in the EU's discourses and policies (Treaties, Action Programs as well as in the general, vocational and higher education initiatives). The third section reviews the quality discourse in the context of the late EU's policy processes (Lisbon, Bologna and Copenhagen). In the final section we put forward a critical reading of the «audit/ quality» nexus based on a «policy by numbers» technocratic-managerial rationale aiming at the construction of a measurable «Europe of knowledge».Este artículo investiga el contenido y las diferentes «dimensiones» de «calidad» en las actuales «políticas de conocimiento» de la Unión Europea, del modo en que están especificadas por la renovada «Estrategia de Lisboa» y en el marco de la construcción de una «Europa del Conocimiento Medible ». El estudio analiza en profundidad los discursos políticos y las prácticas políticas de la Unión Europea desde 1994 hasta 2010, utilizando a la vez fuentes primarias (por ejemplo, documentos oficiales) y secundarias (por ejemplo, artículos, estudios e investigación académicos). Consta de cuatro secciones: La primera sección se refiere a las actuales construcciones del discurso sobre la calidad en el contexto Europeo (por ejemplo, globalización, economía del conocimiento, la nueva gestión pública, nuevos gobiernos, etc.). en la segunda sección, examinamos la integración de la «calidad» en los discursos y políticas de la UE (Tratados, Programas de Acción así como las iniciativas generales, vocacionales de la educación superior). La tercera sección revisa el discurso de la «calidad» en el contexto de los actuales procesos políticos de la UE (Lisboa, Bolonia, Copenhague). En la última sección, presentamos una lectura crítica del nexo «auditoría/calidad», basado en una «política de los números», de objetivo tecnocrático-gerencial de la construcción de una «Europa del conocimiento» medible.

At the present times there is some kind of fatalism about the difficulties to approach the crisis in the European Union, about the possibility to approach the difficult environment with a single voice. Not strangers to these difficulties are external speculative practices that hover over the Union, increasing the fear of a kidnapping serving foreign interest. To intensify European citizens participation and to increase their sense of identity seem to be the most suitable reactions to serve, not only to the European interests but, specially, to the values of democracy and human dignity as well as to guarantee the rights and freedoms that are fudamental to European construction. ; En la hora presente existe un cierto fatalismo sobre los problemas para abordar la crisis en la Unión Europea y sobre la estrategia para crecer en la integración de la Unión y abordar con una voz común las dificultades del entorno. No es ajena a esta dificultad las prácticas especulativas externas que se ciernen sobre la Unión que acrecientan el temor de un rapto al servicio de intereses foráneos. El intensificar la participación de la ciudadanía europea e incrementar su sentido de identidad pareciera la reacción más adecuada que sirva no sólo a los intereses europeos sino especialmente a los valores de democracia, dignidad de la persona y garantías de sus derechos y libertades que son fundamentales en la construcción europea.At the present times there is some kind of fatalism about the difficulties to approach the crisis in the European Union, about the possibility to approach the difficult environment with a single voice. Not strangers to these difficulties are external speculative practices that hover over the Union, increasing the fear of a kidnapping serving foreign interest. To intensify European citizens participation and to increase their sense of identity seem to be the most suitable reactions to serve, not only to the European interests but, specially, to the values of democracy and human dignity as well as to guarantee the rights and freedoms that are fudamental to European construction.

Odlukom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva da napusti Europsku uniju, kao i usporavanjem procesa proširenja Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana i Tursku, pojavila se nova fraza u europskom političkom rječniku: Europa izvan Europske unije. Ta fraza, koju promoviraju tvorci britanske vanjske politike, vraća na dnevni red raspravu o europskom identitetu. U ovom članku analiziraju se kompleksni i različiti odgovori na pitanja kao što su tko je, što je, kad je i gdje je Europa, gdje je njezina granica i tko su Drugi u odnosu na nju. Pitanju identiteta Europe pristupa se iz konstruktivističke perspektive, kroz analizu definiranja Sebstva i Drugosti. Iako je Europa nakon Hladnog rata proklamirala kao svoj cilj ujedinjenje i emancipaciju od Drugih, ona je ostala vezana uz Sjedinjene Američke Države kroz koncept euroatlantizma, a u nekim aspektima i uz Rusiju kroz ideju o Euroaziji. U suvremenim okolnostima Europska je unija sve udaljenija od ideala o jednoj i ujedinjenoj Europi. Umjesto toga, ona više liči na lȕk, sa svojim jezgrom, unutarnjom i izvanjskoj periferijom, kao i s vanjskim akterima koji su polupovezani s Europom zbog povijesnih i strateških razloga. Zbog toga se postavlja pitanje je li Europu uopće moguće definirati kao cjelinu u odnosu na njezine susjede i na druge zainteresirane aktere (Rusiju, SAD i Tursku) ili je njezin identitet određen upravo nemogućnošću takvoga jednoznačnog definiranja. ; Following the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union and in the light of the slowing down of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans and Turkey, a new phrase emerged in the European political vocabulary – Europe outside the European Union. This phrase, promoted by British foreign policy designers, brings the issue of the European identity back on the agenda. Who, what, when and where is Europe, and who are the Others in relation to Europe? In this article, we analyse the complex and mutually divergent replies to the question of the European identity by using a constructivist approach, based on the definitions of the European Self and Other. Despite proclaiming an ambition to unite and emancipate itself from the Others, Europe remained connected to the United States after the Cold War through the concept of Euro Atlanticism. The competing concept of Eurasia – marking a link between Europe and Russia – is also becoming popular in the areas of European inner and external peripheries. Contemporary Europe is far from being "united in diversities" – it looks more like an onion instead with its core countries, internal and external peripheries and influential external stakeholders that are semi-detached to it for historical and strategic reasons. The author therefore puts forward a question of whether it is at all possible to define Europe as the Other to its neighbours and other external stakeholders such as Russia, the US and Turkey. Would it not be more appropriate to define Europe through a permanent notion of being in-between its own Others, rather than through its own clearly marked and defined Self?