Suchergebnisse

Professor since 2006 at one of the most prestigious French Departments of Education, (Université Paris Descartes), Rebecca Rogers's academic trajectory has been associated from the start with Women and Gender studies and the History of Education. Born in the USA, she has built her career in Europe, particularly in France. She earned her PhD at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales under the supervision of Dominique Julia. She began her teaching career at the University of Iowa in the United States, and in 1994 obtained a position at the Université de Strasbourg as Maître de Conference. In 2015, she assumed the presidency of the International Standing Conference for the History of Education (ISCHE), the most relevant scientific society in the field of History of Education. Her academic background and involvement in the educational arena as well as the theoretical and methodological choices are addressed in this interview, which also describes the relationship established with Brazilian researchers in projects carried out in the Faculties of Education of UNICAMP and USP. The current debates about gender emerging in the public sphere in France and the challenges faced by historical-educational research, whether in the dimension of a transnational history of education or in the consolidation of a field of research also emerge in Rebecca Rogers' interview. This list of topics makes the interview dense in problematizations, opening a range of questions that challenges readers interested in the international academic and political scene. ; Professora, desde 2006, de um dos mais prestigiados departamentos de educação franceses (Université Paris Descartes), Rebecca Rogers tem sua trajetória acadêmica marcada pelos estudos sobre mulheres e gênero, traçados sempre na relação com a história da educação. Nascida nos Estados Unidos da América, fez sua carreira na Europa, em particular na França. Cursou o doutorado na École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, sob a orientação de Dominique Julia. Iniciou a atividade docente na University of Iwoa. Em 1994, obteve uma posição na Université de Strasbourg como maitre de conference. Em 2015, assumiu a presidência da International Standing Conference for the History of Education (ISCHE), sociedade científica internacional de maior relevância na área de história da educação. Sua formação e trânsito na arena educativa, bem como as escolhas teóricas e metodológicas são abordadas nesta entrevista, que se estende ainda sobre as relações tramadas com pesquisadoras brasileiras em projetos realizados nas Faculdades de Educação da Universidade Estadual de Campinas - UNICAMP e Universidade de São Paulo. Os debates atuais sobre gênero emergentes na esfera pública na França e os desafios enfrentados pela investigação histórico-educativa, seja na dimensão de uma história transnacional da educação, seja na consolidação de um campo de pesquisa também emergem no discurso de Rebecca Rogers. Este rol de temáticas torna a entrevista densa em problematizações, abrindo um leque de interrogações que instigam o leitor na sua reflexão acerca do cenário político e acadêmico internacional.

Today, Europe is living a new decisive time as it has been in its past after World War II, in search of unity in diversity in the name of a peace project to safeguard future. If, on the one hand, Europe expresses aspirations for profound changes in its external environment, in the domestic context, it ends up colliding with aspects linked to sovereignty and human rights; on the other hand, in European foreign policy, the model reveals the search to legitimize its action. Precisely, the objective and the motivation of this study seek, through the qualitative methodology in Political Science, to analyse and understand the current context of the European Union in the international system. In fact, it is identified that this new hierarchy of powers, in the reaffirmation of the Westphalian system, where economic power comes, is bound to consolidate the democratic development between the old and new times of international relations in the destiny of Europe. From the results obtained during the analysis, in order to face again the unpredictability of the world scenario, it is a reality that Europe must promote the re-encounter of an alternative role, in other words, to assume its initial project of European edification in the name of equality of circumstances and rights of its affirmation in the global arena.

Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.

O autor parte do reconhecimento da existência da atual crise – à semelhança da crise no pós-guerra – para elaborar sobre o significativo percurso no âmbito da cooperação judiciária penal na União Europeia, que acompanhou, por sua vez, a evolução da integração política. A União Europeia encontra-se hoje numa etapa crucial no que respeita à construção de uma jurisdição penal plena, caminho esse parametrizado pelo Tratado de Lisboa, nomeadamente quanto à criação de uma Procuradoria Europeia. Esta poderá vir a desenhar-se como um órgão "federal", com uma atuação concentrada e uniforme para todo o território da União Europeia, como espaço natural da sua jurisdição territorial. ; The author firstly recognizes the existence of the current crisis – similar to the crisis in post-war Europe – to elaborate on the significant path that criminal judicial cooperation in the European Union undertook, sustained by the evolution of political integration. Today the European Union is at a crucial stage in regards to the construction of a full criminal jurisdiction, particularly regarding the creation of a European Public Prosecutor's Office, as parameterized by the Lisbon Treaty. This is likely to emerge as a "federal" agency, with a concentrated and uniform action throughout the territory of the European Union, as the natural area of its territorial jurisdiction.

Commencing with an ironic parallel with some concepts of economic sciences, the author calls for an active solidarity of all jurists to safeguard a plural Europe, affected by a severe crisis. Firmly based on the thoughts of the honouree Cunha Rodrigues, the crucial importance of a homogeneous and trustworthy European Judiciary is also emphasized, in order to strengthen advances already provided by European Union Law, especially through the creative and innovative case law from the Court of Justice of the European Union. ; A partir de uma irónica analogia com alguns conceitos das Ciências Económicas, o autor reclama por uma ativa solidariedade dos juristas na salvaguarda de uma Europa plural, imersa hoje numa grave crise. Ancorado no pensamento do homenageado Conselheiro Cunha Rodrigues, enfatiza-se igualmente a importância crucial de um judiciário europeu homogéneo e merecedor da confiança dos cidadãos de forma a consolidar os progressos já proporcionados, no passado recente, pelo direito da União Europeia, em particular por força da jurisprudência criativa e inovadora do Tribunal de Justiça da União Europeia.

Abstract The social welfare system in Brazil can be compared with the European social democratic model in three historical periods, despite the specificities and differences. The period of 1930-1964 will address the importance of the concept of citizenship regulated to the definition of social rights in Brazil and compare it with the development of national citizenship and the role of trade unions in the welfare state in Europe. The period of 1964-1985 will present the structure of the military regime's social policy while in Europe there was a democratic environment with universal social rights and social participation as the basis for the system of social welfare. The period after 1985, with emphasis on the second phase of social reform initiated after the Real Plan (1994), will highlight the more generous and universalizing vision of social rights. This period will be important to compare as Europe, at that time, questioned the material foundation and the design of the welfare state while aiming to review some grounds to keep it as a pattern of social solidarity. Key words: Citizenship - Rights - Equality - Democracy - Inequality. ; Resumo O regime de bem-estar social no Brasil pode ser comparado com o modelo social-democrata europeu em três períodos históricos, apesar das especificidades e diferenças que aqui adquiriu. No período 1930-1964, serão abordadas a importância da concepção de cidadania regulada para a definição de direitos sociais no Brasil e a comparação com o desenvolvimento da cidadania nacional e o papel dos sindicatos no welfare state na Europa. No período 1964-1985, será apresentada a forma como se estruturou a política social do regime militar, enquanto, na Europa, havia um ambiente democrático, com direitos sociais universais e participação social como bases do regime de bem-estar social. No período após 1985, com ênfase na fase da segunda reforma social iniciada pós-Plano Real (1994), será destacada a visão mais generosa e universalizante de direitos sociais. Para esse período, será importante apontar como, na Europa, nesse momento, se questionaram as bases materiais e a concepção do welfare state, visando, ao mesmo tempo, revisar alguns fundamentos para mantê-lo como padrão de solidariedade social.Palavras-chave: cidadania; direitos; igualdade; democracia; desigualdade. AbstractThe social welfare system in Brazil can be compared with the European social democratic model in three historical periods, despite the specificities and differences. The period of 1930-1964 will address the importance of the concept of citizenship regulated to the definition of social rights in Brazil and compare it with the development of national citizenship and the role of trade unions in the welfare state in Europe. The period of 1964-1985 will present the structure of the military regime's social policy while in Europe there was a democratic environment with universal social rights and social participation as the basis for the system of social welfare. The period after 1985, with emphasis on the second phase of social reform initiated after the Real Plan (1994), will highlight the more generous and universalizing vision of social rights. This period will be important to compare as Europe, at that time, questioned the material foundation and the design of the welfare state while aiming to review some grounds to keep it as a pattern of social solidarity.Key words: Citizenship - Rights - Equality - Democracy - Inequality

Através da análise de políticas culturais europeias e de estudos de caso paradigmáticos, este artigo destaca a ligação que existe entre o processo de normalização de línguas europeias minoritárias e a prática de legendagem de filmes: esta última é uma atividade que carece urgentemente de ser protocolada, na medida em que garante tanto a preservação da originalidade cultural da obra como o seu valor enquanto património cultural europeu material e imaterial. Neste sentido, propomo-nos analisar o fosso que existe entre as declarações abrangentes da União Europeia e a sua implementação por administrações estatais e locais, que frequentemente ocorrem em pacotes de medidas erráticas, arbitrárias e contingentes, que conduzem, deste modo, a uma sistemática ausência de resultados. Por fim, enunciaremos alguns desafios e recomendações, para dotar a Europa de um protocolo de legendagem de filmes, de modo a promover a diversidade cultural e a normalização de línguas não-hegemónicas. ; By analysing European cultural policies and paradigmatic case studies, this article highlights the close link between the normalisation of minority languages in Europe and film subtitling. Film subtitling is an activity that urgently needs to be protocolised insofar as it guarantees both the preservation of the cultural originality of the audiovisual work and its value as tangible and intangible European cultural heritage. To do so, we will analyse the legal divide between the all-encompassing European Union declarations and their implementation by state and local administrations, which often occur in erratic, random, contingent packages of measures that lead to a systemic absence of results. Finally, we will propose some key challenges and recommendations to provide Europe with a film subtitling protocol to promote cultural diversity and normalise non-hegemonic languages.

Através da análise de políticas culturais europeias e de estudos de caso paradigmáticos, este artigo destaca a ligação que existe entre o processo de normalização de línguas europeias minoritárias e a prática de legendagem de filmes: esta última é uma atividade que carece urgentemente de ser protocolada, na medida em que garante tanto a preservação da originalidade cultural da obra como o seu valor enquanto património cultural europeu material e imaterial. Neste sentido, propomo-nos analisar o fosso que existe entre as declarações abrangentes da União Europeia e a sua implementação por administrações estatais e locais, que frequentemente ocorrem em pacotes de medidas erráticas, arbitrárias e contingentes, que conduzem, deste modo, a uma sistemática ausência de resultados. Por fim, enunciaremos alguns desafios e recomendações, para dotar a Europa de um protocolo de legendagem de filmes, de modo a promover a diversidade cultural e a normalização de línguas não-hegemónicas. ; By analysing European cultural policies and paradigmatic case studies, this article highlights the close link between the normalisation of minority languages in Europe and film subtitling. Film subtitling is an activity that urgently needs to be protocolised insofar as it guarantees both the preservation of the cultural originality of the audiovisual work and its value as tangible and intangible European cultural heritage. To do so, we will analyse the legal divide between the all-encompassing European Union declarations and their implementation by state and local administrations, which often occur in erratic, random, contingent packages of measures that lead to a systemic absence of results. Finally, we will propose some key challenges and recommendations to provide Europe with a film subtitling protocol to promote cultural diversity and normalise non-hegemonic languages.

Esta pesquisa analisou o Brexit em uma perspectiva histórica, focando a conturbada relação entre a Europa continental e o Reino Unido ao longo do século XX, com ênfase no período pós Segunda Guerra Mundial. Foi utilizado o conceito de path dependency para argumentar sobre o papel de fatores históricos e decisões do passado, embora tomados em outras circunstâncias, ainda com força para influenciar o presente, para entender o Brexit. A premissa básica que será apresentada no ensaio é que o Reino Unido nunca participou de fato da ideia da Europa e sempre se viu como um país diferente por sua história e seu papel no mundo. Quando entrou, foi com uma perna só, a outra sempre ficou atrás, inclusive devido às especificidades de sua estrutura econômica herdada do passado, em particular no que diz respeito à agricultura. Desta forma, defende-se que, embora longe de ter sido inevitável, se tratou de um fenômeno limitado ao Reino Unido que tinha pouquíssima probabilidade de se repetir em outros países da União Europeia. ; This research analyzed Brexit in a historical perspective, focusing on the specific relation between continental Europe and the United Kingdom during the XX Century, with emphasis on the period after the Second World War. The concept of path dependency was used to explore the historical factors and decision taken in the past, which, although in different circumstances, still influence the present and are useful to understand the Brexit. The basic premises that will be presented is that the UK in fact never identified itself with the idea of Europe as developed by the Continental members. It always saw itself as a country with a different history and a different role in the world. When it got its membership, the country only entered with one leg, keeping the other always outside. This also reflects the different configuration of its economic structure, specifically with regard to agriculture. By this, although not at all inevitable, it will be defended that we are dealing with a very British phenomenon which had extremely little chance to be repeated by other countries of the European Union.

The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union (EU), one of the most important symbols of the European regional integration process, completed fifty years in 2012. At first glance, many of its positive aspects, which places the EU as the global largest exporter position of agri-food goods, stands strong in the defense of agricultural protectionism, position which is reflected in the European way of acting in the negotiations and the CAP as a concerned policy to ensure food security in the European Continent. All these elements show positive traits of European regional integration. However, the CAP is quite controversial because over the decades it favored the interests of the European farmers maintaining its level of income, especially of certain member states of the EU, persists for more than five decades keeping the essence of its original structure, even it is an extremely costly policy to citizens of the European bloc of regional integration and resulted in imbalances. Taking into account these elements, the purpose of this article is to discuss the origins of the CAP, which are linked to food security in the post-Second World War Europe, the interests that supported its original formulation, the previous negotiations and those that occurred during the its institutionalization process. In addition, we intend to analyze the first results of the integrated European policy in the agricultural area, which went through incremental changes until 1992.

The process of establishing the supranational European Union has been accompanied by a construction of the idea of Europeanness (Geary, 2013; Pieterse, 1991/1993), of belonging to a common us, creating an idea of what we are, as Europeans, and necessarily othering those who do not belong (Butler & Spivak, 2007; El-Tayeb, 2011). The so-called "refugee/migration crisis" is a particularly interesting context in which to explore discourses not only about this us/them divide regarding what are presented as non-Europeans, but also who we Europeans are constructed as being. The media play an important role in the reproduction of representations about others, with whom the audience does not have direct contact. In this article, we explore discourses, in the Portuguese and German media, from 2011 to 2017, about the so-called "refugee/migration crisis". Through a qualitative content analysis, we have sought to understand how the idea of Europeanness is constructed, in relation to this phenomenon. This exploratory analysis allowed us to identify that there is not only a construction of the idea of Europe in which migrants or refugees are the other, but also of an idea of Europe that is intrinsically incompatible with the rejection of this other, incompatible with far-right or xenophobic ideas and movements. Being European, thus, is being not a Muslim, not a refugee, and not xenophobic. ; O processo de instituição da União Europeia supranacional foi acompanhado por uma construção de uma ideia de europeidade (Geary, 2013; Pieterse, 1991/1993), de pertencer a um nós, criando uma ideia de quem somos, enquanto europeus, e, necessariamente, da outrização dos que não pertencem (Butler & Spivak, 2007; El-Tayeb, 2011). A chamada "crise dos refugiados/migratória" é um contexto particularmente interessante para explorar discursos não apenas sobre esta divisão entre nós e eles, em relação aos que são apresentados como não-europeus, mas também sobre a construção do que somos nós, europeus. Os média desempenham um papel crucial na reprodução de representações sobre os outros, com quem o público não tem contacto direto. Neste artigo, exploramos discursos, nos média portugueses e alemães, de 2011 a 2017, sobre a chamada "crise dos refugiados/migratória". Através de uma análise qualitativa de conteúdo, procuramos compreender como é construída a ideia de europeidade em relação a este fenómeno. Esta análise exploratória permitiu identificar que não existe apenas uma construção da ideia da Europa, na qual os migrantes ou refugiados são o outro, mas também uma ideia da Europa intrinsecamente incompatível com a rejeição desse outro, incompatível com ideias e movimentos de extrema direita ou xenófobos. Ser europeu, portanto, é ser não-muçulmano, ser não-refugiado, e ser não-xenófobo.

RESUMO O estudo visa a penetração da ideologia marxista nas Universidades brasileiras nos anos 50 e 60 e, depois do golpe de 64, sobretudo nos Departamentos de Ciências Sociais. Causas apontadas, o populismo e Esquerdismo dos Governos, os movimentos e entidades estudantis, as teologias da libertação, e a adesão de professores e estudantes a várias formas de idealismo dialético. Pontos de referência, a criação do Instituto de Estudos Brasileiros (ISEB), o papel da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) e da Ação Popular (AP). Discute a estrutura formal da Universidade, suas fraquezas institucionais e organizacionais, a contribuição de professores nacionais e estrangeiros à politização geral. A crise do Marxismo na Europa não parece ter causado retrocesso, apenas modificação, nesse pendor ideológico; sobrevive em organizações partidárias movimentos, livros-textos, teses e dissertações e, num ensino que não parece à altura das necessidades da pesquisa científica, da mudança social e dos imperativos de reforma universitária. ABSTRACT Routes and misroutes of an ideology: marxism in Brazilian University. v. 27, n. 2, p. 285-361, jul./dez. 1999. Studies the invasion of Marxist ideology in Brazilian Universities in the fifties'and sixties' and, after the 64 coup, mostly in the Department of Social Sciences. Factors quoted include rampant populism, leftist in Governments, students' movements and associations, the upsurge of theologies of liberation, as well as the expansion of dialect idealism among teachers and students. Points of reference are given, such as the foundation of the Institute of Brazilian Studies (ISEB) (1954), the important role of the Students National Association (UNE) and Popular Action (AP). The formal structure of the University itself, its institutional and organizational weakness are discussed as well as the personal contribution of some outstanding teachers, foreign and national to the politization of Academic Crisis of Marxism in Europa does not seem to bring a decline in the ideology. It survives in slogans and protests as well as in academic papers, thesis, dissertations, in the teaching in general which does not seem to cope up either with scientific research, or social change and the needs for reform. RÉSUMÉ Vérités et erreurs d'une idéologie: le Marxisme dans l'Université. v. 27, n. 2, p. 285-361, jul./dez. 1999. Cette étude se propose de montrer la pénétration de l'idéologie marxiste dans les Universités brésiliennes au cours des années 50 et 60 et, après le coup d'état de 64, surtout dans le domaine des Sciences Sociales. Les causes alléguées: le populisme et le gauchisme des gouvernements, les mouvements et les organisations d'étudiants, les théologies de la libération, l'adhésion de professeurs et d'étudiants à diverses formes d'idéalisme dialectique. Points de référence: la création de l'Institut d'Etudes Brésiliennes (ISEB), le rôle de l' "Union Nationale des Etudiants" (UNE) et de l' "Action Populaire" (AP). Il analyse la structure précise de l'Université, ses faiblesses institutionnelles et d'organisation, la contribution des professeurs brésiliens et étrangers à la politisation générale. La crise du Marxisme en Europe ne semble pas avoir causé de recul, à peine des modifications à cette tendance idéologique; elle survit dans des organisations partisanes, des mouvements, des thèses et des dissertations et, dans un enseignement qui n'apparaît pas à la hauteur des nécessités de la recherche scientifique, du changement social et des impératifs de la réforme universitaire.

This study examined companies from two different groups of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and their partnerships with the Government for the development of four types of innovation (product, process, organizational, and marketing). The research included ex-soviet republics (Eu members and non-members), and observed how each type of innovation affects the firms' financial performance. A sample of 1,143 manufacturing SMEs from the Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) were tested using multiple regression and logit. Based on the absorptive capacity theory, the results show that manufacturing SMEs from EU-member countries have a higher absorptive capacity and take advantage of the EU's innovation promotion programs to innovate. On the other hand, the SMEs from non EU-member states perceive a quicker effect of the innovations in financial performance, considering that there is a technological gap between the two groups (non EU-members are less developed). Also, the introduction of different types of innovations simultaneously boosts the performance of firms from non EU-member countries in the short run. ; Este estudio investigó la importancia de las alianzas con el Gobierno para el desarrollo de los cuatro tipos de innovación (producto, proceso, organizacional y marketing) en empresas de dos grupos diferentes de países de Europa Central y Oriental (ECO), incluyendo las antiguas repúblicas soviéticas europeas (países miembros de la Unión Europea –UE, y países no miembros de la UE); y cómo cada tipo de innovación afecta el desempeño financiero de las empresas. Para alcanzar esta meta, se probó una muestra de 1.143 PyME manufactureras del Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) utilizando regresión múltiple y logit. Con base en la teoría de la capacidad de absorción, se encontró que las PyME manufactureras de países de la UE tienen una mayor capacidad de absorción y se benefician de los programas de promoción de la innovación de la UE para innovar. Por otro lado, las empresas de los países no miembros de la UE perciben un efecto más rápido de las innovaciones en el desempeño financiero, ya que existe una brecha tecnológica entre los dos grupos, y los países no miembros de la UE son menos desarrollados. Además, la introducción de diferentes tipos de innovaciones simultáneamente puede mejorar el rendimiento de las empresas de países no miembros de la UE a corto plazo. ; Este estudo investigou a importância de parcerias com o Governo para o desenvolvimento dos quatro tipos de inovação (produto, processo, organizacional e marketing) por empresas de dois grupos diferentes de países da Europa Central e Oriental, incluindo as ex-repúblicas soviéticas europeias (países membros da União Europeia - MUE, e países não membros da União Europeia- NMUE); e como cada tipo de inovação afeta o desempenho financeiro das empresas. Para atingir esse objetivo, uma amostra de 1.143 PMEs de manufatura do Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) foi testada, usando regressão múltipla e logit. Baseado na teoria da capacidade absortiva, descobriu-se que as PMEs de manufatura da UE têm uma capacidade absortiva mais alta e obtêm vantagem dos programas de promoção de inovação da UE para inovar. Por outro lado, empresas NMUE percebem um efeito mais rápido das inovações no desempenho financeiro, uma vez que existe uma lacuna tecnológica entre os dois grupos, sendo os NMUE menos desenvolvidos. Além disso, a introdução de diferentes tipos de inovações em simultâneo pode impulsionar o desempenho das empresas NMUE no curto prazo.

This study examined companies from two different groups of countries in Central and Eastern Europe and their partnerships with the Government for the development of four types of innovation (product, process, organizational, and marketing). The research included ex-soviet republics (Eu members and non-members), and observed how each type of innovation affects the firms' financial performance. A sample of 1,143 manufacturing SMEs from the Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) were tested using multiple regression and logit. Based on the absorptive capacity theory, the results show that manufacturing SMEs from EU-member countries have a higher absorptive capacity and take advantage of the EU's innovation promotion programs to innovate. On the other hand, the SMEs from non EU-member states perceive a quicker effect of the innovations in financial performance, considering that there is a technological gap between the two groups (non EU-members are less developed). Also, the introduction of different types of innovations simultaneously boosts the performance of firms from non EU-member countries in the short run. ; Este estudio investigó la importancia de las alianzas con el Gobierno para el desarrollo de los cuatro tipos de innovación (producto, proceso, organizacional y marketing) en empresas de dos grupos diferentes de países de Europa Central y Oriental (ECO), incluyendo las antiguas repúblicas soviéticas europeas (países miembros de la Unión Europea –UE, y países no miembros de la UE); y cómo cada tipo de innovación afecta el desempeño financiero de las empresas. Para alcanzar esta meta, se probó una muestra de 1.143 PyME manufactureras del Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) utilizando regresión múltiple y logit. Con base en la teoría de la capacidad de absorción, se encontró que las PyME manufactureras de países de la UE tienen una mayor capacidad de absorción y se benefician de los programas de promoción de la innovación de la UE para innovar. Por otro lado, las empresas de los países no miembros de la UE perciben un efecto más rápido de las innovaciones en el desempeño financiero, ya que existe una brecha tecnológica entre los dos grupos, y los países no miembros de la UE son menos desarrollados. Además, la introducción de diferentes tipos de innovaciones simultáneamente puede mejorar el rendimiento de las empresas de países no miembros de la UE a corto plazo. ; Este estudo investigou a importância de parcerias com o Governo para o desenvolvimento dos quatro tipos de inovação (produto, processo, organizacional e marketing) por empresas de dois grupos diferentes de países da Europa Central e Oriental, incluindo as ex-repúblicas soviéticas europeias (países membros da União Europeia - MUE, e países não membros da União Europeia- NMUE); e como cada tipo de inovação afeta o desempenho financeiro das empresas. Para atingir esse objetivo, uma amostra de 1.143 PMEs de manufatura do Business Environment and Enterprise Performance Survey (BEEPS) foi testada, usando regressão múltipla e logit. Baseado na teoria da capacidade absortiva, descobriu-se que as PMEs de manufatura da UE têm uma capacidade absortiva mais alta e obtêm vantagem dos programas de promoção de inovação da UE para inovar. Por outro lado, empresas NMUE percebem um efeito mais rápido das inovações no desempenho financeiro, uma vez que existe uma lacuna tecnológica entre os dois grupos, sendo os NMUE menos desenvolvidos. Além disso, a introdução de diferentes tipos de inovações em simultâneo pode impulsionar o desempenho das empresas NMUE no curto prazo.