Suchergebnisse

Předkládaná práce se věnuje změně právní úpravy rozhodování per rollam ve společnosti s ručením omezeným, která vstoupila v účinnost ode dne 1. ledna 2021. Zákonem č. 33/2020 Sb. ze dne 21. ledna 2020 byl změněn zákon o obchodních korporacích a družstvech mj. i v právní úpravě rozhodování per rollam ve společnosti s ručením omezeným. Podle nové právní úpravy bude zejména nutné v případě rozhodování valné hromady způsobem per rollam, které má být osvědčeno veřejnou listinou, aby měl jak návrh takového rozhodnutí, tak projev vůle společníka, jímž vysloví s návrhem souhlas, formu veřejné listiny (notářského zápisu). Stávající právní úprava doposud vyžadovala u projevu vůle společníka, jímž vysloví s návrhem souhlas, pouze úřední ověření podpisu společníka. Spolu se změnou zákona o obchodních korporacích a družstvech přináší zákon č. 33/2020 Sb., v této souvislosti i zásadní změnu notářského řádu.

The article deals with the idea of Central Europe and aims to identify common developmental tendencies of the region in the medieval period and early modern age. The author emphasizes the advantages of the comparative approach primarily in the case of the medieval and early modern Polish, Czech and Hungarian states. Alongside common developmental tendencies the author emphasizes also important differences which cast doubt on the very idea of Central Europe.

The paper deals with the complex issue of (ethno)regional parties conceptualisation. Notions and schematics elaborated and promoted by Lieven de Winter, Klaus von Beyme, Donald L. Horowitz, Francisco Letamendía, Huri Türsan, Ferdinand Müller–Rommel Derek Urwin, John T. Ishiyama etc. are briefly discussed. Ethno–regional parties can be conceived of as political parties whose electoral and legitimation potential is primarily based on identitary mobilisation of an ethno–territorial community of sub–national (sub–state) nature. However, ethnic and territorial aspects may assume different relevance within the different approaches to the study of ethno–regional parties. It should be emphasized, that regional parties are not necessarily ethnic parties – and vice versa. Regional parties could be defined as formations with region–based electorate and mobilisation resources, or as formations representing sub–national (regional) interest communities exercising party functions to the full extent in a regionally defined operating space. Ethno–regional (ethno–regionalist) parties may thus be defined as a sort of regional (regionalist) parties. Finally, some issues of classification and typology of regional party arrangements are assessed. A lot of work is still to be done in this field. More attention should be paid to the heterogeneous nature of compounded territorial–political arrangements, which allows for the coexistence of different types of actors – political parties on the national (nation–wide) and regional level, as well as for simultaneous existence of diverse party and political scenes. To make a comprehensive typology of regional party (sub)systems is not an easy task at all. This is due to the persisting lack of suitable conceptual frameworks and to the fact that an effective reconciliation of the approach to nation–forming identitary and regionalist mobilisations used by regional parties with the traditional platform applied in research into European party systems has proved very difficult. ; The paper deals ...

While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of English-writing scholars tends to adopt a minimalist institutional definition suggested by Robert Elgie, most Central European scholars prefer an approach (inspired by Duverger or Sartori) that emphasizes presidential powers, which are irrelevant to Elgie's definition. ; While reading academic papers and books on political regimes in Central Europe, one can become aware of an interesting and remarkable fact: these regimes (forms of government) are classified rather differently. Whereas some scholars tend to approach them as parliamentary regimes, others classify them as semi-presidential ones. The major dividing line between these two perspectives runs between a large group of English-writing scholars based outside Central Europe and those from Central Europe itself. Having reviewed a large number of relevant studies in this field, the authors of this article argue that the key reason for the different assessments of Central European regimes resides mainly in a different theoretical (but also methodological) approach, which has important implications when considering how these regimes are treated in various studies. Whereas the group of ...

Kolektivní monografie Promeny polonistiky. Tradice a výzvy polonistických studií pripomíná již více než devadesátiletou historii a tradici univerzitní polonistiky v ceských zemích. Ta se rozvíjela nejprve na pražské univerzite, pozdeji i v rade dalších vysokých škol (Ostrava, Brno, Olomouc, Pardubice, Opava aj.). V poslední dobe jsme pritom svedky prechodu od tradicního modelu filologických studií ke studiím areálovým (napr. stredoevropská studia). Co tato zmena muže prinést? Kam se polonistická studia posunula? Jak se prístup k polonistice liší v jednotlivých univerzitních centrech v Cesku, a

On 2 January 2020, the Government of the Czech Republic submitted a bill to the Chamber of Deputies amending the Labor Code. The bill was sent to deputies as press 689/0 on 2 January 2020. The proposed amendment to the Labor Code was compiled by the Ministry of Labor and Social Aff airs of the Czech Republic, among other objectives, with the aim of achieving compliance with national legislation with EU regulations and case law. The proposed amendment to the Labor Code should explicitly regulate the conditions for the transfer of the employer's activities, and further specify the conditions for giving notice by an employee pursuant to Section 51a of the Labor Code when transferring rights and obligations from employment relationships. It is precisely in the issue of conditions for the transfer of the employer's activities that the current legal regulation has been repeatedly criticized due to insuffi cient use of EU legislation for the national legal regulation of the transfer of rights and obligations from labor relations.

This article deals with contemporary trends within research on extremism research in Germany. Institutionalization of this research in structures of political science is described, including the international impact of this research, with specific attention paid to the situation in East Central Europe. Next, the article analyzes development within the so-called 'theory of extremism,' including new concepts elaborated by scholars (soft and hard extremism, etc.) and developments dealing with the interconnection with terrorism research. Use of results of extremism research by governmental and international institutions is identified. Finally, criticism of the concept of extremism is presented, including criticism of the concept's politicization. Adapted from the source document.

Příspěvek se zabývá problematikou vývoje finančního systému zemí Evropské unie (EU) se zvláštním zaměřením na řešení stávající krize. V první řadě posuzuje smysluplnost a dosavadní postup v naplňování projektu "Eurozóny", včetně procesu postupného zavádění jednotné evropské měny. V souvislosti s tím je provedena analýza dosavadního vývoje v Evropské unii se zvláštním zaměřením na specifikaci soudobých ekonomických problémů, jež se v současnosti řeší prosazováním tzv. "záchranných" opatření. Jelikož se jedná o nestandardní politická rozhodnutí s mimořádně významnými ekonomickými a společenskými dopady, je jejich obsah analyzován v systémových souvislostech, s cílem zhodnotit jejich přínosnost, resp. rizikovost nejen s ohledem na budoucí hospodářský vývoj Evropské unie, ale též z hlediska prospěšnosti s ohledem na evropské obyvatelstvo a lidskou společnost. ; This paper deals with the development of the financial system in the European Union (EU), with a special focus on solving the current crisis. First, assess the current and meaningful progress in the implementation of the "Eurozone", including the process of the gradual introduction of the single European currency. In this context, an analysis of current developments in the European Union with a special focus on the specification of contemporary economic problems that are currently being addressed by promoting the so-called. "Emergency" measures. Since it is an unusual political decisions extremely important economic and social impacts, the content is analyzed in system contexts, to assess their usefulness, respectively. risk not only with respect to future economic development of the European Union, but also in terms of usefulness with regard to the European population and human society.

The increasing levels of electoral abstention across 'new' European democracies can downgrade the legitimacy of these regimes. From this point of view, the basic question 'who does not vote and why?' gains new relevance. My article focuses on the determinants of non-voting from a cross-national perspective. I present two approaches towards explaining electoral abstention. The first, arising from the Michigan model, is based on a solid connection between party choice and participation. This approach considers the lack of party identification as the main reason for non-voting. The second approach emphasizes the role of the decision-making process in abstention itself, without regard to the selection of a preferred party, and is connected with well-known concepts like political efficacy, trust, interest, and satisfaction. These explanations have often been utilized for well-established democracies, yet how do they work in post-Communist space? After a brief theoretical discussion, I investigate the robustness of presented theories by means of empirical analysis of the situation in 11 post-Communist countries. The European Social Survey 2008 is used for the verification of the importance of both approaches. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with application of the Norbert Elias's theory of sociogenesis to the case of early Czech state formation. For this purpose we focus on the mechanisms of emergence and establishing of the state monopoly, as well as on the aspects of decentralization and privatization of state power during reign of first Premyslid dukes - from 860 to 1230 AD. In the second place, the article tries to compare the process of sociogenesis in the Western Europe with the dynamics of state formation that was typical for the contemporary Czech lands. In this context we claim that Elias made several mistakes, because he supposed that features and mechanisms of state formation were fairly unitary everywhere Europe. We try to challenge this notion show that the history of state making in the Central European region has many autonomous and unique aspects that differentiate it from social dynamics in other parts of the continent. From this critical pointof view, the article attempts a reformulation of Elias's theory for the Central European area.

Obálka -- OBSAH -- 1. SOCIÁLNÍ LÉKAŘSTVÍ A VEŘEJNÉ ZDRAVOTNICTVÍ -- 1.1 Počátky oboru sociální lékařství -- 1.2 Obsah a zaměření sociálního lékařství a veřejného zdravotnictví -- 1.3 Mezinárodní návaznost sociálního lékařství a veřejného zdravotnictví -- 2. ZDRAVÍ A NEMOC -- 2.1 Definice zdraví -- 2.2 Modely zdraví -- 2.3 Zdraví jako hodnota -- 2.4 Zdraví jako norma -- 2.5 Obecné vnímání zdraví -- 2.6 Nemoc jako objektivní stav, vnímaný jev i předmět zdravotnické praxe -- 2.7 Zdraví na populační úrovni -- 3. SOCIÁLNÍ DETERMINANTY ZDRAVÍ -- 4. MEZINÁRODNÍ SPOLUPRÁCE A EVROPSKÁ ZDRAVOTNÍ POLITIKA -- 4.1 Evropská unie (European Union - EU) -- 4.2 Organizace pro hospodářskou spolupráci a rozvoj (OECD) -- 4.3 Světová zdravotnická organizace -- 4.3.1 Struktura WHO -- 4.3.2 Zaměření a metody práce WHO -- 4.4 Základ evropské zdravotní politiky - program Zdraví 2020 -- 4.4.1 Zaměření programu Zdraví 2020 -- 4.4.2 Realizační nástroje programu -- 4.4.2.1 Důmyslné a odborné řízení -- 4.4.2.2 Posílení role ministerstva zdravotnictví -- 4.4.2.3 Rozvoj všestranné spolupráce -- 4.4.2.4 Veřejné zdravotnictví, výzkumný, organizační i výukový obor -- 5. ZDRAVOTNÍ GRAMOTNOST -- 5.1 Co je to zdravotní gramotnost? -- 5.2 Základní struktura zdravotní gramotnosti -- 5.3 Mezinárodní srovnání úrovně zdravotní gramotnosti -- 5.4 Zdravotní gramotnost je důležitá a ovlivnitelná determinanta zdraví -- 5.5 Zdravotní gramotnost je prioritou rozvoje zdravotních systémů -- 5.6 Zdravotní gramotnost v péči o orální zdraví -- 6. SYSTÉMY ZDRAVOTNÍ PÉČE -- 6.1 Stručné historické poznámky -- 6.2 Financování zdravotnictví prostřednictvím pojištění -- 6.2.1 Veřejnoprávní (statutární) pojištění -- 6.2.2 Soukromoprávní (privátní) pojištění -- 6.2.3 Smíšené systémy a jejich kombinace -- 6.3 Formy úhrad za zdravotnické služby -- 6.4 Možnosti zlepšení systému zdravotní péče

The study analyzes the formal powers of current European monarchs, and examines their actual use. We investigate the royal prerogatives of monarchs from ten European nations: Belgium, Denmark, Lichtenstein, Luxembourg, Monaco, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The text deals with four powers - legislative initiative, royal assent/veto, selection/appointment of the prime minister and dissolution of parliament. The constitutional power is described first; its real use in the period of 1990-2012 is then examined. At the end, a comparison of every single prerogative is carried out, conclusions about the actual position of monarchs in current European political systems are drawn, and a tentative answer to questions concerning the future of kings, princes, and grand dukes serving as heads of state in European countries is suggested. Adapted from the source document.

The author reviews the theory of socio-economic inequality in health & concludes that the use of cultural values to explain the ubiquitous association between the socio-economic standing (SES) of individuals & their health is becoming increasingly prominent. Inspired by this, the author examines whether & to what extent several aspects of lay knowledge about & attitudes towards health can explain the social gradient in subjective health in Central & Eastern Europe. The author uses data from the second round of the European Social Survey & limits the analysis to data from the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, & Slovenia. The data show that while there is a strong relationship between education & subjective health & also a relationship between education & various measures of lay knowledge about health, beliefs about health are only very weakly related to subjective health & thus fail to account for its dependence on SES. The author concludes that this may be the result of reciprocal causation between lay knowledge & subjective health. More enhanced research designs would be required in order to gain a better empirical evaluation of the causal relationships between SES, lay knowledge, & health.

The following comments compare the present orientations of Czech sociology with recent developments in European sociology. The analysis of sociology in Europe shows that the attention of European sociologists has shifted to social theory & social philosophy, sociology of culture, media, gender & feminism, political sociology, nationalism, ethnicity, & racism. Czech sociology, in the opinion of the author, still does not pay sufficient attention to such pressing issues of Czech society as national identity, nationalism, value transformations, the role of traditions, & European integration processes.