Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.
Christos Loukos, Histoire sociale du tango. Des faubourgs marginaux deBuenos Aires aux salons européensLe tango (qui comprend danse, musique et paroles) est né la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle dans les faubourgs marginaux de Buenos Aires.Il s'agit du proquit de plusieurs mélanges culturaux, dont les sujets sontdes natifs mais aussi des centaines de milliers d'immigrants qui accourentde l'Europe en Argentine à la recherche d'un emploi ou d'une meilleurechance. Sont examinées les causes qui ont permis à cette danse marginellede gagner les classes populaires et enfin, après un accueil enthousiasteen Europe, surtout en France, la veille de la première guerremondiale, d'être adoptée en tant que produit national par la bourgeoisieargentine. Le tango, comme expression de l'identité argentine, subit lesconséquences des bouleversements politiques et sociaux qui tourmententle pays à partir de 1930: intervention des militaires dans la vie politique,crise économique des années 30, régime péronien, périodes successivesde vie politique normale et de dictature militaire. Le tango devient uninstrument de propagande pour les régimes autoritaires mais aussi unearme de résistance pour les démocrates, un grand nombre desquels vivaienten exil. ; Christos Loukos, Histoire sociale du tango. Des faubourgs marginaux deBuenos Aires aux salons européensLe tango (qui comprend danse, musique et paroles) est né la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle dans les faubourgs marginaux de Buenos Aires.Il s'agit du proquit de plusieurs mélanges culturaux, dont les sujets sontdes natifs mais aussi des centaines de milliers d'immigrants qui accourentde l'Europe en Argentine à la recherche d'un emploi ou d'une meilleurechance. Sont examinées les causes qui ont permis à cette danse marginellede gagner les classes populaires et enfin, après un accueil enthousiasteen Europe, surtout en France, la veille de la première guerremondiale, d'être adoptée en tant que produit national par la bourgeoisieargentine. Le tango, comme expression de l'identité argentine, subit lesconséquences des bouleversements politiques et sociaux qui tourmententle pays à partir de 1930: intervention des militaires dans la vie politique,crise économique des années 30, régime péronien, périodes successivesde vie politique normale et de dictature militaire. Le tango devient uninstrument de propagande pour les régimes autoritaires mais aussi unearme de résistance pour les démocrates, un grand nombre desquels vivaienten exil.
Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.
Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general ; Kostas Raptis, Middle classes and middle class culture in Europe, 1789-1914: approaches in modern historiographyThe history of the european middle classes from the late 18th to theearly 20th century is a very wide topic and relates to economic, social,political, gender and culture history. This essay gives a brief overviewof the main subjects regarding it. It draws mainly on (pioneer) germanspeaking,but also on english and french literature. Following the currentdebate, it points to the different social and economic groups making upthe so called ((Bürgertum», to their common characteristics, as well astheir specific culture, the ((Bürgerlichkeit)).More specifically this paper is concerned with the followin subjects:— the composition of the «Bürgertum» and the features of its maingroups (professionals, bourgeois of money and bourgeois of knowledge)— the relevant terminology in german, french and english language— the comparison between upper middle class and nobility— the social position and role of the lowermiddle classes— the relation of the bourgeoisie to liberalism and nationalism— the study of the history of the middle classes in the specific contextof a town or a city (as an urban phenomenon)— the position and role of middle class women in a bourgeois society— the middle class family— the bourgeois way of life and culture in general
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; Dans une époque de grands efforts pour l'organisation de l'état grec, qui était nouvellement établi, Spyridon Skoufos a adressé en Octobre 1829 au gouverneur Jean Kapodistrias un «Mémoire sur la statistique de la Grèce». L'auteur a rédigé ce mémoire sous l'influence des idées qui existaient depuis longtemps en Europe; on peut constater cette influence tant sur le plan général, que sur les termes utilisés (par exemple, Arithmétique Politique), sans toutefois que le rédacteur ignore la réalité grecque. Dans les vingt pages du Mémoire Skoufos met l'accent sur la nécessité d'un dénombrement de la population et décrit la manière par laquelle on peut le réaliser tant par des recensements, que par l'organisation de l'état civil (enregistrement des naissances, mariages et décès). Skoufos rédigea ce Mémoire dans le but évident de se faire procurer un emploi public, ce qui lui fut accordé, en 1833, après l'arrivée du roi Othon. On ignore si ce Mémoire a influencé les méthodes statistiques de l'état grec; on peut cependant dépister quelques similitudes entre le Mémoire de Skoufos et quelques textes postérieurs.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Alexander Helladius (ca. 1686- ?) from Larissa was an important Greek intellectual and made a name for himself in Western Europe through his studies and activities in various countries. The objective of this paper is to examine his relations with Russia, the emerging political and military power of the Orthodox East at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Helladius met with Peter the Great through the help of Robert Erskine, Peter's personal physician, in Karlsbad in 1712 and decided to dedicate his magnum opus Status praesens Ecclesiae Graecae [Altdorf] (1714) to the Czar as a sign of extreme admiration and as a token of gratitude. Probably, through that act Helladius was intending to secure his future move to Russia, where numerous Greeks were living and working at that time including some of his friends (e.g., Anastasios Michail from Nausea). Helladius arrived to Moscow in September of 1715 and was employed as a physician, since he had studied medicine earlier at the University of Altdorf. Although his further whereabouts in Russia still remain unknown, Helladius played several years later indirectly a role through his book Status in the condemnation of his compatriots, Serapheim from Mytilini in 1732 and Liverios Golettis in 1734. Russia's most eminent ecclesiastical figure at that time, Feofan Prokopovich, used the information provided by Helladius in his Status about these two persons as additional evidence in order to achieve their condemnation. It is hoped that the investigation of archival material in the future will shed more light on Helladius' activities in Russia and will unearth an ignored side of the Graeco-Russian relations of that period.
Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof. ; Nikos Potamianos, The Radical Right and the Agrarian Question in the Early 20th Century. The Case of Christovassilis and the "Hellenism Asosociation"The subject of this article is an aspect of the history of the radical right in Greece, namely its intellectual and political response to the agrarian question which emerged in Greece at the end of the 19th century after the incorporation of new provinces where large landownership was predominant. In particular, the arguments and theses of a cadre of the biggest nationalist league of Athens in 1907 are examined, in contrast to its earlier views on the agrarian question and in contrast to the discourse of the radical supporters of the sharecroppers as well as the landowners. Christovassilis adopts a pro-peasant stand, attacking capitalist landowners and indirectly proposing the purchase of the land by its cultivators with the assistance of the state. However, his main aim was to prove that parliamentary democracy was incapable of improving the sharecroppers' situation, a task which only an authoritarian state could accomplish. Crucial in Christovassilis' arguments was the use of nationalist discourse in order to legalize sharecroppers' demands: he linked the peasants' struggle for land in the past with the national conflict with the Ottoman conquerors, equating land with fatherland and, therefore, the ownership of land of Thessaly with the peasants' participation in the nation. Christovassilis' earlier views which put emphasis on the social aspects of the agrarian question gave way to the pre-ponderance of the nationalist argument, which was in turn related to other aspects of the ideology of the radical right. "Hellenism" followed a strategy of appealing to the mobilized subordinate classes — but without totally adopting their point of view. It was always clear that the viewpoint of the association was that of paternalism, not of emancipation. One of the points of its criticism against the democratic state was that the latter was not powerful enough torepress the impending peasant revolt. The restoration of law and orderwas for the radical right more important than the improvement of the living conditions of the lower strata. And the adoption of popular demands, in general, proved to be merely rhetoric: when the class struggle became more intense, especially in the case of the agrarian movementof 1910, "Hellenism" remained aloof.
Η ευθανασία και η υποβοηθούμενη αυτοκτονία καθίστανται νόμιμες μόνο σε τέσσερις χώρες στην Ευρώπη, αυτές είναι οι εξής: η Ολλανδία, το Βέλγιο, το Λουξεμβούργο και η Ελβετία. Η ευθανασία και η υποβοηθούμενη αυτοκτονία δεν είναι μόνο ένα νομικό ζήτημα, για το πώς θα μπορούσε να είναι η νομοθεσία από τεχνικής άποψης, αλλά είναι επίσης, ένα αμφιλεγόμενο θέμα, για το οποίο πολλές χώρες δεν είναι έτοιμες να συζητήσουν. Εκτός από τη νομική πλευρά, υπάρχουν κι άλλες πτυχές που σχετίζονται με αυτό το ζήτημα. Το ερώτημα που πάντα εγείρεται, είναι εάν η κοινότητα αισθάνεται την αναγκαιότητα ύπαρξης μιας τέτοιου είδους νομοθεσίας.Ο σκοπός αυτού του άρθρου είναι να εξοικειώσει τον αναγνώστη, με τη νομοθεσία περί ευθανασίας στην Ολλανδία και με τη δημόσια συζήτηση που την περιβάλλει. Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να δώσει μια γενική εικόνα και μια επεξήγηση της ισχύουσας νομοθεσίας. ; Euthanasia and assisted suicide is made legal only in four countries in Europe, the countries being: The Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and Switzerland. Euthanasia and assisted suicide is not only a legal question, how would the legislation look like technically speaking, but it is also a controversial topic which many countries are not ready to discuss. In addition to the legal aspects, other aspects are also associated with this issue. The question that always arises is whether the community feels the necessity for this kind of legislation. The aim of this article is to familiarise the reader with the euthanasia legislation in The Netherlands and the public debate surrounding it. The article will give an overview and explanation of the current legislation.Firstly, the creation of the current legislation will be discussed, followed by an explanation of the current legislation on the basis of two cases that will be discussed in greater detail. In addition, attention will also be paid to other ending of life possibilities and concluded with the public debate on the legislation.
Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures. ; Despina P. Papadopoulou, La presse périodique grecque à Paris, 1860-1912Cet article se propose de présenter un aspect de l'histoire culturelle dela première communauté grecque de Paris construite à partir de la secondemoitié du XIXe siècle. Afin de donner un aperçu global de lapresse périodique grecque publiée à Paris entre 1860 et 1912, l'articleavance l'hypothèse de deux phases relativement distinctes, comme l'ordrechronologique de parution va de pair avec l'unité thématique.La première période comprend les revues Εθνικόν Ημερολόγιον (1861-1871), Μύρια Όσα (1868-1869), Εθνική (Γραφική) Επιθεώρησις (1869-1870,1871-1872, 1875-1877), et la seconde, les publications Reçue grecque(1886?), L'Hellade (1894?) et L'Hellénisme (1904-1912). Les revues dupremier groupe déclarent haut et fort leur intention principale, «joindrel'utile à l'agréable», tandis que les publications qui paraissent après 1880sont plus orientées vers la politique. Deux revues médicales grecquesrepérées pendant la période étudiée, Γαληνός (1859-?) et Hippocrate (1898-1903), échappent à cette catégorisation bipartite, appartenant à une catégoriede presse spécialisée.A titre général, le souci de la diffusion des acquis scientifiques del'Occident constitue une priorité pour ces revues. Aussi, une place importanteest-elle accordée à la littérature et aux arts pour confirmerl'orientation encyclopédique, sous l'impulsion des Lumières, de cettepresse périodique grecque. De l'autre côté, les choix de certains deséditeurs d'intégrer des articles sur les us et coutumes grecs ou de collaboreravec des historiens tels C. Taparrigopoulos révèlent l'impact duromantisme politique allemand sur la conception de la nation, un impactremarqué aussi dans les oeuvres de divers écrivains grecs de l'époque.Outre le contexte grec, de multiples rapports sont établis entreces revues et l'environnement français. L'apparition même des revuesgrecques à Paris est favorisée par le développement spectaculaire de lapresse française durant le XIXe siècle. Par ailleurs, la tradition françaisedu philhellénisme a dû peser sur la décision des éditeurs grecs de fairepublier leurs revues à Paris. Parmi leurs collaborateurs figurent deshellénistes français apportant le prestige nécessaire aux publicationsgrecques qui visent à conquérir un grand public et à promouvoir lesintérêts de la Grèce en Europe. Les mêmes préoccupations politiquessont partagées par les représentants diplomatiques grecs à Paris qui sontimpliqués comme collaborateurs dans certaines de ces publications.Considérée dans son ensemble, la presse périodique grecque publiéeà Paris pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe et le début du XXe sièclereflète des influences croisées, grecques et françaises, au niveau du contenuainsi qu'à celui de la forme, et constitue un exemple historiqueintéressant du contact et de l'interaction entre les deux cultures.
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Nassia Yakovaki, The «Traité des trois imposteurs)) and the European Enlightenment The aim of this article is to present the obscure but fascinating story of the production and diffusion of the Traité des trois imposteurs, the best seller of the clandestine literature in Europe during the first half of the 18th century and to discuss the new and to some extent controversial interpretations that the study of this text has provoked as far as the understanding of the European Enlightenment is concerned. The importance of this text derives, first of all, from its subversive ideas: it offers a bold and straightforward attack on all three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) by rejecting the principle of revelation and by pronouncing their founders as «impostors», while attributing the appearance of organized religions to political interests. Yet, the significance of this text goes beyond its content: the conditions of its production as well as of its circulation offer to modern historical research the chance to explore an «underground universe», peopled by relatively unknown figures, working among the middlemen of the publishing world. These circles —as it seems— had the readiness to respond creatively to a turbulent religious and political environment, to adopt rigid philosophical stands and to step into radical politics. Historical research has recently succeeded in investigating the complicated issues of the origin, dating, authorship and circulation of this notorious text and in disentangling the thread connecting this late 17th century production with the medieval legend of the «imposture». Crucial among these findings is on the one hand the bond that links the Traité with the works of Spinoza and on the other the connection between the production of the text and a group of people in late 17th and early 18th century Holland. The interesting questions concerning the general understanding of the era of «the crisis of the European consciousness» that the historical scholarship about the Traité has raised have already led to the formation of a new, stimulating, yet controversial historiographical trend which elaborates a new interpretation of the Enlightenment, around the idea of an early and radical Enlightenment (Margaret Jacob, 1981 and 2003, Jonathan Israel, 2001).
Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes». ; Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problemsThe idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».
Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas Raptis, Merchants in Imperial Austria during the 'Long' Nineteenth Century This article, which draws mainly on the Archives of the Austrian Ministry of Commerce, as well as on contemporary works and modern li terature, focuses on the examination of the historical course of merchants (above all the whole sale traders and the well suited shopkeepers and retail merchants) in Old Austria as a distinctive group within the Central European bourgeoisie. The contribution of the merchantmagnates (Großhändler) to the industrialization of the Austrian Half of the Habsburg Empire and the formation of a powerful business class, the importance of the involvement of businessmen from abroad in Austrian wholesale and foreign trade, the grip of the state and imperial allegiance in the commercial sector, the social position and the political activity of merchants– primarily at local and regional levels –as well as the attitudes of the multiethnic merchant class towards all kinds of nationalist movements in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, are the central issues of this essay. Merchantmagnates, among whom many of foreign provenance or/ and not of Catholic faith (Protestants, Jews and Greekorthodox) established themselves as the most active entrepreneurial group within the Austrian bourgeoisie during most of the nineteenth century (at least until the 1870s), since they exploited promptly every new opportunity to accumulate and augment their capital and income: in industry, banking, insurance and other shareholding companies, transport, shipping and real estate. The bourgeois status of the Austrian merchants is confirmed for the same period by their participation in all sorts of (bourgeois) associations, their subscription to public benefit causes, their charitable and philanthropic activities. The imperial state's favorable disposition towards entrepreneurs in general and merchants in particular, its recognition and reward of their contribution to the Austrian economy and export trade, of their mercantile knowledge and professional experience, as well as of their charity and philanthropic work, are documented in the appointment of honorary consuls of Austria abroad or of consuls of foreign states in the capital and cities of the Monarchy, the conferring of the highest social distinctions on merchants by Emperor Franz Joseph through award of medals, honorary titles and titles of nobility or the merchants' collaboration with the Ministry of Commerce as elected members and officials of chambers of commerce, as experts, special advisers and commission agents. In addition to the merchants' indirect relations with politics there were direct ones too, in other words their active participation as elected representatives, primarily to municipal councils and secondarily to the local and imperial parliaments of Austria after the constitutional reforms of 18601861. During the socalled era of liberalism, from the 1860s up to the mid1880's, it was mainly germanspeaking merchants, who, together with industrialists and other middle class groups, dominated in most towns, whereas in the three decades which preceded the First World War –an era of increasing antisemitism and nationalism– they had to share power with new emerging petitbourgeois strata (among them many shopkeepers). The article concludes with a remark on the upheavals caused to the merchant world by the two World Wars and nationalsocialism, which destroyed the unified economic space of AustriaHungary, nationalized its cosmopolitan bourgeoisie and finally led to the expulsion, material depravation or/and extermination of such a dynamic and prominent group, like the Jewish merchants and entrepreneurs, followed by the abolition of the capitalist economy by the new socialist regimes in Central and EastCentral Europe after 1945.
