Suchergebnisse

Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe & the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, southeast Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign policy arena, in which its engagement -- which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one -- has not proved too costly. Adapted from the source document.

Wars & suffering in the 20th century, mostly the consequences of ethnic & religious antagonisms, have been typical for Europe's Southeast. That is why the ethnic aspects of security are central to an understanding of the totality of this region's security, particularly in the 21st century. The security of southeastern Europe can be analyzed using realistic, idealistic, & neo-realistic approaches to contemporary security as its starting point. The security of this region is affected by the internal circumstances of the region's states, particularly their economic situations & interethnic relations. Similarly, significant influence is exerted by the relations among the various states & nations, as well as by the ethnic-based conflicts that result from these relations. This part of Europe is likely to remain a volatile region, fraught with economic difficulties & crises, nationalisms, & xenophobia. In such circumstances, with the open sores of simmering ethnic feuds & the specter of various nationalisms, is it realistic to expect the rational politics needed to lead the countries of southeastern Europe toward a united Europe? The answer to this question is sought not only by this region's states but also by the leading European states & the US. 18 References. Adapted from the source document.

The development of regional cooperation in Southeastern Europe is very low in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity & familiarity with the situation in the field & the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favorable conditions for the development of regional cooperation. This region can be strengthened through international efforts, including the international community's presence, since with its economic, political & even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Southeastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation that should lead to increased security & a more peaceful coexistence. In this context, by means of regional cooperation, it should be possible to integrate this area into the Euro-Atlantic region as a whole. Adapted from the source document.

Describes the attitude of T. G. Masaryk to the crisis of Europe, defined as the dysfunction & the collapse of democratic regimes in Europe. The author wants to answer the question why Masaryk in his ideology never made a mention of the totalitarian danger presented by the German Nazism & its nefarious politics of conquest to democracy & to the other nations in Europe. It seems that Masaryk's disregard for the challenges to the democratic order in Europe & his stance regarding the crisis in Europe stemmed from his attitude toward the ethnic community of the Sudetenland Germans, stemming in turn from his understanding of democracy. Masaryk's notion of democracy completely ignored the idea of collective rights & consequently overlooked the need for an improved communication with the German ethnic community in Czechoslovakia. Because of the processes of the European integration, the following question is in order: is it necessary for the democratic idea to include the idea of collective rights or is it, as most contemporary theories say, in fact fatal for the development of liberal democracy? 13 References. Adapted from the source document.