Suchergebnisse

The development of the regional cooperation in South-Eastern Europe was at its lowest in comparison with other European regions. The changes occurring in the attitudes of the international community (through increased sensitivity and familiarity with the situation in the field and the new democratic advances of Croatia) are now creating favourable conditions for the development of the regional cooperation. It can be further fortified through international efforts, as well as through the international community's presence, since with its economic, political and even police/military resources it has enough instruments to support these developments. Within the emerging sintagm, "through cooperation to security", South-Eastern Europe is expected to commence its transformation of the relationships by developing different forms of useful cooperation which should lead to increased security and more peaceful coexistence. In such context, by means of regional cooperation, it is possible to attempt torging links with Europe and incorporating this region into the Euro- Atlantic integrations. (SOI : PM: S. 78)

Wars and suffering in the 20th century, mostly the consequences of ethnic and religious antagonisms, have been typical for Europe's southeast. That is why the ethnic aspects of security are central to the understanding of the totality of this region's security, particularly in the 21st century. The security of southeast Europe can be analyzed using realistic, idealistic and neo-realistic approaches to contemporary security as its starting point. The security of this region is affected by the internal circumstances of the region's states and by the economic situation and inter-ethnic relations in particular. Similarly, significant influence is exerted by the relations among the states and nations living there as well as by the ethnic-based conflicts which are the outcomes of these relations. A series of problems caused by the east-European transformations includes the unresolved ethnic and minority issues. That is why no southeastern European state today has worked out the issue of the relations with its neighbors. This part of Europe is to remain a volatile region, fraught with economic difficulties and crises, nationalisms and xenophobia. In such circumstances, with the open sores of simmering ethnic feuds and the specter of various nationalisms, is it realistic to expect rational politics which is supposed to lead the countries of southeastern Europe towards the united Europe? This is the question the answer to which is sought not only by this region's states but also by the leading European states and the USA. (SOI : PM: S. 78)

Following the disintegration of the socialist system in Europe and the end of the bloc-based relations, American politics has changed the course of its operation. In present-day circumstances, Southeastern Europe is becoming increasingly prominent in American foreign-policy projections, particularly during Clinton's administration. Clinton has defined a clear-cut policy towards Europe's southeast due to its vicinity to certain neuralgic points of American engagement (Near East, the Caspian region, the Gulf, eastern Mediterranean). In this way American politics has proved its leading global role. At the time of scarcity of foreign-policy events, Clinton's team has thus been served on a platter a major foreign-policy arena, in which its engagement - which has all the symptoms of a long-lasting one - has not proved too costly. (SOI : PM: S. 20)

The author looks into the concept of the "smal1 nation" and whether it is high time for its scientific or linguistic revision. If "small nations" are a qualitative category, why define them quantitatively as "small"? Small nations gained independence in two waves: between the German-French war (1870-1871) and the end of World War One, and after the close of the "cold war" in 1990. However, not all small nations gained independence (e.g. Basques, Catalonians, Bretons, etc.). They pose a major challenge for Western Europe. The example of Croatia and its relationship with Serbs serves to illustrate the vacillations in the European ideology and attitudes towards small nations. The pressures exerted on the Croatian state regarding the political attitude of the Croatian people towards small nations did not stem from the logic of globalist economism or neoliberal political doctrine but were the.consequence of the war which the mother country Serbia of the Serbs in Croatia waged with the aim of annexing the territories on which they were a majority population. (SOI : PM: S. 98)

Guter Rath an die Völker Europens bei der Nothwendigkeit, die Regierungsgrundsätze überall zu verändern (Londyn, 1792) - niemieckojezyczny przekład pierwszej części eseju politycznego Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe Resulting from the Necessity and Propriety of a General Revolution in the Principle of Government, którego autorem jest amerykański pisarz, poeta, publicysta, prawnik, dyplomata i myśliciel Joel Barlow (1754-1812). Autor zaliczany jest do grona wybitnych postaci związanych z początkami dyplomacji Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki oraz do kręgu czołowych intelektualistów dwóch kontynentów: Ameryki i Europy. Jego bogate życie i liczne zasługi nadały mu rangę wielkiego męża stanu, ale też wszechstronnego, typowego dla Ameryki, przedstawiciela pionierów na tym kontynencie, był bowiem w jednej osobie: żołnierzem amerykańskiej wojny wyzwoleńczej, kapelanem Armii Kontynentalnej, businessmanem, bankowcem, adwokatem, wydawcą, myślicielem, bojownikiem wolności, podróżnikiem, odkrywcą i wychowawcą. Nauki pobierał w Dartmouth College, a w 1778 ukończył studia na słynnym uniwersytecie Yale. Joel Barlow to jeden z twórców amerykańskiej poezji. Już w roku ukończenia Yale opublikował swój pierwszy poemat "The Prospect of Peace", w którym piętnował niewolnictwo. Z kolei w wydanym w 1787 roku dziewięciotomowym poemacie alegorycznym "The Vision of Columbus" wieszczył wizję przyszłej wielkiej Ameryki i ogólnoludzkiego braterstwa. W 1788 roku wybrał się do Francji, gdzie żywo zainteresował się ideami republikańskimi, by w rezultacie wziąć udział w Rewolucji Francuskiej. W 1791, za pośrednictwem Louisa Littepage'a, skierował list do Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego. W korespondencji tej chwalił dzieło Konstytucji 3 maja i wspominał udział Tadeusza Kościuszki w wojnie o niepodległość Stanów Zjednoczonych. W 1792 roku, z inspiracji swojego przyjaciela Thomasa Paine'a, napisał i opublikował w Anglii niniejszy, radykalny traktat polityczny Advice to the Privileged Orders in the Several States of Europe…( Przestroga ku rozwadze stanom uprzywilejowanym w różnych krajach europejskich…), w którym rozwija tezę, że zadaniem państwa jest strzeżenie dobra wspólnego wszystkich klas społecznych, a nie jedynie klas uprzywilejowanych. Konserwatywna Anglia nie była zadowolona z takich publikacji. Esej został uznany przez rząd brytyjski za dzieło wywrotowe i objęto go zakazem publikacji. W 1793 roku ukazał się w New York Magazine utwór The Hasty-Pudding. A poem in three cantos, do dzisiaj jeden z najbardziej znanych utworów wczesnej poezji amerykańskiej. Jako mąż stanu był, m.in. konsulem amerykańskim w Algierze, w latach 1795-1797. W roku 1805 wrócił do Ameryki i przez następne lata mieszkał pod Waszyngtonem. W grudniu 1812 Barlow znalazł się w Warszawie. Podczas podróży do Krakowa nabawił się ciężkiego przeziębienia i zapalenia płuc. W krytycznym stanie dotarł do Żarnowca, gdzie mimo udzielenia pomocy lekarskiej zmarł i został pochowany na przykościelnym cmentarzu. Dokument współoprawny z innymi drukami (klocek introligatorski), sygn. 92654/1-92655.

From the very beginning the steps towards unification of European countries have been founded on the personal incentives of politicians, but not on broad democratic agreement of the people. That method has never been abandoned: even the huge administrative apparatus in Brussels that makes important decisions without any democratic control could be seen as natural consequence of such praxis. It is just because of such political behaviour where important political documents and decisions are made out of the eyes of the public, which the great political incentives, such as referendum on the European Constitution, have failed. If we ask ourselves where it has gone wrong the possible answer is that EU has been made according the needs of the rich and mighty countries. The states that are located on the periphery of EU have no political influence on the main decisions, and cannot decide about their own economic development. They are simply forced to adapt ourselves to the interests of the most advanced. But the protests all over EU show that the general economic concept of the EU is wrong and that it will generate crises in the long run.

Post-cold war concept of security is based on realistic postulates and emphasises a concept of state, forces,power and national interests. Military and political concept of security was dominant while the relations between the superpowers was based on the so called bipolar balance of power. Identity of states was realised by membership in military, political and economic organisations. The strategy of returning to the era of nuclear weapons reaches its full flowering. The crucial point of security after the end of Cold war consists of searching for giving answers to the threats coming from the outside and abilities of states to maintain their independent integrity against changed relations among the powers, which potentially may become enemies. Under such circumstances powers should not be ignored in any interpretation of any aspect of security, for realistic theories of international relations are still of great influence in the field of security. They will be modified in different conditions and will act in the sense of enlarged concept of security - instead of dominant concepts of political and military security typical for the Cold War era, economic, social and environmental factors will appear. Basic weakness of the realistic theories of security is in the lack of recognising the importance of cooperation between main factors in international community. This failure will be replaced neo realistic and liberal and institutional theories of security which emphasises the concept of cooperation in the first place. Concepts of power, forces and integral processes will be observed within the context of changes in the international relations.