Suchergebnisse

This EuroBroadMap working paper is issued from the final report of the work package 3 (migrants and borders). To explore, reveal and analyse the Argentinian's representations of Europe, a qualitative survey was conducted with : candidates for a European nationality, people standing for emigrate, and Argentinian migrants settled in Spain and France from 2000s. Indeed, the crisis of corralito (2001) has led to a strong wave of migration, especially to Spain. This migration is part of the particular history of Argentina : Argentina was a Spanish colony and a land of an important European emigration in the 19th and early 20th century. Now, Argentina holds a special place in the North-South international relations. Argentinian national history meets singular family histories of descendants of European migrants. Thus, we analyse the administrative trajectories of Argentinians who want to get a European nationality. Italian and Spanish legislation offer this option to the descendants of their former national who has emigrated to Argentina. Holding a European passport allows free circulation through the world. Migrant experiences are an opportunity to reconstruct family ties with Europe. It also revive the images and sentiments about Europe, forged in school and through the media. If Europe, particularly Spain, is seen as relatively close and attractive, it also draws a positive opposite of the Argentinian crisis. But Europe is seen in a more ambivalent way : a negative vision can be explained by various obstacles (during the administrative phase and during the migration). Indeed, the stories change progressively during the stages of migration : personal projects are redefined downward. Furthermore, the European vision is awakened by restrictive rights for undocumented migrants and racism and xenophobia. To concluded, Spanish crisis (2007-) is reconfiguring, once again, family memories, identifications, projects and performances.

This EuroBroadMap working paper is issued from the final report of the work package 3 (migrants and borders). To explore, reveal and analyse the Argentinian's representations of Europe, a qualitative survey was conducted with : candidates for a European nationality, people standing for emigrate, and Argentinian migrants settled in Spain and France from 2000s. Indeed, the crisis of corralito (2001) has led to a strong wave of migration, especially to Spain. This migration is part of the particular history of Argentina : Argentina was a Spanish colony and a land of an important European emigration in the 19th and early 20th century. Now, Argentina holds a special place in the North-South international relations. Argentinian national history meets singular family histories of descendants of European migrants. Thus, we analyse the administrative trajectories of Argentinians who want to get a European nationality. Italian and Spanish legislation offer this option to the descendants of their former national who has emigrated to Argentina. Holding a European passport allows free circulation through the world. Migrant experiences are an opportunity to reconstruct family ties with Europe. It also revive the images and sentiments about Europe, forged in school and through the media. If Europe, particularly Spain, is seen as relatively close and attractive, it also draws a positive opposite of the Argentinian crisis. But Europe is seen in a more ambivalent way : a negative vision can be explained by various obstacles (during the administrative phase and during the migration). Indeed, the stories change progressively during the stages of migration : personal projects are redefined downward. Furthermore, the European vision is awakened by restrictive rights for undocumented migrants and racism and xenophobia. To concluded, Spanish crisis (2007-) is reconfiguring, once again, family memories, identifications, projects and performances.

This EuroBroadMap working paper is issued from the final report of the work package 3 (migrants and borders). To explore, reveal and analyse the Argentinian's representations of Europe, a qualitative survey was conducted with : candidates for a European nationality, people standing for emigrate, and Argentinian migrants settled in Spain and France from 2000s. Indeed, the crisis of corralito (2001) has led to a strong wave of migration, especially to Spain. This migration is part of the particular history of Argentina : Argentina was a Spanish colony and a land of an important European emigration in the 19th and early 20th century. Now, Argentina holds a special place in the North-South international relations. Argentinian national history meets singular family histories of descendants of European migrants. Thus, we analyse the administrative trajectories of Argentinians who want to get a European nationality. Italian and Spanish legislation offer this option to the descendants of their former national who has emigrated to Argentina. Holding a European passport allows free circulation through the world. Migrant experiences are an opportunity to reconstruct family ties with Europe. It also revive the images and sentiments about Europe, forged in school and through the media. If Europe, particularly Spain, is seen as relatively close and attractive, it also draws a positive opposite of the Argentinian crisis. But Europe is seen in a more ambivalent way : a negative vision can be explained by various obstacles (during the administrative phase and during the migration). Indeed, the stories change progressively during the stages of migration : personal projects are redefined downward. Furthermore, the European vision is awakened by restrictive rights for undocumented migrants and racism and xenophobia. To concluded, Spanish crisis (2007-) is reconfiguring, once again, family memories, identifications, projects and performances.

This EuroBroadMap working paper is issued from the final report of the work package 3 (migrants and borders). To explore, reveal and analyse the Argentinian's representations of Europe, a qualitative survey was conducted with : candidates for a European nationality, people standing for emigrate, and Argentinian migrants settled in Spain and France from 2000s. Indeed, the crisis of corralito (2001) has led to a strong wave of migration, especially to Spain. This migration is part of the particular history of Argentina : Argentina was a Spanish colony and a land of an important European emigration in the 19th and early 20th century. Now, Argentina holds a special place in the North-South international relations. Argentinian national history meets singular family histories of descendants of European migrants. Thus, we analyse the administrative trajectories of Argentinians who want to get a European nationality. Italian and Spanish legislation offer this option to the descendants of their former national who has emigrated to Argentina. Holding a European passport allows free circulation through the world. Migrant experiences are an opportunity to reconstruct family ties with Europe. It also revive the images and sentiments about Europe, forged in school and through the media. If Europe, particularly Spain, is seen as relatively close and attractive, it also draws a positive opposite of the Argentinian crisis. But Europe is seen in a more ambivalent way : a negative vision can be explained by various obstacles (during the administrative phase and during the migration). Indeed, the stories change progressively during the stages of migration : personal projects are redefined downward. Furthermore, the European vision is awakened by restrictive rights for undocumented migrants and racism and xenophobia. To concluded, Spanish crisis (2007-) is reconfiguring, once again, family memories, identifications, projects and performances.

This EuroBroadMap working paper is issued from the final report of the work package 3 (migrants and borders). To explore, reveal and analyse the Argentinian's representations of Europe, a qualitative survey was conducted with : candidates for a European nationality, people standing for emigrate, and Argentinian migrants settled in Spain and France from 2000s. Indeed, the crisis of corralito (2001) has led to a strong wave of migration, especially to Spain. This migration is part of the particular history of Argentina : Argentina was a Spanish colony and a land of an important European emigration in the 19th and early 20th century. Now, Argentina holds a special place in the North-South international relations. Argentinian national history meets singular family histories of descendants of European migrants. Thus, we analyse the administrative trajectories of Argentinians who want to get a European nationality. Italian and Spanish legislation offer this option to the descendants of their former national who has emigrated to Argentina. Holding a European passport allows free circulation through the world. Migrant experiences are an opportunity to reconstruct family ties with Europe. It also revive the images and sentiments about Europe, forged in school and through the media. If Europe, particularly Spain, is seen as relatively close and attractive, it also draws a positive opposite of the Argentinian crisis. But Europe is seen in a more ambivalent way : a negative vision can be explained by various obstacles (during the administrative phase and during the migration). Indeed, the stories change progressively during the stages of migration : personal projects are redefined downward. Furthermore, the European vision is awakened by restrictive rights for undocumented migrants and racism and xenophobia. To concluded, Spanish crisis (2007-) is reconfiguring, once again, family memories, identifications, projects and performances.

Un tableau, trois figures et une carte commentée, tous inédits, illustrent cet article. ; International audience ; In 2003, while the United States was preparing for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the US Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, aroused a great deal of controversy, calling what he called an "old Europe". This would include France and Germany, which refuse to associate with American policy, European countries supporting it that the journalists designate by antiphrasing the "new Europe". The geodemographer may wonder whether the Secretary of State did not wish to use the qualification of "old" in the demographic sense, opposing the aged populations of Europe to others who would be young. In other words, would the geography of the population of Europe be dual? ; En 2003, alors que les Etats-Unis préparaient le renversement de Saddam Hussein en Irak, le secrétaire d'Etat américain à la Défense, Donald Rumsfeld, suscite une très forte polémique, en dénommant ce qu'il appelle une « vieille Europe ». Celle-ci serait composée notamment de la France et l'Allemagne, qui refusent de s'associer à la politique américaine, aux pays européens la soutenant que les journalistes désignent par antiphrase la « nouvelle Europe ». Le géodémographe peut se demander si le secrétaire d'Etat n'a pas souhaité utiliser la qualification de « vieille » au sens démographique, opposant des populations vieillies de l'Europe à d'autres qui seraient jeunes. Autrement dit, la géographie de la population de l'Europe serait-elle duale ?

Un tableau, trois figures et une carte commentée, tous inédits, illustrent cet article. ; International audience ; In 2003, while the United States was preparing for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the US Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, aroused a great deal of controversy, calling what he called an "old Europe". This would include France and Germany, which refuse to associate with American policy, European countries supporting it that the journalists designate by antiphrasing the "new Europe". The geodemographer may wonder whether the Secretary of State did not wish to use the qualification of "old" in the demographic sense, opposing the aged populations of Europe to others who would be young. In other words, would the geography of the population of Europe be dual? ; En 2003, alors que les Etats-Unis préparaient le renversement de Saddam Hussein en Irak, le secrétaire d'Etat américain à la Défense, Donald Rumsfeld, suscite une très forte polémique, en dénommant ce qu'il appelle une « vieille Europe ». Celle-ci serait composée notamment de la France et l'Allemagne, qui refusent de s'associer à la politique américaine, aux pays européens la soutenant que les journalistes désignent par antiphrase la « nouvelle Europe ». Le géodémographe peut se demander si le secrétaire d'Etat n'a pas souhaité utiliser la qualification de « vieille » au sens démographique, opposant des populations vieillies de l'Europe à d'autres qui seraient jeunes. Autrement dit, la géographie de la population de l'Europe serait-elle duale ?

International audience In 2003, while the United States was preparing for the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in Iraq, the US Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, aroused a great deal of controversy, calling what he called an "old Europe". This would include France and Germany, which refuse to associate with American policy, European countries supporting it that the journalists designate by antiphrasing the "new Europe". The geodemographer may wonder whether the Secretary of State did not wish to use the qualification of "old" in the demographic sense, opposing the aged populations of Europe to others who would be young. In other words, would the geography of the population of Europe be dual? ; Un tableau, trois figures et une carte commentée, tous inédits, illustrent cet article. En 2003, alors que les Etats-Unis préparaient le renversement de Saddam Hussein en Irak, le secrétaire d'Etat américain à la Défense, Donald Rumsfeld, suscite une très forte polémique, en dénommant ce qu'il appelle une « vieille Europe ». Celle-ci serait composée notamment de la France et l'Allemagne, qui refusent de s'associer à la politique américaine, aux pays européens la soutenant que les journalistes désignent par antiphrase la « nouvelle Europe ». Le géodémographe peut se demander si le secrétaire d'Etat n'a pas souhaité utiliser la qualification de « vieille » au sens démographique, opposant des populations vieillies de l'Europe à d'autres qui seraient jeunes. Autrement dit, la géographie de la population de l'Europe serait-elle duale ?

Notice de Vincent Dubois dans le "Dictionnaire des politiques culturelles de la France depuis 1959".

The issue of migration is all the more central in the European Union as it is the essential component of population growth in a Union whose population would decline without migratory flows. And the Union is engaged in a process leading to a Community immigration policy. However, this process must not hide the differences in the dynamics and traditions of migration between countries. Finally, it is important to highlight some key challenges to the issue of immigration for the European Union. ; International audience [Migration issues appears in the more central European Union it is the essential component of population growth in a Union with a population decrease without migration flows. And the Union is engaged in a process leading to a common policy on immigration. However, this process should not obscure the differences in dynamics and migratory tradition in different countries. Finally, it is important to highlight some key issues of immigration issue for the European Union.] ; The issue of migration is all the more central in the European Union as it is the essential component of population growth in a Union whose population would decline without migratory flows. And the Union is engaged in a process leading to a Community immigration policy. However, this process must not hide the differences in the dynamics and traditions of migration between countries. Finally, it is important to highlight some key challenges to the issue of immigration for the European Union. ; La question migratoire apparaît dans l'Union européenne d'autant plus centrale qu'elle est la composante essentielle de la croissance démographique dans une Union dont la population diminuerait sans les apports migratoires. Et l'Union se trouve engagée dans un processus devant conduire à une politique communautaire concernant l'immigration. Néanmoins, ce processus ne doit pas masquer les différences de dynamique et de tradition migratoire selon les pays. Enfin, il importe de souligner quelques enjeux essentiels de la question de l'immigration pour ...

The article gives an account of the content of the 'coupleseurope' website set up by the Council of Notaries of the European Union, which contains useful comparative information on this matter. ; L'article rend compte du contenu du site internet "coupleseurope" mis sur pieds par le Conseil des notariats de l'Union européenne, qui contient d'utiles indications de droit comparé en cette matière.

Le modèle de communication de l'Union européenne fonctionne mal pour quatre raisons fondamentales : il n'est pas assez stratégique, trop centralisé, trop monolingue en anglais et il repose trop sur le papier. Pour le changer il faut centraliser la totalité des budgets de communication dans les mains du président de la Commission, renforcer les pouvoirs et les moyens des délégués nationaux, respecter un multilinguisme intégral, et passer plus intensivement du papier au numérique grâce à Euronews. Il faut aussi réformer le contenu de cette communication, trop axée sur la macro-économie, pour la centrer sur la citoyenneté européenne. ; The European model of communication is dysfunctional for four main reasons: it lacks a strategic dimension, it is too centralised, too dominated by a single language, English, and over-re liant on paper. For this to change, all communication budgets need to be centralised under the European Commission presidency, the powers and means of national delegates need to be strengthened, all communication should be fully multilingual and a major shift is required from paper to digital media, via Euronews. There is also a need to reform the content of EU communication, which focuses too heavily on macro-economics, in order to shift the emphasis to European citizenship.

Il plane sur le projet européen, depuis les origines, un lourd soupçon : présenté comme l'expression de l'intérêt général européen, il ne serait, dans le fond, qu'un complot des élites, destiné à servir leurs intérêts propres et à promouvoir leur vision du monde, au mépris et aux dépens des aspirations populaires. De prime abord, ce phénomène a pu paraître normal : toute communauté politique n'est-elle pas, dans sa phase fondatrice, soutenue par une élite agissante ? Toutefois, dans le cas de l'Union européenne, la fracture européenne s'est stabilisée, voire durcie. On en veut pour preuve les critiques très virulentes dont le traité constitutionnel – rêvé comme un moment de socialisation politique favorable au projet européen – a fait l'objet lors de sa ratification. Les peurs d'une Europe perçue comme un mécanisme de modernisation politique et économique insensible aux intérêts des secteurs les plus exposés, aux traditions et aux valeurs dont les territoires et les communautés morales sont porteuses, n'ont jamais été plus fortes qu'aujourd'hui. Confrontés à ce rejet, et après avoir invoqué sans succès les registres de légitimation les plus divers, les dirigeants européens avouent leur perplexité. Cet ouvrage n'a pas pour ambition de leur indiquer la voie d'une réduction de la fracture européenne, mais de mieux poser les questions. Il réunit pour cela des contributions de quelques-uns des meilleurs spécialistes francophones des études européennes. Partant chacun de leur objet d'étude particulier, ils apportent des réponses aux mêmes questions : le procès en élitisme fait à la construction européenne relève-t-il du préjugé, ou est-il fondé ? Si elle est avérée, quelle est la mesure de cette fracture, et comment s'explique-t-elle ?

In this paper, we provide a critical assessment of current political relations between the EU and Russia. Today, these relations are mainly framed within a strategic partnership that encompasses four "common spaces": (1) the economy, (2) liberty, security, and justice, (3) external security, and (4) education, culture and research. This partnership is different from those involved by the ENP (European Neighbourhood Policy), which usually frames the relationships between the EU and its neighbours, but shares its rationale: "everything but institutions". This limitation has a cost – that of misperceptions and misunderstandings. ; Cet article se propose de dresser un état des lieux critique des relations entre l'UE et la Russie. Au jour d'aujourd'hui celles-ci sont, pour une large part, encadrées par un Partenariat stratégique qui couvre quatre « espaces communs », à savoir : (1) économie, (2) liberté, sécurité et justice, (3) sécurité extérieure et (4) recherche et éducation, y compris les aspects culturels. En cela ledit partenariat fait exception à la Politique européenne de voisinage, généralement appliquée aux voisins de l'UE n'entrant pas dans le projet d'adhésion. Bien que ce cadre soit dérogatoire – traduisant sans doute la perception d'un destin partagé sans institutions communes, c'est-à-dire la formule prônée par la Commission Prodi : « Tout sauf les institutions » – il ne rencontre pas complètement les aspirations réciproques de chacun des acteurs. Ce hiatus a un coût, le coût de la méconnaissance.

"Cette brochure comprend deux discours.consacrés à la caractéristique de la situation économique et politique mondiale."--Avant-propos. ; Des perspectives de l'évolution mondiale.--L'Europe et l'Amérique.--Annexe. ; Mode of access: Internet.