Our sample includes 92 former EU commissioners who left the seven Commissions serving from 1981 to 2009. We find that 36 (39%) became private interest representatives after leaving the Commission-14 with registered institutions, 22 with non-registered institutions. Our probit analysis shows that an ex-commissioner is significantly more likely to turn lobbyist if he or she is still young and has been in charge of competition, the internal market, industry or taxation. At the 10% level of significance, the probability is lower if the commissioner has been proposed by a left wing government, has stepped down after the introduction of the code of conduct (1999) or has retired from the Delors I Commission, and the probability is higher for commissioners from central Europe. The descriptive statistics reveal in addition that the share of private interest representatives in all ex-commissioners is largest for Portuguese, Austrian, Bulgarian and Maltese commissioners and zero for Scandinavians. With regard to the commissioners' training, 48% of the lawyers but only 35% of the economists have become lobbyists. Commissioners who have turned private interest representatives have on average stayed somewhat longer (6.3 years) with the Commission than the others (5.5 years). Registered lobbyism is significantly more likely than non-registered lobbyism if the ex-commissioner is a lawyer, has been in charge of competition, the internal market, industry or taxation and-at the 10% level-has been proposed by a left wing government. Adapted from the source document.
El presente artículo tiene como propósito dar a conocer cuál es el papel de los Centros de Documentación Europea españoles en el proceso de difusión de la información europea. Queda patente su vinculación con las instituciones europeas, con la universidad y con la sociedad en general. Se presentan en diversos apartados los principales productos presenciales y digitales que actualmente se ofrecen. ; This article aims to provide knowledge about the role of the ; European Documentation Centres in Spain in the process of dissemination of European information. Their link with European institutions, with the university and with society in general is very patent. The principal actual and digital products that are currently being offered are present throughout the article.
This article examines the Act in Support of Ammunition Production (ASAP) – a regulation adopted by the European Union (EU) in July 2023 to boost the production capabilities of the EU defence industry with a view to supporting Ukraine in the war against Russia. The article explains the context in which the regulation was adopted, examines its content, and discusses its consequences for EU integration in the field of defence. At the same time, however, it also considers some critical aspects of ASAP, highlighting the limitations of the regulation approved by the European Parliament (EP) and the Council – particularly when compared with the original proposal of the European Commission. As the article argues, the ASAP regulation endeavours to support the capacity of the EU defence industry to live up to the challenges posed by the war in Ukraine, funding with EU money ammunitions' production and procurement. At the same time, ASAP also positions the EU to address in a supranational way a more threatening geo-strategic environment. From this point of view, therefore, the ASAP is a step in the direction of establishing a European defence union, seen both as a combination of military capability and industrial capacity. Nevertheless, ASAP falls well short of an EU equivalent of the United States' Defence Production Act, which suggests that further steps are needed towards the establishment of a real EU defence union. Yet, as the war in Ukraine turns into an ongoing conflict of attrition, the article posits that such a union would be needed – asap. Act in Support of Ammunition Production, European Union, Common Security & Defence Policy, War in Ukraine, Legal bases
The purpose of this article is to set out the multiannual process for establishing the European Ombudsman's office and the reasons for its establishment. It presents the history of the first European Ombudsmen and the history of the European Communities from a legal perspective. The author goes back to the reasons for setting up the European Ombudsman's body, which were the lack of legitimacy in the European Union. The role of bodies such as the European Ombudsman is to ensure that citizens' rights are actually respected. The European Ombudsman strengthens the rule of law in the European Union and complements the role of the courts by providing a cheap, accessible individual remedy and, on the other hand, complements the representative function of the European Parliament by becoming the centre of independent critical assessment and improvement of the quality of European administration. The rule of law serves to maintain the EU system as a supranational system. 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In late 2006, Peter Mandelson, the EU trade commissioner, announced a new EU policy on free trade agreements (FTAs). This is contained in the European Commission's Global Europe Communication. The core of this new chapter in EU trade policy is planned FTAs with three Asian partners, India, ASEAN and South Korea. The Commission secured a mandate for new negotiations from the EU Council in April 2007. Negotiations have already started. The EU has thus joined the bandwagon of FTAs in Asia. It is not of course new to FTAs. Indeed, the EU has more preferential trade agreements (PTAs) on the books than any other leading power. But it did put new FTAs in deep-freeze from the late 1990s, giving priority instead to the WTO and the Doha round. Others, meanwhile, launched themselves into FTAs. Before the EU's change of heart, it was the only leading power not to be engaged in FTAs in Asia. What do the new EU-Asia FTA negotiations mean - for the EU, for its Asian partners, and for the international trading system? I address this question in four parts. The first section summarises the state of EU-Asia trade relations. The next section puts the new negotiations in the context of overall EU FTA policy, and makes some comparisons with the US approach to FTAs. The third section summarises the ex ante state-of-play of FTAs in Asia, i.e. FTAs negotiated or underway in the region not involving the EU. The fourth and central section assesses prospects for EU negotiations with India, ASEAN and Korea. It also assesses the institutional framework for EU-China trade relations.
Support for the research reported in this paper was provided by the European Research Councilunder the European Union's Seventh Framework ERC Grant Agreement 311819 GLOLAND (Integrating human agency in global-scale land change models, www.cordis.europa.eu/project/rcn/106305/factsheet/en), the European Commission Grant Agreement 633838, through the project PROVIDE (Providing smart delivery of Public Goods by EU agriculture and forestry, www.provide-project.eu) and the BiodivERsA project ENVISION funded through the Dutch National Science Foundation. ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF
