Na stajališta hrvatskih građana o Europskoj uniji te ishod budućeg referenduma o ulasku Republike Hrvatske u tu zajednicu, izravno će utjecati njihova percepcija Europske unije. Istražujući percepciju Europske unije u hrvatskoj javnosti možemo prepoznati sporne točke u odnosu EU-Hrvatska, naslutiti razloge pada potpore hrvatskih građana ulasku Hrvatske u Europsku uniju te ujedno razumjeti mogućnosti promjene te percepcije. Analizirajući odnose između Hrvatske i Europe posljednja dva desetljeća, autor uočava temelje današnje percepcije Europske unije u odnosima Hrvatske i Europe prilikom raspada Jugoslavije 1991. i stvaranja Republike Hrvatske. Današnja percepcija Europske unije, naime, uvjetovana je ne samo konkretnim očekivanjima (koristima i štetama) u aspektima društvenog i gospodarskog života, već i općim dojmovima građana o EU-u te odnosom Europe prema Hrvatskoj. Istraživanje otkriva kako je razina očekivanja, odnosno nada i strahova te stereotipa o Europskoj uniji uvjetovana i nedovoljnom razinom informiranosti građana o različitim aspektima funkcioniranja Europske unije. ; Attitudes of Croatian citizens towards the European Union and the outcome of the future referendum on the entry of the Republic of Croatia into this Community will be directly infl uenced by their perception of the European Union. By examining the perception of the European Union among the Croatian public, we can identify sticking points in the relationship between the European Union and Croatia, identify the causes of the decline of support of Croatian citizens for the entry of Croatia into the European Union and understand the possibility of changing this perception. Through an analysis of the relations between Croatia and Europe during the last two decades, the author notes the foundations of today's perception of the European Union in the relations between Croatia and Europe during the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 and the creation of the Republic of Croatia. Today's perception of the European Union is determined not only by ...
Promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja (VO) u globalnom kontekstu javna se sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti. Internacionalizacija može predstavljati komparativnu prednost sveučilišta, koja razvijena kroz specifičnu inovativnu stratešku odrednicu (nišu), može postati osnova sveučilišne politike koja se provodi i implementira u različitim policy arenama. Što je sveučilište inovativnije u izboru i razvijanju ove specifične niše, ono ima veće razvojne mogućnosti te postaje kompetitivnije. Cilj je ovoga doktorskoga rada istražiti utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta. Pritom se u glavnoj tezi rada tvrdi da se promjenom paradigme visokoga obrazovanja u globalnom kontekstu javna sveučilišta sve više okreću razvoju internacionalnih aktivnosti (npr. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001) ali pritom odabiru različite specifične strategije (niše) internacionalizacije, dok se u postavljenoj hipotezi kaže da razlike između nacionalnih konteksta i načina na koji države upravljaju financijskom i ekonomskom krizom utječu na razlike u strategijama internacionalizacije pojedinih javnih europskih sveučilišta. Nacionalni kontekst pritom obuhvaća različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države u kojoj sveučilište djeluje, što sve utječe na razlike u nacionalnim strategijama internacionalizacije i strategijama koje u ovom području razvijaju javna sveučilišta. Budući da u literaturi ne postoji opće prihvaćena definicija globalizacije, internacionalizacije i europeizacije u području visokoga obrazovanja, niti suglasje o njihovom međusobnom odnosu te indikatorima koji ih determiniraju, provođenju komparativne analize triju studija slučaja u svrhu istraživanja utjecaja globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta u ovom je doktorskom radu prethodilo empirijsko istraživanje putem delfi metode među stručnjacima širom svijeta. Minimalne definicije triju pojmova i indikatori globalizacije i internacionalizacije u području VO-a, dobiveni empirijskim istraživanjem provedenim putem delfi metode na temelju konsenzusa među ekspertima, poslužili su kao osnova komparativne analize triju studija slučaja (tri sveučilišta – Beč, Lausanne, Granada; u trima državama – Austrija, Švicarska, Španjolska), koja je provedena na temelju istraživačkog modela posebno osmišljenog za potrebe ovoga doktorskoga rada. Na temelju uvida dobivenih komparacijom triju studija slučaja u radu je utvrđen utjecaj globalizacije na internacionalizaciju javnih europskih sveučilišta, čime je potvrđena glavna teza ovoga doktorskoga rada. Također, analizom je utvrđeno i da su različiti nacionalni sustavi VO-a i specifične VO institucije na različit način odgovorili na promjene nastale djelovanjem faktora s globalne i međunarodne razine, koje se vezuju uz zadnji val globalizacije. Sukladno tome, moguće je reći i da su različitosti u prilagodbi ovim promjenama utjecale i na različitost sveučilišnih politika internacionalizacije te na različitost strateških dokumenata koje su u ovom području razvila tri analizirana sveučilišta. S obzirom na činjenicu da se nacionalni kontekst u hipotezi vezivao uz različitosti u tradiciji, kulturi i povijesnoj ulozi države, zbog čega je u analizi trebalo provjeriti je li moguće utvrditi poveznice između specifičnih strateških odrednica (niša) internacionalizacije u ovom području na Sveučilištu u Beču s tradicijom i politikom Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, na Sveučilištu u Lausanni s politikom neutralnosti, a na Sveučilištu u Granadi sa španjolskom kolonijalnom politikom prema Sjevernoj Africi, na temelju analize ovakva izravna poveznica u službenim dokumentima nije utvrđena. Ipak, kroz intervjue i boravak u trima sveučilišnim sredinama, utvrđeno je da je specifične strateške odrednice internacionalizacije moguće vezivati uz pojedine karakteristike koje se mogu smatrati povijesnim, kulturalnim i tradicijskim 'ostacima' ili tekovinama spomenutih koncepata, koji su danas, pretvoreni u nova, suvremena obilježja, ipak prisutni u samoj srži triju sveučilišta. Zaključno, kroz uvide dobivene komparativnim istraživanjem putem istraživačkog modela utvrđen je utjecaj financijske i ekonomske krize na sveučilišta u Španjolskoj, što je onda bilo moguće povezati i s provedbom sveučilišne politike u području internacionalizacije te aktivnostima i inicijativama Sveučilišta u Granadi u okviru strategije internacionalizacije, što se posebno očituje kroz izrazitu okrenutost programima za koje postoji osigurano financiranje na EU razini (npr. Erasmus+ program). Suprotno tome, uvidima nije utvrđeno postojanje utjecaja financijske i ekonomske krize na strategije internacionalizacije Sveučilišta u Beču i Sveučilišta u Lausanni te na njihovo djelovanje u ovom području. ; Although according to the opinion of many researchers universities have been among the most globalised institutions (Marginson and Considine, 2000: 8) historically, in last decades universities have had to adapt to many changes under the pressure of the last wave of globalisation (e.g. increased competitiveness, high importance of rankings, new forms of international activities, use of new communication technologies in teaching and learning, etc.). The processes that universities use to adapt to the pressure of globalisation tend to include: new strategic determinants and policies, new organisational and governance models in order to achieve greater competitiveness and better rankings results, the search for alternative and additional sources of financing due to the decrease in public funding allocation, the development of new concepts and activities with an international dimension, the establishment of new partnerships, the development of various models for international collaboration, etc. (for example, see publications by Frølich, Gornitzka, Kehm, Knight, Maassen, Neave, Stensaker, Teichler, Van der Wende, etc.). The aim of this PhD thesis is to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities. This primarily includes verifying the main thesis that by changing the paradigm of higher education (HE) in the global context, public universities are increasingly turning to the development of international activities (eg. Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2009; Kehm, 2003; Van der Wende, 2001), but they choose different internationalisation strategies. Internationalisation can be a comparative advantage of the university which, developed through specific innovative strategic orientation (niche), becomes the framework for the official university policy implemented in different political arenas and communicated to stakeholders at all levels. This niche can be based on tradition, culture and the historical role of the state in which the university operates. More the university becomes innovative in the selection and development of this niche, it gets better development opportunities and it can achieve greater global competitiveness. Therefore, this project is secondly oriented on verifying the hypothesis that differences between national contexts xi (tradition, culture and historical role of the state) and the ways in which countries manage the economic and financial crisis, affect the different selection of internationalisation strategies of European public universities. Since scientific understanding of internationalisation have changed over time, this term is today widely understood as a broad umbrella term that covers many dimensions, components, approaches and activities (de Wit and Hunter, 2015: 45). However, in the literature there is no specific answer what is exactly globalisation in HE, what are the pressures of globalisation in HE field, what do we mean by the internationalisation of universities and where and how does Europeanisation fit in. Literature has offered various definitions of these three terms and their mutual relations (for example, see publications by Altbach, de Wit, Knight, Marginson, Rhodes, Robertson, Scott, Stromquist, Sawir, Teichler, Van der Wende), and the researchers in the field of HE adopted various approaches to its operationalisation (see Knight, 2008; Teichler, 2004, 2009; Marginson i Van der Wende, 2007; de Wit, 2010, etc.) Although this PhD project is dealing with the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities, a theoretical concept of Europeanisation is also included in the theoretical framework. The Bologna process, which highly promotes internationalisation policies and efforts, as well as other European initiatives in HE, some researchers consider to be linked with the Europeanisation in HE and therefore all three terms are analysed and discussed in this project. There are two gaps in literature that this PhD project addresses: the problem with the lack of generally accepted definitions of globalisation, internationalisation and Europeanisation and their mutual relations in HE, as well as their indicators; and the lack of projects which use analysis of the role of the context in HE field in order to explore differences between individual national (and subnational) policies. This PhD thesis had three main objectives: (1) to explore the impact of globalisation on the internationalisation of European public universities; (2) to analyse the factors that determine and redefine the characteristics of internationalisation of universities and factors that indicate the degree of policy change in strategies of HE institutions and national HE policies; (3) to explore the differences in national contexts and ways in which countries 'filter' globalisation pressures and the impact of financial and economic crisis, which affects the characteristics of national HE policies and university strategies in the field of internationalisation. In order to fulfil these goals, triangulation of literature review and empirical research was used. Therefore, in this PhD project, two empirical researches were conducted: a Delphi method research and a comparison of three case studies.
Social entrepreneurs create value. Global problems such as poverty have been heightened by the economic crisis lately and continue to affect the lives of many people all over the world and bring a great deal of interest to the social economy. Social entrepreneurship is an important determinant of the social economy and describes a set of exceptional behaviors. This paper analyzes the notion, perception, and degree of social-economic development with an emphasis on social entrepreneurship in the selected countries of the European Union and Croatia. The analysis encompasses the concept and development of selected older members of the European Union and relies on post-socialist countries at the same time as the newest members of the European Union. By analyzing the facts it is trying to prove that the social economy and social entrepreneurship are more developed and more fragmented in the older and more developed countries of the European Union. Further evidence of this fact is the level of employment in the social economy in the European Union, where the post-socialist countries lag behind the more developed countries of the European Union. ; Društveni poduzetnici stvaraju vrijednost. Globalni problemi poput siromaštva u posljednje su vrijeme intenzivirani uslijed gospodarske krize te i dalje imaju velik utjecaj na život mnogih ljudi diljem svijeta i predstavljaju velik interes društvenoj ekonomiji. Društveno poduzetništvo je važna odrednica društvene ekonomije i opisuje skup iznimnih ponašanja. Ovaj rad analizira pojam, percepciju i stupanj društveno-gospodarskog razvoja s naglaskom na društveno poduzetništvo u odabranim zemljama Europske unije i u Hrvatskoj. Analiza obuhvaća koncept i razvoj odabranih starijih članica Europske unije i oslanja se na postsocijalističke zemlje, kao najmlađe članice Europske unije. Analiziranjem činjenica članak pokušava dokazati da su društvena ekonomija i društveno poduzetništvo razvijeniji i rascjepkaniji u starijim i razvijenijim zemljama članicama Europske unije. Dodatni dokaz ...
Ljudska prava su temeljni standardi koje država mora jamčiti i osigurati svakom pojedincu. Osim zadovoljavanja bioloških potreba ona uključuju i sve druge uvjete života koji svakom pojedincu omogućuju da u potpunosti razvije i rabi svoje potencijale te da zadovoljava svoje društvene potrebe. Ljudima je trebalo puno vremena da prihvate činjenicu kako se ljudska prava odnosena sva ljudska bića, bez iznimke. I dijete je ljudsko biće i kao takvo treba uživati sva prava kao i odrasla osoba; djeca ih ne moraju "posebno" zaslužiti, i ona im se ne moraju "posebno" dati. No s obzirom na tjelesnu i psihičku nezrelost nametnula se potreba isticanja posebnih prava djeteta na zaštitu koja proizlaze upravo iz te činjenice. Obitelj je bila i ostala primarna zajednica čija je zadaća osigurati optimalne uvjete za rast i razvoj djeteta. Otuda njena važnost i nezamjenjivost sa stajališta pojedinca, ali i sa stajališta čitave društvene zajednice. Naravno, iz toga proizlazi da je obiteljska uloga najvažnija i u dječjem oblikovanju stavova i uvjerenja o njihovim pravima. Da bi se razumjela ljudska prava, a time i osposobilo za bolji život, potrebno je obrazovanje za ljudska prava koje treba započeti od najranije dobi. U tome bi se trebalo krenuti od prava djeteta, s obzirom na to da su ta prava djeci i mladima bliža. Obrazovanje za ljudska prava, učenje je koje razvija znanje i vještine, kao i vrijednosti za ljudska prava. Samo osobe koje razumiju ljudska prava radit će na osiguranju i obrani svojih i tuđih ljudskih prava.Empirijski dio rada odnosi se na rezultate koji su dobiveni istraživanjem kako adolescenti procjenjuju poštivanje svojih prava u obitelji, i to na uzorku od 104 ispitanika polaznika Ekonomsko-birotehničke škole u Splitu. Ukupno gledajući, dobiveni su rezultati pokazali da su mladi zadovoljni razinom poštivanja njihovih prava u obitelji. ; Human rights are the basic standards which government has to guarantee and provide to each individual. Except satisfying biological needs, human rights include all other life conditions that enable every individual complete development and ability to use their potentials in order tosatisfy their social needs.People needed a lot of time to accept the fact that human rights relate to every human being with no exceptions. Children are human beings, and as such should have the benefits of rights as the adults; neither do children have to deserve them nor should the rights be given to them.But, in a view of children's physical and psychological immaturity, the necessity of emphasizing special children's rights for protection imposed and rights derived exactly from that fact. The family was and is the primary community with the task of ensuring optimal conditions for child's growth and development. Therefore derives its significance and irreplaceability form individual's point of view, but also from community's point of view. Of course, it follows from this that the family's role is the most important in shaping children's attitudes and beliefs about their rights. In order to understand human rights, and thus enable better life it is necessary to start with the human rights education from an early age. It should start with children's rights, considering that these rights are closer to children and young people. Education for human rights is a study which develops knowledge, skills and values for human rights. Only people who understand human rights will work to secure and defend their own and others' human rights.The empirical part of the work refers to the results, which were obtained in a study that dealt with adolescents' assessment of respect for their rights within the family taken on a sample of 104 respondents who are students of Economic-administrative school in Split. Overall, obtained results showed that young people are satisfied with the level of respect for their rights in the family.
Polazeći od činjenice da su brzo širenje virusa SARS-CoV-2 i provedba strategija socijalnog distanciranja dramatično utjecali na sve aspekte života ljudi na globalnoj, nacionalnoj i mikro razini, ovaj rad se fokusira na ispitivanje utjecaja pandemije COVID-19 na gospodarski učinak odabranih europskih zemalja. Kako bi se uočio i razumio ovaj utjecaj, korištena je složena metodologija istraživanja koja se temelji na kombiniranoj primjeni prikladnih univarijatnih i multivarijatnih metoda statističke analize. Klasifikacija 40 europskih zemalja u različite grupe u pogledu odabranog seta COVID-19 pokazatelja u 2020. godini izvršena je primjenom hijerarhijske aglomerativne klaster analize, dok je za statističku ocjenu kvalitete dobivenog rješenja korišten ne-hijerarhijski postupak baziran na k-means metodi. Klasifikacija koja se sastoji od četiri klastera zemalja identificirana je kao "optimalno" rješenje. Analiza i usporedba profila formiranih klastera zemalja s obzirom na njihove prosječne stope rasta BDP-a u 2020. godini provodi se statističkim metodama deskriptivne analize i testiranja hipoteza. Provedeno istraživanje otkriva da je klaster zemalja s relativno "manjom" ozbiljnošću COVID-19 zdravstvenih posljedica zabilježio višu prosječnu stopu rasta BDP-a u usporedbi s klasterima zemalja koje su pretrpjele teže posljedice, i obratno. Dobiveni rezultati koji upućuju na povezanost veličine negativnih zdravstvenih i gospodarskih posljedica COVID-19 pandemije mogu poslužiti kao dodatna potpora kreatorima politike u donošenju odluka usmjerenih na ublažavanje posljedica pandemije i suzbijanje krize. ; Starting from the fact that the rapid spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus and the implementation of social distancing strategies have dramatically affected all aspects of human lives at global, national, and micro levels, this paper focuses on examining the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the economic performance of selected European countries. To perceive and understand this impact, the authors applied a complex research ...
Hrvatska je na putu prema Europskoj uniji morala udovoljiti nizu zahtjeva. Unija je uvjete propisala na sastanku Europskog vijeća u Kopenhagenu 1993. godine, a prva skupina tih uvjeta uključivala je i zaštitu ljudskih prava i osobito prava manjina. Zaštita manjina bila je posebno važna u kontekstu oružanog sukoba koji se vodio na području bivše Jugoslavije. Tijekom devedesetih Hrvatska je postala strankom međunarodnih ugovora Vijeća Europe koji su se odnosili na zaštitu manjina: Okvirne konvencije za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina i Europske povelje za zaštitu regionalnih i manjinskih jezika. Prihvaćanjem ugovora Hrvatska se podvrgnula i međunarodnom nadzoru primjene i poštivanja svojih međunarodnih obveza. Prikazom i analizom izvještaja nadzornih tijela može se pratiti i u kolikoj je mjeri Hrvatska uspjela u tome. ; On its path to the European Union, Croatia had to fulfill a number of requirements. The EU defined the accession requirements at the meeting of the European Council in Copenhagen in 1993. The first group of requirements included the protection of human rights, especially minority rights. The protection of minorities was especially important in the context of armed conflict in the former Yugoslavia. In the 1990's Croatia became party to the international agreements of the Council of Europe related to the protection of minorities: Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages. By ratifying these agreements Croatia has become subject to international monitoring of the application of its international obligations. The analyses of reports of monitoring bodies can show to what extent Croatia has succeeded in the implementation of these agreements.
Budućnost Zapadnog Balkana u svjetlu evropske integracije umnogome počiva na nizu različitih faktora koji nijesu dominantno i jedino vezani za same države ovog regiona. Iako sam proces integracije u EU presudno zavisi od spremnosti i sposobnosti država kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata da sprovedu sve potrebne reforme, transponuju pravnu tekovinu i ostvare tzv. evropski standard u zakonodavstvu i u praksi, on se ne odvija u vakuumu. Prije svega treba imati na umu da će razvoj situacije unutar Evropske unije imati značajnog uticaja na brzinu, dubinu i kvalitet ulaska preostalih balkanskih zemalja u Uniju. Evropska unija odnosno njezine države članice su te koje određuju i postavljaju pravila, te i snose najveću odgovornost za politiku proširenja. Pored toga ne smiju se zanemariti ni uticaji trećih strana koji su sve primjetniji i akutniji u regionu. Usporavanje reformi, evropsko upravljanje krizama, pojačana ili slabija uloga trećih aktera, sve to će bitno odrediti kakav proces evrointegracije predstoji u narednim godinama te, u skladu s time, i način na koji će on uticati na stabilnost i budućnost samih zemalja proširenja. U tom smislu, Zapadni Balkan istovremeno živi u promjenljivim stvarnostima koje donose različite ishode i mogućnosti. Ovaj članak, pored pregleda stanja na Zapadnom Balkanu, stoga daje i moguće scenarije za budući period. ; This article deals with the future of the Western Balkans in the light of a number of different factors that are not solely and purely connected to the countries of the region. Although the very process of integration into the EU is predominantly dependant on the readiness and the ability of the candidate and potential candidate countries to implement all the needed reforms, transpose the acquis and achieve the so-called European standard in legislation and in practice, the process is not being conducted in a vacuum. First of all, we should bear in mind that the development of the situation within the EU shall have crucial impact on the speed, depth and quality of the entrance of the remaining Balkan countries into the Union. Apart from that, we cannot ignore the influences of the third actors, which have become more visible and acute in the region. The EU and its Member States are the ones that define and set up the rules, therefore they bear most of the responsibility for the Enlargement Policy. Laggardness in reforms, EU crisis management, a stronger or weaker role of the third actors – all this shall determine what kind of process of European integration we shall have in the next years, and in line with it, the manner in which the process shall influence the stability and future of the enlargement countries. In this context, the Western Balkans simultaneously lives in variable realities that bring different outcomes and possibilities. This article, apart from the presentation of the situation in the Western Balkans, offers possible scenarios for the future.
Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.
Temeljna je tvrdnja rada da glavni uzroci neuspjeha europskog ustava proizlaze iz loše pripreme i provedbe jednog kompleksnog procesa ustavotvorstva za savez država kontinentalnih razmjera. Taj proces uključuje pitanja vremenskog aspekta ustavotvorstva, subjekta donošenja ustava, ustavnog teksta, strategije ustavne ratifi kacije te samih ustavotvoritelja. Krucijalni uzroci za neuspjeh europskog Ustava bit će izloženi u vidu određenih preliminarnih postavki. Pritom će one biti razmotrene u svjetlu određenih komparativnih iskustava ustavotvorstva u dva federalna sustava – američkom i švicarskom. Prvenstvene greške europskog ustavotvorstva ogledaju se u nedostajućem ustavnom trenutku, neodređenosti dokumenta glede njegova ustavnog ili ugovornog karaktera, u stvaranju ustavnog teksta potpuno neprimjerenog razumijevanju običnog građanina, u stvaranju ustava bez vizije i ambicije, u potpunoj odsutnosti bilo kakve strategije ustavne ratifi kacije, u inzistiranju na neposrednom sudjelovanju naroda u prihvaćanju ustava, koji je mišljen pravno i politički prvenstveno kao međunarodni ugovor te u loše vođenoj medijskoj prezentaciji i obrani ustava pred europskom javnošću. Najvažnije greške, koje su presudno utjecale na neuspjeh ustava, su ambivalentan pristup europskih ustavotvoritelja prema načinu ratifikacije ustava te njihovo neuvažavanje iskustva ustavotvorstva drugih federalnih saveza. ; The basic argument of the article is that the main causes of failure of the European Constitution stem from an inadequate preparation and implementation of a complex procedure of constitution-making for a federation of countries on a continental scale. This process includes the issues of temporal aspects of constitutionmaking, the subject of constitution-making, the text of the constitution, the strategy of constitutional ratifi cation and the constitution-makers themselves. The principal causes of failure of the European Constitution will be presented in the form of certain preliminary assumptions, which will then be examined in the ...
The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.
The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.
