Suchergebnisse

In recent decades, the topic of political parties' approaches towards European integration (especially the euro-skeptic parties) has become an integral part of political science research. The purpose of this text is to describe and compare the most frequently used methods or approaches of measuring the attitudes of political parties towards the EU: behavioral measures, textual approaches, self-reported positions, and reputation. The author of the text examines the advantages and disadvantages of the various methods, and compares their applicability in the context of different research goals (classification and/or description of attitudes of political parties towards the EU, identification of salience of the "European" issue, and identification of intra-party disputes over the "European" issue).

The presented article aims to answer the question of what the future of militant Islamism in Somalia will look like after the defeat of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). This will be done by analyzing the roots of this phenomenon. Operationalization is based on the violent non-state actor model, as defined by Thomas, Kiser & Casebeer. Next, the most important actors in contemporary Somalia regarding militant Islam will be presented. The Manwaring paradigm will be used to help us understand the success of the UIC. The findings will then be extrapolated into the future to resolve the original analytical question. Adapted from the source document.

The fight against illegal migration has become one of the key issues in EU politics in recent years. The author of this publication deals profoundly with the way how EU protects its borders and with the role that the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders, generally known as FRONTEX, plays in border protection. This young agency, which was established only in 2005, has gained a position in the area of border protection in the EU. The aim of this book is to analyse the space FRONTEX has for autonomous action vis-a-vis the positions of the member states which perceive border protection to be one of their important competences

Traditionally, political rights are an important component of the relationship between the state and its citizens, and therefore only citizens are entitled to bear them. Nevertheless, due to international migration this approach is subject to change and nowadays many countries give voting rights also to foreigners who are resident there. The attitude of the Czech Republic has so far been conservative, which means that only the minimum standard enacted by European law is accommodated. However, preparatory work on a new electoral code has given rise to a discussion on the possible extension of voting rights also to foreigners from third countries resident in the country. This article tries to enhance the discussion in three ways. The first part consists of an analysis of what the potential percentage of foreign voters is, taking into consideration their geographic distribution in particular municipalities and thus providing an estimate of their influence on local councils. According to the results, potential foreign voters form a relevant minority only in 11 out of 6251 municipalities. The second part is focused on the actual exercise of voting rights by European citizens resident in the Czech Republic, who have it already. A representative survey conducted on a sample of 5% of municipalities shows that the turnout of these voters is negligible (approx. 2.4%), far below the EU average. The last part of the article deals with the legislation in this area which causes crucial obstacles to the real exercise of political rights by foreigners, and therefore is incompatible with the European law. Adapted from the source document.

The article analyses the evolution of the Slovak political party "Smer" (Direction) and its position in the party system of Slovak Republic. The article focuses on the shift of the party program from the "Centrist Populism" towards "Social Democracy." According to the first program documents the Party of "Smer" (Direction) was designed as pragmatic, non-ideological party. In the persistent conflict between authoritarianism vs. democracy "Smer" identified itself as the pro-democratic and pro-market force. Party policy before 2002 contained only few social democratic components; it was closer to the conservative or right-wing populist parties. After the parliamentary election 2002 and the failure of non-communist left "Smer" decided to become a member of the Socialist International (SI) and Party of European Socialists (PES). The process of the institutional approach to the international Social Democratic Party structures was accompanied by the substantial changes in the social and economic program of the party. The process was completed on the institutional level in May 2005, when Smer joined both SI and PES, and on the level of political program on the Party Congress in December 2005. In the process of so called "socialdemocratisation" of "Smer" the international factor played crucial role, especially the need to have an international partner in the European Parliament. "Smer" met the standards of the Social Democratic identity only in the social and economic affairs. The other five dimensions - environmental policy, participative democracy, cultural and human-rights dimension, supra-national dimension and the dimension of equality and freedom "Smer" met only partially or not at all, so these process remains unfinished. According to some political declarations "Smer" remains the populist party and the uncompromising critic of the right-wing government of Mikuláš Dzurinda, on the other side the official documents of the party anticipate only the moderate corrections of the economical and social reforms, ...

Obálka -- Obsah -- Předmluva -- 1. Na co poukazuje případ Velikonočního ostrova -- 2. Základy historie -- 3. Devadesát devět procent dějin -- 4. První velký skok -- 5. Destrukce a přežití -- 6. Nekonečné úsilí -- 7. Myšlenkové směry -- 8. Drancování světa -- 9. Základy nerovnosti -- 10. Nemoci a smrt -- 11. Velká čísla -- 12. Druhý velký skok -- 13. Vzestup měst -- 14. Vznik blahobytné společnosti -- 15. Znečišťování světa -- 16. Globální systém v ohrožení -- 17. Stín minulosti -- Doporučená literatura -- Rejstřík

German European policy has undergone a substantial change since the mid 1990s. It has often been labeled as "normalization," "pragmatization," or even as "de-Europeanization." The article argues that while there has been little change in the program of the Angela Merkel government compared to the former SPD-Green coalition, shifts in the institutional set-up, "Brusselization" of the top ranks of the state administration & improvement in the economic performance of Germany may prove politically significant. So far, the change in the style of the German policy has been the most visible: while pragmatic regulative polices continue, Berlin focuses its constitutive politics more on strategic issues viewing this phase of the EU development as critical. In the run-up to the German EU presidency Berlin's policy has become more EU-partisan focusing on the EU Constitution Treaty in particular, as well as, seeking & offering more leadership in EU affairs than before. Adapted from the source document.

The European Constitutional Treaty is the most important document in the last decade of EU history not only because of its content, but also due to the process of its development. The European Convention on the future of the EU, as the founding platform of this treaty, reveals a number of controversial areas. It is questionable whether it is possible to declare the European Convention a genuinely democratic body & to accept its procedures as part of the EU's future. The aim of this paper is to outline the specifics of the Convention, especially its working methods, strategies & aspirations. The author maintains that the Convention can serve as an inspiration & possible supplement to current treaty procedures, but considering experience to date it cannot be an acceptable procedure for the EU treaties revision. Adapted from the source document.

This paper seeks to find out to what extent the process of EU accession has influenced legal regulations concerning the creation & functioning of social & political actors. Through the analysis of various statutes & changes made to them, the paper tries to determine the role the EU plays in amending assembly legislation. The actors under scrutiny include political parties, professional organizations, labor unions, & civil society organizations. The paper concludes that the most influenced field of actors was the area of chambers of professionals which was obliged to conform to requirements for the free movement of people & services in the European Union in order to comply with European law. The Czech Republic was quite leisurely in their harmonization of statutes, with the majority of them passed just before accession to the EU. An interesting part of the problem concerns the question of political party membership, which is still reserved only for Czech citizens. However, European citizenship, with its voting rights to the European Parliament & local magistrates, is arguably going to push slowly for change even in this domain. Adapted from the source document.

Denmark is considered to be one of the most Euroskeptical member states of the European Union (e.g. it rejected the Treaty of the European Union in 1992 & refused to adopt the euro in 2000). This article analyzes the attitudes of relevant Danish political parties towards European integration. The author of this article utilizes Nicolo Conti's typology of political parties' attitudes towards the European Union based on their spatial position on the political spectrum. Conti supposes that the Euroskeptical attitude (the so-called hard Euroskepticism) is mostly represented by the right- & left-wing parties, while a pro-European attitude is typical of the center & governing political parties. First, the author of this article categorizes the relevant Danish political parties on the basis of Conti's typology. Second, the author compares their real attitudes to European integration to the assumed ones. 2 Tables, 1 Diagram, 36 References. Adapted from the source document.