Suchergebnisse

This work, prepared and published during the author's stay at the RSCAS, EUI, is a "compilation thesis" (in Finnish "artikkeliväitöskirja"), Department of Political Sciences, University of Helsinki, and contains the major part of the author's PhD thesis (forthcoming print monograph, 2012). ; The future is uncertain, and the financial system of the European Union has to take into account this uncertainty. This book looks at the different means it has at its disposal to do so, and analyses how these means have evolved since the creation of the general budget of the European Communities in 1968. The analysis is extended to a broader study of the development of the European Union through several case studies: negotiations on the Financial Regulation of 25 June 2002,on its first modifi cation, adopted on 13 December 2006, and on the Interinstitutional Agreement (IIA) of 17 May 2006 between the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission on budgetary discipline and sound fi nancial management and on the Multiannual Financial Framework for 2007-2013. The question of the uncertainty of the future is addressed using the so-called "Theory of Budgetary Flexibility". This theory, developed originally to analyse national budgetary systems, establishes an essential distinction between External Flexibility and Internal Flexibility, on the one hand, and Annual Flexibility and Multiannual Flexibility on the other hand. It is particularly useful here as it enables us to examine under a common framework processes that are often considered separate (and treated in the literature as such), and to draw conclusions at systems' level. The book is divided into three Parts: - Part One (Chapters 1 to 3), which forms the theoretical part of this book, includes an analysis of the specificities and of the functioning of the budgetary and financial systems of the European Union, while presenting an "état des lieux" of studies carried out in these fields; - Part Two (Chapters 4 to 13) deals with changes that have been made to various forms of flexibility since 1968. Special attention is paid not only to the consequences these changes have had for the various actors involved – namely the European Parliament, the Council, the Commission and Member States – but also for the financial system of the European Union as a whole; - Part Three (Chapters 14 to 18) addresses the question of how the changes examined in Part Two affect the general development of the European Union.

Für die ostmitteleuropäischen Länder war die Befreiung von der sowjetischen Oberherrschaft und vom aufgezwungenen sozialistischen System 1989/90 gleichbedeutend mit einer "Rückkehr nach Europa", an der sie bis dahin gewaltsam gehindert worden waren. Die logische Konsequenz dieser Sicht ist ihr ausgeprägter Wille, den zwischenstaatlichen Gemeinschaften ebenfalls anzugehören, in denen sich die Westeuropäer zusammengefunden haben. Bezüglich der internationalen Sicherheit ist die NATO der Adressat dieser Wünsche. Im folgenden Beitrag wird im einzelnen dargestellt, wie sich die USA als Führungsmacht des atlantischen Bündnisses zu diesem Wunsch verhalten und welche Aussichten sich daraus für die beitrittssuchenden Länder ergeben. (Aussenpolitik / DGAP)

Preliminary Material /Asbjørn Eide , Jakob Th. Möller and Ineta Ziemele -- The Right to Peace Milestones in the Development of International Humanitarian Law /Daniel Thürer -- Post-War American International Law Scepticism: The International Criminal Court, Stockholm 1924 /Mark Weston Janis -- Peace as a Human Right: The Jus Cogens Prohibition of Aggression /Alfred de Zayas -- The Human Right to Peace /William A. Schabas -- Security and Human Rights in the Regulation of Private Military Companies: The Role of the Home State /Francesco Francioni -- The United Nations and Human Rights What Makes Democracy Good? /Lyal S. Sunga -- Is the United Nations Human Rights Council Living Up to the International Community's Expectations? /Markus G. Schmidt -- The UN Human Rights Council: The Perennial Struggle between Realism and Idealism /Bertrand G. Ramcharan -- Eight UN Petitions Procedures: A Comparative Analysis /Jakob Th. Möller -- The Legal Status of Views Adopted by the Human Rights Committee – From Genesis to Adoption of General Comment No. 33 /Geir Ulfstein -- Winter Break 2010: A Week in the Life of a Special Rapporteur /Martin Scheinin -- Legal and Judicial Shortcomings of the Surrogate State of "UNMIKISTAN" /Margrét Heinreksdóttir -- The Right to Inclusive Education for Children with Disabilities – Innovations in the CRPD /Arnardóttir Arnardóttir -- Human Rights at the Regional Level The Council of Europe: A Champion in Monitoring Implementation of Human Rights Standards? /Petter F. Wille -- Flexibilising the Modes of Amending the European Convention on Human Rights: An Idea for a 'Statute' for the European Court /Krzysztof Drzewicki -- Strengthening of the Principle of Subsidiarity of the European Convention on Human Rights /Björg Thorarensen -- Presumption of Convention Compliance /Davíð Þór Björgvinsson -- The Right to Adequate Judicial Reasoning /Ragnar Aðalsteinsson -- Dialogue Between States and International Human Rights Monitoring Organs – Especially the European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance /Lauri Hannikainen -- How Old Are You? Age Discrimination and EU Law /Allan Rosas -- NHRIs in the European Union: Status Quo Vadis? /Morten Kjærum and Jonas Grimheden -- Selected Examples of the Contemporary Practice of the Inter-American System in Confronting Grave Violations of Human Rights: United States and Colombia /Diego Rodríguez-Pinzón -- Indigenous Peoples and Minorities Prevention of Discrimination, Protection of Minorities, and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Challenges and Choices /Asbjørn Eide -- Minority Protection in the African System of Human Rights /Michelo Hansungule -- Indigenous Peoples on the International Scene: A Personal Reminiscence /Lee Swepston -- Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Development /Rainer Hofmann and Juri Alistair Gauthier -- Principal Problems Regarding Indigenous Land Rights and Recent Endeavours to Resolve Them /Erica-Irene A. Daes -- Traditional Knowledge of Indigenous Peoples: Preserve or Protect? – That's the Question! /Mpazi Sinjela -- Redefining Sovereignty and Self-Determination through a Declaration of Sovereignty: The Inuit Way of Defining the Parameters for Future Arctic Governance /Timo Koivurova.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.

Aikuiskoulutus Suomessa jaetaan ammatilliseen aikuiskoulutukseen ja vapaaseen sivistystyöhön. Tämä tutkimus kohdistuu vapaaseen sivistystyöhön ja vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitoksiin: liikunnan koulutuskeskuksiin, opintokeskuksiin, kesäyliopistoihin, kansanopistoihin ja kansalaisopistoihin. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten tehtäväkuvan muutosta osana systeemistä järjestelmää. Oppilaitosten toimintaympäristön muutoksiin sopeutumista tarkastellaan erityisesti resurssiriippuvuuden ja alueellisuuden näkökulmista. Tutkimuksen tulokset kootaan yhteen muodostaen vapaan sivistystyön tulkintahorisontiksi toiminnan sisällöllistä muutosta kuvaava resurssiriippuvuusjana. Tutkimus on tekstintulkinnallishermeneuttinen. Tutkimuksen aineisto muodostuu alan tutkimuskirjallisuudesta, vapaan sivistystyön arviointi- ja kehittämisprosessien raporteista sekä vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten vuosina 2012 ja 2013 uudistettujen ylläpitämislupien hakemuksista. Viime vuosina laskenut valtionapu on vapaalle sivistystyölle kriittinen resurssi. Myös lainsäädäntöpohja, valtionapuperusteet ja valtionhallinnon ohjaus- ja toimintakäytännöt ovat muuttuneet ja vaikuttaneet vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten yleisiin toimintaedellytyksiin. Resursseja oppilaitokset ovat 1990-luvulta lähtien enenevässä määrin hankkineet myös monilta muilta koulutustoiminnan sektoreilta ja suoraan markkinoilta. Omaehtoisen persoonallisen kasvun tukeminen on ollut vapaan sivistystyön ydinsisältö. Ydinsisältö on muuntunut 1900-luvun aikana enemmän institutionalisoituneeksi koulutukseksi osana koulutusjärjestelmää, tai yleissivistävien harrasteopintojen tukemiseksi institutionalisoituneissa toimintapuitteissa. Vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toiminnan sisältö on jatkuvasti sopeutunut sekä resursseiltaan että alueellisesti yhteiskunnan tarpeisiin. Toiminnan sisältömuutokset ovat olleet luonteeltaan inkrementaalisia ja tehtäväkuvaa koko ajan laventavia. Pitkällä kaarella ja isossa kuvassa tarkasteltuna vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toiminta on aina ollut pääosin sisällöltään konservatiivista ja sopeutuvaa, eikä toiminnan kehysnormistoon koko kaaren aikana ole liittynyt leimallisesi yhteistä transformatiivista tehtävää. Oppilaitosten identiteetti nousee paikallisesta, maakunnallisesta tai valtakunnallisesta toimintatarpeesta. Toiminnan sisältöä perustellaan alueellisella koulutuksen saavutettavuuden tasa-arvolla ja tuotettujen koulutuspalveluiden tarvelähtöisyydellä. Paikallista identiteettiä korostetaan muutospaineessa, eikä aikaisempaa ylipaikallisempaa identiteettiä ole kovin laajasti omaksuttu. Uuden vuosituhannen puolella toimintaa ohjaavan opetus- ja kulttuuriministeriön toimesta on painotettu rakenteellista ja sisällöllistä muutostarvetta, hyötyä sekä erityisryhmien koulutusta. Jatkuva, 1990-luvulla alkanut, yhteiskunnallinen muutospaine on vaikuttanut ja vaikuttaa vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten toimintaympäristöön, mutta muutokseen reagointi on oppilaitosmuodoittaan ja oppilaitoskohtaisesti ollut hyvin erilaista. Oman roolin epäselvyys jatkuvassa toiminnan sisällön muutospaineessa niin resurssien, rakenteen kuin toimintaympäristönkin osalta aiheuttaa oppilaitoksille epävarmuutta oman ydintehtävän sisällöstä. Toisaalta pitkäaikainen systeeminen luottamuspääoma toimintaa ohjaavaan ministeriöön ja eduskuntaan on mahdollistanut hitaan, vaiheittaisen, ja paikallista muutosjoustavuutta hyödyntäneen muutoksen. Koulutussektorin valtiollinen toimintapolitiikkaohjaus (policy) on 2000-luvulla merkittävästi lisääntynyt erilaisten kehittämisohjelmien myötä. Myös kehittämishankkeista on tullut osalle oppilaitoksista resurssienhankinnan arkea. Vapaan sivistystyön oppilaitosten rooli osana oppivaa aluetta on käytettävissä olevan partnerin rooli ja ilmenee leimallisesti omaa koulutus- ja sivistystehtävää ja sen erityisyyttä korostamalla. Oppilaitokset ovat vahvasti identifioituneet tuottamaan alueellisia ja paikallisia koulutuspalveluja. Samalla kohderyhmäajattelu on noussut aikaisempaa keskeisemmäksi osaksi tehtäväkuvaa. Toiminnan suurin yhteinen nimittäjä näyttää olevan vahva tukeutuminen alueyhteisöihin ja niiden konkreettisiin tarpeisiin. ; In Finland there are two different forms of Adult education: vocational adult edu-cation and liberal adult education. In this adult educational research, the focus is in liberal adult education. There are five types of institutions of liberal adult educa- tion: adult education centres, folk high schools, summer universities, sports insti-tutes and study centres. The aim of the research was to increase the understanding of the changes in the missions of liberal adult education institutions. The institu-tions of liberal adult education can be viewed as a system. This study tries to un-derstand the change in the functional environment of liberal adult education insti-tutions observed particularily from the point of view of resource-dependence theory. The point of view is regional. This research is textual analyse utilizing the hermeneutical method. In conclusion, the main purpose is to explain the change of identity of the organizations of liberal adult education by the resoursedependense chain. There are three types of empirical materials in this study. Firstly, the research literature, secondly the reports of evaluation and developing processes of liberal adult education and thirdly the appointments of liberal adult education organizations permissions to support learning institution in years 2012 and 2013. The state covers approximately half of the expenses of liberal adult education institutions. State grants are a critical resource for liberal adult education institutions. The state of grants for liberal adult education organizations has been declining in last years. The ground for legislative regulation and state grants has changed. Also, the states control has changed to be more generalized. The marketorientation of organizations has increased. There has been bigger and bigger pressure to get more and more resources for the other sectors of education and markets. The support of self-motivated individual growth has been the core content of liberal adult education. During the 20th century liberal adult education has become more and more institutionalized. Also, the quantity of hobby-oriented courses in institutionalized frames has increased. The functions of liberal adult education establishments have continuously been adapting to fit both the needs of the local community, and the resources available. The changes in the content of the activities have been incremental and the goals of activities have spread. In the big picture, the actions of liberal adult education organizations have been adaptive and conservative. The action has never been labelled transformative. In the 21st century, the need for changes in structure and amount of organizations has increased. Also, there are needs to change the content of the activities. The state needs more explanations to the benefits of the activity, also the state requires focus to be put on special groups. The liberal adult education organizations can be seen as an actor of state granted service and education system. The 21st century is labelled by new thinking of the welfare state and the change in the role of the state. Governanlity is now a bigger part in the states' role in the activities. Government policing has increased significantly with the development of different advancement programs in the 21st century. Liberal adult education institutions are not a part of the regional development. They are only partners in "learning regions". Their orientation is mostly in educational practices. The identity of the organizations is that of a service provider. The identity is based on local, provincial or nationwide basic. All liberal adult education organizations are linked in many ways to their own environment. The benefit of the action is justified by the equal access for all and the need for educational services. The main common attribute is regionalism and the practical needs of the local community.

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan erästä Euroopan integraation vähemmän tutkittua ulottuvuutta: integraation vaikutuksia jälkikommunistisen yhteiskunnan kansalaisjärjestöihin. Liettualainen ympäristöjärjestösektori ja Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapaus tarjoavat rajallisen, mutta samalla hyvin konkreettisen näkökulman kysymyksen tarkastelemiseksi. Tutkimus nojaa vuosina 2001-2003 kerätyn haastatteluaineiston laadulliseen analyysiin. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan tapauksen perusteella voidaan tulkita liettualaisten ympäristöjärjestöjen kohtaamia muutospaineita neuvostoajan lopulta aina Liettuan EU-jäsenyyteen saakka. Ignalinan ydinvoimalan ympärille keskittynyt liikehdintä oli yksi keskeisimmistä neuvostovallan vastaisen protestin välineistä 1980-luvun lopun Liettuassa. Ignalinan ydinvoimalasta muodostui tuolloin neuvostovallan poliittinen symboli; protestointi ydinvoimalaa vastaan oli samalla vastalause Moskovan sanelupolitiikalle ja vallitsevalle yhteiskunnalliselle järjestykselle. Ignalinan poliittinen symboliasema kuitenkin muuttui radikaalisti Liettuan itsenäisyysjulistuksen myötä: voimalasta muodostui niin taloudellisesti kuin poliittisestikin tärkeä kansallisen suvereniteetin osa. 1990-luvun lopulla ydinvoimalan poliittisen symboliaseman muutos sai yhä vahvemman ilmentymän EU:n esittäessä Ignalinan molempien reaktoreiden alasajoa ennen niiden lasketun käyttöiän umpeutumista. Eräät liettualaiset ympäristöjärjestöt toimivat aktiivisesti osana laajempia eurooppalaisia kansalaisjärjestöverkostoja vaatien itäisen Keski-Euroopan neuvostomallisten ydinvoimaloiden välitöntä sulkemista. Siten Ignalinan tapaus aiheuttaa monissa tapauksissa järjestöidentiteetin epävarmuutta: Yhtäältä ympäristöjärjestöidentiteetti vaatii kriittistä suhtautumista ydinvoimaan, erityisesti neuvostomallisiin RBMK-reaktoreihin. Toisaalta taas Ignalinan ydinvoimala koetaan Liettuan taloudellisen ja poliittisen omavaraisuuden takaajaksi. Ignalinan tapauksen ympärille rakentuva identiteettipoliittinen asetelma voidaan yksinkertaistaa tilanteeksi, jossa ympäristöjärjestöt hapuilevat kahden yhteensopimattoman toimintamallin välillä: järjestöt toivovat voivansa toteuttaa rooliaan ympäristöjärjestöinä, usein laajempien eurooppalaisten ympäristöjärjestöverkostojen mallin mukaisesti, mutta samalla kansallisen suvereniteettipolitiikan tuottamat mallit ovat vahvasti läsnä järjestöjen määrittäessä perusluonnettaan. Ignalinan tapauksen pohjalta tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan myös laajempia Euroopan integraatioon ja jälkikommunistiseen kansalaisjärjestötoimintaan liittyviä kehityskulkuja. Tutkimus tuo esiin, että Euroopan integraatio on luonut monitasoisen institutionaalisen järjestyksen, joka määrittää oman vaikutuspiirinsä säännöt. Euroopan integraatio on samalla ilmiö, joka toteutuu myös hyvin arkipäiväisissä asioissa ­ se on läsnä monissa mikrotason käytännöissä vaikuttaen siis myös ympäristöjärjestöjen toimintaan. Samalla voidaan havaita, että politiikan muodot ja tyylit eivät synny tyhjiössä tai pelkästään rationaalisten valintojen tuloksena; historia, sen tuottamat tulkinnat sekä rutiineihin perustuvat säännönmukaisuudet ovat läsnä poliittisessa elämässä, niin kansalaisjärjestötoiminnassa kuin muussakin yhteiskunnallisessa aktivismissa, samoin kuin hallinnollisissa käytännöissä. ; The colourful, sometimes even dramatic, history of Lithuanian environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) makes them an interesting subject of political science research. During the past fifteen years the role of the Lithuanian environmental movement has changed quite radically. The environmental movement had a central political role at the time of the Lithuanian independence activism in the late 1980s, but the movement later lost its mobilising potential and was marginalised by the beginning of the 1990s. Since then the environmental NGOs have been strongly affected by the process of European integration. Environmental NGOs have served both as agents and indicators of the institutional change taking place in Lithuania. The dynamics of this change can be analysed through the case of Ignalina ­ in the course of the past couple of decades the nuclear power plant of Ignalina in the north-east corner of Lithuania has been a reference point for a number of political discussions and processes. During the Lithuanian independence movement the nuclear power plant became a symbol of Soviet rule. As Ignalina was strongly associated with the hegemony of Moscow over Lithuania the plant occupied a central role in the fight towards national sovereignty. Independence activism took the form of environmental protests, especially in the early stages of the Lithuanian reform movement, and a large number of environmental organisations were established all over Lithuania. The political context provided an opportunity to address sensitive political questions through environmental activism. For instance, in September 1988 thousands of protesters formed a human chain ­ the ring of life ­ around the two units of Ignalina as a manifestation of Lithuanian national sovereignty and identity. The symbolic position of Ignalina changed radically after Lithuania s independence declaration in March 1990. As Moscow imposed an energy embargo on Lithuania it soon became clear that the country was dependent on its own sources of energy, of which the nuclear power plant of Ignalina was the most important one. Although Ignalina had only recently served as the symbol of Soviet oppression, the plant suddenly proved indispensable in the reconstruction of the nation and its material well-being. In 1995 the Lithuanian government tabled a EU membership application. Towards the end of the decade Ignalina was brought on the political agenda of the EU ­ it soon became evident to Lithuanians that the closure of the nuclear power plant would be considered a de facto prerequisite for EU membership. As a result, the question of Ignalina was highly politicised ­ the setting gave Ignalina a positions as the symbol of national sovereignty. There had been a radical shift in the political symbolism surrounding the plant. Meanwhile, the environmental NGOs faced a dilemma: Some of the environmental activists were closely linked to European anti-nuclear NGO networks and were strongly in favour of the decommissioning of Ignalina. However, many of the environmental NGOs also carried with them a long tradition of ethno-cultural thinking thus connecting the organisations closely to the notion of Lithuanian national sovereignty. Against this background it proved difficult for many organisations to define their role in view with the question of Ignalina ­ what would be appropriate political action? As a result, there remained a great deal of indecisiveness and confusion among the environmental NGOs as to the decommissioning plans of Ignalina, and more generally as to the role of the environmental organisations in the Lithuanian society. The case of Ignalina provides a framework within which it is possible to analyse certain dimensions of national sovereignty in an integrating, post-Cold War Europe. The integration of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU has produced a situation in which many of the expectations attached to national sovereignty are being challenged. The research also brings forward a topic that has received only limited attention in the past, namely the effects of European integration on non-governmental organisations in Central and Eastern Europe. By focusing on a specific sector of Lithuanian NGO activity it is possible to analyse the dynamics of europeanisation on a very concrete level. The case of Ignalina suggests that the activists of Lithuanian environmental NGOs are forced to ponder the raison d être of their organisations in the face of different, often conflicting institutional pressures. The expectations drawn from fresh national sovereignty are not always compatible with the models of action produced by the European integration process. The case evidences a conflict between post-Communist nation-building and the institutional limitations brought about by EU membership. Simply put, the idea of national sovereignty on the one hand and European integration on the other offer environmental NGOs distinctive, often conflicting, models of appropriate political action. The models of action created by the institutional framework of the EU are not easily compatible with the norms typical of a newly independent state. This identity political conflict is especially pronounced whenever national and European norms are placed in direct opposition with each other. However, it should be noted that the national and European levels of politics cannot be completely distinguished from each other. It is interesting to notice how models of action drawn from the EU system often form the very basis of national or local political action. Therefore it can be stated that the separation between European and national models of appropriate action is not always feasible. It is possible to approach most political questions, including the encounter of Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the EU, from an institutional perspective. The theoretical framework of the study is based on new institutionalism , and the notion of logic of appropriateness is central to the study ­ political institutions are analysed as collections of norms that define the rules of appropriate political action in different situations. In essence, politics is about appropriate action. The research seeks to explain the logic of appropriateness being followed by Lithuanian environmental NGOs. The research problem is approached through a set of questions: (1) How does the colourful history of the Lithuanian environmental movement affect the political characteristics of today s environmental NGOs? (2) What does the specific case of Ignalina tell us about the institutional contexts in which the Lithuanian environmental NGOs operate? (3) How to define the relationship between Lithuanian environmental NGOs and the politics of national sovereignty? (4) What is the relevance of the institutional framework of the EU to Lithuanian environmental NGOs? The study suggests that the rules of appropriateness change depending on the political context. At the same time, the conflicts produced by differing, overlapping institutional environments are reflected in the inner dynamics of political actors, resulting to indecisiveness and confusion. Since political action is first and foremost directed by the logic of appropriateness, the interpretations of political contexts are of central relevance. Therefore it is possible that a single object, such as a nuclear power plant, can be given a variety of interpretations in the realm of identity politics. The case of Ignalina evidences that symbolism and interpretation form the core of political life.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.

Tutkimuksessa selvitetään, missä määrin työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa toteutetaan alueellisesti eri tavalla eli toteutuuko valvonta työpaikoilla yhtenäisesti eri puolilla Suomea. Tutkimuksen ennakko-oletuksena on, että merkittävä syy työsuojeluvalvonnan alueelliseen erilaisuuteen on valvonnan organisointi viiden itsenäisen aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueen tehtäväksi. Työsuojeluhallintoa ja työsuojeluvalvonnan toteutumisen yhtenäisyyttä työpaikoilla ei ole tutkittu tieteellisesti 2000-luvulla. Tämä tutkimus arvioi työsuojeluhallinnon rakennetta ja valvonnan toteutumista sekä hallinnon että työpaikkojen näkökulmasta. Tutkimus antaa sekä tieteellisesti perusteltuja teoreettisia että hallinnon asiakkaiden näkökulmia työsuojeluhallinnossa käynnissä olevaan valvonnan yhtenäistämiskehitykseen. Tutkimuksen teoreettisena viitekehyksenä on hallinnon evaluaatiotutkimus, joka tarkoittaa hallinnon toimivuuden arviointia käyttäjä- ja asiakasnäkökulmasta. Työsuojeluhallinto toteuttaa työpaikoille kohdistuvaa työsuojeluvalvontaa työsuojelutarkastuksina, jolloin hallinnon asiakkaita ovat työpaikat ja niiden työnantajat ja työntekijät. Pääasiallisena tutkimusaineistona ovat valvontatietojärjestelmä Veran raportit ja niistä tehdyt 27 valvonnan alueellista vertailua sekä henkilöhaastattelut, jotka kohdistuvat 52:een työsuojeluhallinnon, työmarkkinajärjestöjen ja työpaikkojen työsuojeluhenkilöön. Tutkimuksessa on kolme päälukua: työsuojeluhallituksen aika 1973-1993, itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aika vuodesta 1993 lähtien sisältäen työmarkkinajärjestöjen roolin työsuojeluvalvonnassa ja valvonnan alueellinen vertailu. Tutkimusmatkani kohti yhtenäistä työpaikkojen työsuojeluvalvontaa alkoi työsuojeluhallituksesta, joka perustettiin vuonna 1973 osana hyvinvointivaltion rakentamista ja valtiojohtoista suunnitteluoptimismia. Valtiollinen työsuojelu koottiin yhden ministeriön alaisuuteen. Työsuojeluhallituksen aikana oli keskusjohtoinen, ainakin osittain yhtenäinen työsuojeluvalvonta, mutta keskusviraston toiminta ei onnistunut, koska työnantajat vastustivat sitä koko ajan pitäen sen toimintaa konspiratiivisena, vehkeilevänä. Työsuojeluhallitus lakkautettiin vuonna 1993 osana keskusvirastojärjestelmän purkamista 1990-luvun alun taloudellisen laman seurauksena. Valtion harjoittamaa sääntelyä purettiin hallinnon kaikilla sektoreilla, ja hallintoa madallettiin lähemmäksi asiakasta. Valtion merkitystä vähennettiin koko yhteiskunnassa ja hyvinvointivaltiosta tehtiin kilpailuvaltio, jolloin markkinaliberalismi ja New Public Management voimistuivat. Työsuojeluhallituksen lakkautuksessa tehtiin ehkä muutakin politiikkaa; pirstaloimalla valvovaa hallintoa heikennettiin samalla työpaikoille kohdistuvaa keskitettyä valvonnan voimaa. Itsenäisten alueellisten työsuojeluviranomaisten aikana vuodesta 1993 lähtien entisten työsuojelupiirien ja nykyisten aluehallintoviraston työsuojelun vastuualueiden toiminnallinen itsenäisyys korostui. Hallinnon toiminnassa näkyy, ettei työsuojeluvalvonnalla ole yhteistä keskusjohtoa. Sosiaali- ja terveysministeriön työ- ja tasa-arvo-osasto, jonka alaisuuteen työsuojelu keskushallinnossa kuuluu, toteuttaa Kansainvälisen työjärjestön ILO:n (International Labour Organization) sopimusten tulkintaa, että työsuojeluhallinto on riippumaton valvontatehtävää suorittaessaan eikä ministeriö siten puutu valvonnan alueellisiin menettelytapoihin. Tutkimus käsittelee myös työsuojeluhallinnon laajaa yhteistyötä työmarkkinajärjestöjen kanssa. Järjestöt osallistuvat kaikkeen päätöksentekoon, jossa käsitellään hallinnon tavoitteita, painopisteitä, valvontaohjeita ja resursseja. Tutkimuksessa arvioidaan edustuksellisen demokratian näkökulmasta korporatiivisen etujärjestövaikutuksen ja hallinnon suhdetta riippumattoman työsuojeluvalvonnan päätöksenteossa ja toimeenpanossa. Tarkastuskertomuksiin perustuva alueellisen valvonnan vertailu osoittaa, että työsuojeluvalvonta on eriytynyt vastuualueittain. Työpaikkojen kunnossaolo määritellään usein eri tavalla, joten tarkastajien valvoma työturvallisuuden minimitaso ei toteudu yhdenmukaisesti koko maassa. Siten velvoitteita korjata tai poistaa työturvallisuusepäkohtia annetaan eri tavalla ja lopputuloksena on se, ettei työnantajia kohdella tasapuolisesti. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä on, että työsuojeluvalvonta on osa kansallista hallintotoimintaa ja laillisuusvalvontaa, ei alueellista tai paikallista hallintoa. Työsuojelu ei eroa toimialoittain maantieteellisesti, koska eri ammattialojen työ on pääpiirteissään samanlaista koko maassa ja niiden työturvallisuus ei juurikaan eroa maantieteellisesti. Tämän vuoksi myös työsuojeluvalvonnan pitäisi olla yhdenmukaista koko maassa. Suomeen pitäisi perustaa Pohjoismaiden mallin mukainen työsuojelun keskusorganisaatio, joka koordinoisi yhtenäistä laillisuusvalvontaa samalla tavalla kuin Poliisihallitus, Syyttäjälaitos ja uusi Tuomioistuinvirasto koordinoivat toimialojensa laillisuusvalvontaa ja toiminnan menettelytapoja. ; This study examines the extent to which workplace occupational safety and health (OSH) enforcing is carried out differently across the Finnish regions, in other words whether workplace enforcing is uniform across Finland. The presupposition of the study is that an important reason for the regional disparity in labour inspection is the decentralized organization of the inspection to by the five independent divisions of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The OSH administration and the uniformity of the implementation of OSH in the workplace have not been scientifically studied in the 21st century. This study assesses the structure and implementation of the OSH administration from the perspective of both the administration and the workplace. The study provides a scientifically justified analysis covering both theoretical and customers' perspectives on OSH management and the ongoing integration of health and safety enforcement. The chosen theoretical approach of the study is the administrative evaluation framework, which means assessing the functionality of administration from the user and customer perspective. The Labour Inspectorate carries out workplace safety inspections in the form of occupational safety inspections, whereby the customers of the administration are the workplaces and their employers and employees. The main research material are OSH inspection database Vera reports and personal interviews carried out with 52 persons in the job protection administration, labour organizations and employment OSH personnel. The study consists of three main empirical chapters: the Labour Protection Board, the Central Office 1973-1993, the independent Regional Labour Inspectorate since 1993, including the role of labour organizations in labour inspection and the regional comparison of labour inspection. Shift towards an integrated job labour inspection started with the Labour Protection Board which was established in 1973 as part of the construction of the welfare state during the era of optimism in state-directed planning State labour protection was brought together under one ministry. The Labour Protection Board the system was center-led, at least regarding uniform occupational health and safety enforcing, but the Board's operations were not successful, mainly because the employers were opposed to it throughout its existence. The Labour Protection Board was abolished in 1993 as part of the dismantling of the central office system that followed the economic recession in the early 1990s. State regulation in all sectors of government was decentralized and administration was brought closer to the customers. The role of the state was diminished in society as a whole and the welfare state became a competitive state, with neoliberalism and New Public Management becoming stronger. Other objectives were also part of the decision to abolish the Labour Protection Board; at the same time, the fragmentation of supervisory authorities weakened the efficiency of workplace control. The era of the independent regional labour inspectorates since 1993 underlines the functional independence of the former OSH Inspectorate and the current division of occupational health and safety of the regional state administrative agency. The operation shows that there is no common central management for labour enforcement. The Department for Work and Gender Equality of the Social and Health Ministry, which is responsible for occupational safety in central administration, interprets International Labour Organization (ILO) conventions as meaning that the labour administration is independent in carrying out its supervisory function. Thus, the Ministry does not interfere with regional control procedures. The study also deals with the extensive co-operation between the labour protection administration and the labour market organizations. Trade unions are involved in all decision-making concerning management objectives, priorities, control guidelines and resources. The study examines the influence of corporatist interest groups and the governance of occupational health and safety enforcing decision-making and implementation from the perspective of representative democracy. A comparison of regional control based on inspection reports shows that OSH control of occupational health and safety has varied between the regional divisions. The condition of workplaces is often defined differently, so the minimum level of occupational safety supervised by inspectors is not uniformly applied throughout the country. Thus, obligations to remedy or eliminate occupational safety deficiencies in workplaces are given different treatment and the result is that employees are not treated equally. The conclusion of the study is that health and safety control should be in the competence of national administration and judicial review, not regional or local administration. Occupational safety and health does not differ geographically by industry, as the work of the various occupations is broadly similar throughout the country and there is little geographical variation in occupational safety. For this reason, labour inspection should also be uniform throughout the country. Finland should set up the Nordic model of a more centralized OSH system, which would coordinate an integrated review of legality in the same way as the National Police Board, the Prosecutor's Office and the Court of Justice co- ordinate the law enforcement and operational procedures of their respective sectors.

The Centre Party of Finland was represented in almost all cabinets for decades, and it often held the post of prime minister during the reign of President Urho Kekkonen. When Kekkonen's deteriorating health forced him to resign in 1981, the Centre Party, formerly the Agrarian Union, was in front of the crisis. The party was deeply divided along the lines of who would be the best candidate to succeed Kekkonen. The schism had prevailed for years, and contemporaries suspected the party would split up or at least lose its dominant position in Finnish politics. Besides, the numbers of core supporters making up the party, agrarians, were constantly diminishing. In addition, the Finnish party system was in a state of flux. The Finnish People's Democratic League was in a deep downward spiral, while the Conservative Party's support was ascendant. The power struggle between the three 'big' parties, the Centre Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Conservative Party, was fierce. The study describes and analyses how the Center Party survived the challenges it faced. How was the cohesion of the party rebuilt and maintained? How did the Centre Party manage to survive the inter-party contests and end up being the strongest party in the elections of 1991? The study is firmly based on source material from the party organization of the Centre Party and other relevant political actors, such as President Mauno Koivisto. The book provides new information on both Finnish domestic and foreign politics and the power struggles among the parties and leading political figures.

Tutkimuksen kohteena on kokonaisturvallisuus julkisena toimintapolitiikkana, ja sitä tarkastellaan sekä monimutkaisena ja yhteenkietoutuneena ilmiönä että turvallisuuspoliittisena strategiana. Kokonaisturvallisuus on laajaan turvallisuuskäsitteeseen perustuva, aiemmasta kokonaismaanpuolustuksen käsitteistöstä ja strategiasta kehitetty toimintapolitiikka, jolla tavoitellaan kokonaisvaltaista yhteiskunnallisen turvallisuuden hallinnan mallia. Tutkimuksen päämääränä on analysoida kokonaisturvallisuutta systeeminä, arvioida sen kelpoisuutta, toteutettavuutta ja edellytyksiä vastata turvallisuusympäristön muutoksiin. Tutkimus on metodologisesti laadullinen. Aineistona ovat suomalaiset kokonaisturvallisuuden alaan liittyvät erilaiset ja eritasoiset strategiat, ohjelmat ja muut dokumentit, ja toimintaympäristöön ja sen muutokseen liittyvät Euroopan unionin strategiat ja ohjelmat. Teoriaviitekehys perustuu Niklas Luhmannin systeemiajatteluun, jossa systeemin perusrakenteita ovat kommunikaatio, tieto ja merkitykset, ja joka korostaa valintoja kompleksisuuden hallinnan välineinä. Ajattelussa korostuu myös huiputon ja keskukseton yhteiskunta. Prosessimaisen otteensa vuoksi tutkimus kiinnittää huomiota yksittäisten osatekijöiden tai toimijoiden sijaan prosessiin ja kokonaisuuden systeemisyyteen, mikä korreloi sekä kokonaisturvallisuuden tavoitteiden että kompleksisuuden vaatimusten suhteen. Kokonaisturvallisuuden analyysi sekä tunnistaa tutkimuksessa sen kehittämiseen liittyneen merkityskamppailun, että tuo esiin käsitteen epäselvyyden, epäanalyyttisyyden ja "jaetun merkityksen" puuttumisen, mikä heijastuu strategian ohjaavaan vaikutukseen sekä siihen, miten politiikkaideaa on kehitetty. Kokonaisturvallisuuden politiikkaidea on sinällään laajasti hyväksyttävä ja sillä on positiivista valenssia. Yhteistyön ja koordinoinnin korostamisella uskotaan olevan kokonaisuuden hallintaa kehittävä vaikutus. Turvallisuuden kokonaisuuden koordinointitarve onkin jo pelkästään uhkien keskinäisriippuvuuden vuoksi ilmeinen. Poliittista kelpoisuutta haittaavat kokonaisuuden strategisen ohjauksen ohuus ja hajanaisuus, mikä näkyy erityisesti yhteensovittavan tehtävän vaikeutena. Monet systeemin rakenteellisista peruselementeistä ovat jääneet kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisessä vähälle huomiolle. Tutkimuksen mukaan tämä vaikeuttaa sen toteutettavuutta. Kokonaisturvallisuuden hallinnassa olennaista on keskinäisriippuvuuksien ja systeemisyyden tunnistaminen ja hallinta. Tutkimuksen tulosten avulla kokonaisturvallisuutta systeemisenä turvallisuuden hallinnan mallina voidaan kehittää ja edistää. Tutkimus päätyy suositukseen kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisen ratkaisumallista (ns. älykkään adaptiivisen kompleksisen turvallisuussysteemin idean avulla). Tutkimus tarjoaa eväitä myös uusien kokonaisturvallisuutta koskevien poliittisten linjausten ja politiikkatoimien muotoilulle. ; The main objectives of this study are to clarify and deepen the understanding of the phenomena of comprehensive security and to analyze and evaluate the political viability and administrative operability. Furthermore, the study aims to analyze comprehensive security as a political process and a complex system. In addition, the research deals with changing security environment, emerging security threats. Originally, the concept of comprehensive security derived from the previous concept of comprehensive defense and preparedness in Finland, but it also has roots in the Nordic states' cooperation processes of civil security since 2009. At policy and doctrinal levels, the 2000s saw a converging trend in Nordic states to-wards the definition of societal or comprehensive security concepts that might co-exist with military-led planning for war-time, but within which the softer aspects of security were paramount. The "societal" approach defines the protection of society as a whole – with its own complex mechanisms, values and culture – as its goal, rather than physical boundaries or the isolated and abstract individual. It also rec-ognizes the capacity of non-state actors within society, from businesses to social organizations and individuals, to play a large role themselves in warding against, coping with, and recovering from disasters. The research questions are: 1. What is comprehensive security like as a policy or meta-strategy, political process and complex system? 2. Is the comprehensive security policy or meta-strategy politically viable and administratively feasible? What kind of conditions the strategies (policies) provide for the administrative operability and the development of capabilities? The theory framework is based on Niklas Luhmann's systems and complexity thinking. Luhmann perceives society as centerless and topless system in which communication, information and meanings are considered as the basic elements. The aim of communication is to cause action in systems and formulate new system levels by creating new chains of communication. The empirical part of the research is established on the methodology of concept analysis, content analysis and policy-analysis. The policy-analysis was conducted by the method of political reading. Political reading can be characterized as 'de-mapping', which refers to opening up new aspects of contingency and thus ex-panding of the presence of the political therein (Palonen 1993: 13-15). Through the analysis of the political process the struggle of meanings was iden-tified. As a concept, comprehensive security is ambiguous, unanalytical and unclear. There is a lack of shared meanings, which reflects on how difficult it is to steer the comprehensive security. By emphasizing its cooperative and coordinative nature, is believed to promote better governance of security. However, the lack of steering hampers the political viability which the difficulties of the coordination clearly indi-cate. Many of the basic elements of a system (information/knowledge, communica-tion and meanings) have been ignored in the development of comprehensive secu-rity. This hampers its administrative operability. The study emphasizes that systemic instruments, systems intelligence, identified interdependence and systemic nature of threats and security environment are essential components of comprehensive security governance. The research produced also 10 normative conclusions, by which the compre-hensive security can be developed further with. In addition, it gives the recommen-dation for the development of a model, according to the idea of intelligent adaptive complex system. It also offers information for new political aligning and policy formulations. Due to the process approach of the research, it pays attention to societal security system as a whole, not to single functions or actors. This fits to-gether with the goals set for comprehensive security and the requirements the se-curity environment and complexity imposes.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas E. Lambrinos, Nobles and Cittadini in the Community of Venetian Sitia. Social Fermentations and Rearrangements (late sixteenth-seventeenth century) This study highlights the community of upper social class in Sitia, a small town in eastern Crete, in the late period of the Venetian dominion. Using new evidence from the State Archives of Venice, the article examines unknown aspects of the topic, such as the social identity of the community council (the so-called consiglio della comunità), the political functions and the evolution of this body, its internal social rearrangements and its particularities by comparison with the community dynamics in the other Cretan towns. The archival data indicate that this socio-political organ played a central role in local public life, but had a secondary position within the Venetian political system. Regarding its social composition, the community originally consisted of nobles-feudatories, according to the model of strict social organization in the island under Venetian rule. However, multiple factors of crucial importance, such as the small number of nobles in Sitia, the inadequate fortification of the town and the increasing financial needs of this region, had a catalytic effect on the local social fabric and, consequently, on the structure of the community: in the early seventeenth century it lost its aristocratic profile and acquired characteristics, which differentiate it from the other community entities of Crete. This decisive evolution occurred with the social advancement of the cittadini. Τhis intermediate social group acquired, with the consent of the Venetian authorities, the right to participate in the community in order to meet government targets in this politically sensitive area of the island. Hereinafter the cittadini had an increasingly strong presence in the community processes, gained more social power and enjoyed privileges previously monopolized by the aristocracy.

Demokratia ja tehokkuus muodostavat kunnallishallinnon keskeisimmän arvopohjan. Näiden välillä vallitsee tietynlainen jännite. Kauko Heurun väitöskirjassa tutkitaan oikeushistoriallisessa valossa kunnanvaltuuston asemaa tämän jännitteen sisällä. Siinä selvitetään kunnanvaltuuston vallan syntyhistoria sekä sen kehittyminen yhteiskunnallisen muutoksen osana. Kunnallishallinnossa on perinteisesti korostettu demokraattisia arvoja. 1990 -luvulla tässä tapahtui ratkaiseva muutos. Tällöin tehokkuusvaatimukset voimistuivat, ja niihin myös vastattiin. Maamme kunnallishallinto siirtyi erilaisten kokeilujen ja hallinnonuudistusten kautta uudenlaiseen kunnallishallintoon, jonka johtavana aatteena on tulosjohtamisen idea. Mitä pitemmälle tulosjohtamista on kunnallishallinnossa toteutettu, sitä enemmän valtuusto on menettänyt asemaansa kunnan päätösvallan käyttäjänä. Valtuuston valtaa on siirretty täytäntöönpanijoille tietoisesti, mutta sitä on siirtynyt myös salaisesti. Jokainen pelkän tavoitteen asettava valtuuston päätös, jota ei sidota keinovalikoimaan, siirtää valtuuston valtaa. Samoin tekee määrärahapäätös, jota ei sidota yhteen määrätarkoitukseen. Yleistymässä oleva käsitys valtuuston aseman heikkenemisestä saa tutkimuksellista vahvistusta. Kauko Heuru selvittelee yli 400 -sivuisessa väitöskirjassaan laajasti tämän kehityksen syitä. Tällöin hän osoittaa kunnallishallinnon kiinteän yhteyden yhtäältä valtioon ja toisaalta ajan yleisiin virtauksiin. Hän näkee, että 1980 -luvulla alkanut kunnallishallinnon uudistaminen ei ollut ilmiönä itsenäinen, vaan se liittyi kiinteästi uusliberalismin nousuun ja valtionhallinnon uudistamiseen. Kunnallishallinnon vahvistamisen nimissä tehdyt lainsäädännölliset uudistukset kuten normien purku, vapaakuntakokeilu ja kuntien valtionosuusjärjestelmän uudistaminen olivat tarkoitukseltaan ensisijassaq valtionhallinnon uudistamista. Valtion edustajat eivät kuitenkaan ajaneet kuntia muuttamaan hallintoaan, vaan tämän tehtävän hoitivat kuntien keskusjärjestöt. Ne aloittivat jo 1970 -luvulla määrätietoisen koulutus- ja muun ohjaustoiminnan mangeristisen kunnallishallinnon aikaansaamiseksi. Kaiken perustana oli uusliberalismi sekä amerikkalainen liiketaloustieteellinen tutkimus ja sen osakseen saama huomio OECD-maiden julkisessa hallinnossa. Kauko Heuru pohtii myös valtuuston aseman vahvistamista. Hän tulee siihen tulokseen, että nykyajan tehokkuuden ihannointi antaa vain vähän mahdollisuuksia siihen. Näistä merkittävämpänä on vallan ja vastuun jaon normatiivinen täsmentäminen. Tämä merkitsee nykyistä selkeämmän poliittisen johtajuuden luomista suomalaiseenkin kunnallishallintoon. Tutkija, jolla itsellään on pitkä kaupunginjohtajan virkaura, puoltaa pormestarityyppistä johtamisjärjestelmää. Tämän hän tekee nimenomaan valtuuston vallan kannalta. ; The study was designed to investigate the origins of the competency to use municipal decision-making power and its development in the light of the central development of municipal law, including causal relationships and systematization of municipal law. The frame of reference consisted of the democratic values and efficiency values of local government. Up to the end of the 1980s local government in Finland can be regarded as a legal-administrative practice. In a closer analysis, we can distinguish three pha-ses: liberalism, rule-of-law and social state. In the beginning of the 1990s the Finnish state administration was refor-med in line with the managerial theory. The idea of management by results played a key role in this development. Local government was remodelled on the same con-cept. From the 1990s on we can speak of managerial local government. The entire legal-administrative period was characterized by the priority of democratic values in local government. While demands for efficiency grew, they we-re mainly responded to by detailed norm setting and direction by the state. The launch of management by results meant that efficiency values took precedence over democratic ones. If municipal decision-making power is understood as competency to form local intent, and if we assume as municipal laws have assumed that the exercise of this power resides in the local council, the introduction of managerial local go-vernment and management by results has not been possible without transferring aut-hority from the local council to the executive organization. The main reason was that local government activities had become increasingly target-oriented. This involved a demand to separate strategic and operational activities. According to the idea of ma-nagement by results, strategic activities cover the setting of general objectives, whe-reas concrete (case-specific) decisions should be made at the operational level. The level of strategic activities is formed by the work of the local council, and the level of operational activities by the work of the executive organization. The local council's (the local government's) decision-making power can be transferred legally to the executive organization within the limits of the law by a by-law. This is called delegation, whereas in the management-by-results system local decision-making power is factually transferred in other forms too. This happens either in a permissible manner or secretly, and the more the more generally the coun-cil has set the objectives and the more systematically strategic and operational acti-vities are separated. The most important tool for transferring the council's power is the municipal budget, even if the law does not recognize it as such. The introduction of the management-by-results system to local govern-ment broke the mechanisms that had protected the council's authority in the legal-administrative practice. Such mechanisms included general budget principles (no-tably the detail principle) and the inner logic of the dual principle of local govern-ment. The detail principle required that the municipal budget be detailed to the extent that none of the council's power could be transferred to the executive or-ganization through this way. For the purpose, the budget was to be divided in ap-propriations up to one designation. The inner logic of the dual principle corresponded to the perceptions of the rule of law and legal positivism about formal rational legal order; implementation was based on subsumptional logic rather than independent consideration. Expedien-cy, which thus was not conveyed from the decision to be implemented, did not reside with the executive organization. During the legal-administrataive local government, the number of muni-cipal officials increased steadily. However, we cannot speak of bureaucracy in the true sense of the word, because municipal offices existed mainly for executive func-tions only. During managerial local government, municipal officials became also executors of the self-government of local residents. Generally, it can be said that the further the idea of management by re-sults is taken in local government, the more the status of the council shifts from a decision maker to a legalizer of municipal activities. Along with the change the conceptual contents of municipal democracy have changed. The decision-making moment is no longer the sole basis of evaluati-on, rather, it is the moment when the consequences are seen. Newer research has anticipated a shift from representational democracy towards direct democracy, but it seems unlikely. Representational democracy still appears to have its chances. This requires increasing attention to the political functi-on of municipalities, including stricter normative definition of municipal authority and responsibility. In the end, the key issue is whether the Finnish local government will have a distinct political leader or not.

Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views. ; Konstantinos Katsoudas, "A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of AugustThe Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their Estado Nuevo, while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a raison d'etre of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.

Tutkimuksen tavoitteena oli selvittää poliittisen eliitin toimintaa ja työmoraalia Suomen eduskunnassa. Tutkimus tehtiin kvantitatiivisen ja kvalitatiivisen aineiston pohjalta ja soveltamalla yhteiskuntatieteen ja oikeustieteen tutkimusmetodeja. Tilastotietoa kerättiin kahdeksientoista (18) valtiopäivien täysistunnoista vuosien 1970-1998 väliltä. Valiokunnista kohteena oli vaalikausi 1991-1994. Yhteensä aineistoon sisältyi 6 078 pöytäkirjaa ja näiden 520 869 läsnä- ja poissaolomerkintää. Lisäksi tarkasteltiin valtiopäivien historiaa, sekä lobbausta eli valiokuntien kestityksiä. Tärkeimmät säädökset olivat valtiopäiväjärjestys, Suomen perustuslaki ja eduskunnan työjärjestys. Tutkimustuloksena todettiin mm. seuraavaa. Kansanedustajan toimi ei ole enää perinteinen luottamustehtävä. Kansanedustaja on ammattipoliitikko, ja hänen toimensa nimikkeeksi sopisi käsite 'luottamusvirka'. 'Edustajanpalkkiokaan' ei ole 'palkkio' vaan kuukausitulo, ja siihen voisi soveltaa vanhaa virkamiespalkan elatusteoriaa. Kansanedustaja saa elatusta siitä, että hän antaa työvoimansa valtion, puolueen ja kansan käytettäväksi. Eduskuntatyö kaipaisi perusteellista remonttia. Tulisi pohtia ainakin välikysymyksen tarpeellisuutta, täysistuntojen päätösvaltaisuusrajaa, varamiesjärjestelmää ja valiokuntien asiantuntijakuulemisia. Asiantuntijat ovat liian usein samoja henkilöitä, he edustavat julkista valtaa, ay-liikettä ja erilaisia etujärjestöjä. Puhemiesneuvoston valtaa - ja henkilöön perustuvaa auktoritatiivista valtaa - voisi rajoittaa asettamalla puhemiehen (ja varapuhemiesten) toimikaudelle määräaika. Eduskunnan kollektiivinen moraali muodostuu majoriteetti- ja senioriteettiperiaatteen pohjalta ja ilmentää usein kokeneempien edustajien käsitystä oikeasta ja väärästä. Taustajoukoista ja puolueensa tuesta riippuvainen ammattipoliitikko menettää herkästi yhteyden äänestäjiensä arkipäivään. Tällöin "oikea" voi hämärtyä ja edustajan etu nousee tärkeimmäksi. Esimerkiksi valiokuntien kestitysten suhteen on tulevan korruptiolain aikana syytä olla takavuosia varovaisempi. Kollektiivinen työmoraali näkyy edustajien tekemistä päätöksistä ja siitä, miten eduskunta tulkitsee, toteuttaa ja uudistaa instituutiota itseään koskevaa lainsäädäntöä. Yhtenä trendinä ilmenee eduskuntatyöhön kohdistuvien kontrollinormien lieventäminen, toisena demokratian vaatima mutta käytännössä paikoin näennäiseksi jäävä avoimuus. Eduskunnan sisäisten sääntömuutosten yhtenä funktiona voi olla jopa tarkoitus antaa suojaa kansalaiskontrollia vastaan. Poissaoloja on ollut eduskunnan alkuvuosista lähtien. Kaikki edustajat eivät saavu ajoissa valtiopäiville eivätkä kaikki osallistu äänestyksiin, vaikka ilmoittautuvat läsnäoleviksi. Salista poistumisen yhtenä syynä voi olla halu välttyä poliittiselta kannanotolta. Suuria poissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet yöistunnot, maanantaipäivät, istuntokausien loppumiskiireet ja välikysymysten ministerivastaukset. Runsaita henkilöpoissaoloja ovat aiheuttaneet sairaus, virka- ja ministerintehtävät, 1990-luvun alussa myös loikkaukset ja ristiriidat puoleen kanssa. Aineiston valiokuntakokouksista päätösvaltaisena oli alkanut noin 70 % ja loppunut noin 65 %. Suurin vajaavaltaisuuden aiheuttaja oli asiantuntijakuuleminen. Ratkaiseva hallituksen esityksen toinen käsittely oli tehty päätösvaltaisesti, mutta muuten asioita oli viety eteenpäin vajaavaltaisena. Jos päätösvalta-vaatimus olisi ollut ehdoton, asia olisi voinut jumiutua valiokuntaan ja hidastaa eduskuntatyötä. Poikkeuksena päätösvaltaongelmiin oli toimintatavoiltaan erilainen, edustajia ministeristöön nostava valtiovarainvaliokunta. Eduskunnassa on hiljaisia puurtajia eli lainsäädäntötyön tekijöitä, mutta myös poissaolijoita. Poissaolijat jakautuvat puolueensa hyväksi työtä tekeviin poliitikkoihin ja edustajiin, joiden poissaoloihin löytyy ehkä selitys mutta ei puolustusta. Hiljaisen puurtajan työpanos jää usein näkymättä, ja julkinen kuva muodostuu tunnetuista poliitikoista. Ajan mittaan hiljainen puurtaja voi kuitenkin tulla palkituksi arvostetulla eduskunta- tai ministeritehtävällä. Eduskunnassa on korkeaa kollektiivista ja korkeaa yksilöllistä työmoraalia, mutta myös päinvastaisia ilmentymiä. Työmoraalilla ei ole keskimäärää, sillä on kasvot. Poliittiseen eliittiin kuuluu henkilöitä, jotka käyttäytyvät epäeettisesti jos heitä ei valvota - mutta niin heitä kuuluu kaikkialle yhteiskuntaan, äänestäjiinkin. Yleistää ei pidä; jokaista on kohdeltava omana henkilönään. 1980-luvun alkupuolella keskimääräinen poissaolo täysistunnon nimenhuudosta oli noin 20 henkilöä (10 %). Vuonna 1989 työjärjestykseen lisättiin mahdollisuus ilmoittautua läsnäolevaksi nimenhuudon jälkeen. Samana vuonna keskimääräinen poissaolo oli jo 31 henkilöä (15 %). Valtiopäiviin 1994 vaikutti mm. liittyminen Euroopan unioniin, ja silloin nimenhuudosta oli poissa keskimäärin 36 henkilöä (18 %). Sama 36 henkilöä toistui vuonna 1997, jolloin yhtenä syynä olivat äitiyslomat. Vuonna 1998 eduskunta muutti tilastonsa julkisiksi ja syksyn poissaolot lähtivät jyrkkään laskuun. Vuoden keskimääräinen poissaolo nimenhuudosta oli 29 edustajaa (14 %). ; The purpose of the research was to examine the operation of the political elite in the Finnish Parliament.The study is based on both quantitative and qualitative data, and the research methods used are derived from jurisprudence and the social sciences. The statistical data of plenary sessions were collected from 18 parliaments in years 1970-1998, and the data of parliamentary committees from the legislative period of 1991-1994. In all, the data consisted of 6,078 recorded minutes and 520,869 registrations of attendance and non-attendance. The qualitative data consisted of historical surveys of parliament's early years and of surveys of lobbying parliamentary committees. The most important statutes in the normative examination were Parliament Act, the Finnish Constitution and the Parliamentary Order of the Day. The actual work of a parliament member is no longer based on the position of trust. The position has now a more professional character, and the representative has in a way become a professional politician. In fact, the term "office of trust" might most appropriately describe an elected representative's work at present. Even today representatives are paid a "reward" for their services. The use of the term "subsistence" could better refer to the total sum of a monthly income and various other benefits. Subsistence, it also could imply that the representatives contribute their work for the use of the state, of the party and the people. Parliamentary regulations still need a fundamental restructuring. More widely it should be discussed the usefulness of interpellation, the quorum of plenary sessions, the system of deputy members and the system of hearing outside experts at the committee work. The power of the Speakers could be reduced by limiting the office years of the Speaker (and Deputy Speakers). In a parliament, collective morale is moulded by the principle of majority and seniority. Members with fewer years of service have to accept the decisions taken by the more experienced colleagues. Therefore, the collective morale mainly reflects the senior representative's perceptions of right and wrong. A professional politician, depending on political background and party, lost readily genuine contact with the everyday life of voters. Therefore the meaning of the word "right" can be obscured. For example, in committee work they should be more careful with lobbyism in future, when parliament pass a law for representative's corruption. The collective work morale of parliament manifests in the decisions taken. It is also visible in how the members interpret, implement and reform legislation concerning parliament institution. One trend seems to be moderating the norms used in controlling parliamentary work. Another trend is the requirement of openness, demanded by democracy, which, however, often remains quite superficial. It actually seems some times that the internal reforms of parliamentary regulations have been made to protect parliament against its control by citizens. Absences have always been there and they have been discussed since early days of parliament. All the representatives do not turn up in time when parliament begins its work, and some representatives leave the main auditorium as soon as the roll call is over. One reason for an early departure may be try to avoid taking political stand. In the years examined major non-attendance have been caused by night sessions, Monday sessions, ending of term of parliamentary sessions and interpellations debates during Cabinet minister's respond. As to individual representatives non-attendance have been increased by illness, ministerial and official duties or official journeys. In the early 1990s some non-attendance were caused by representatives who went over to another party or had conflicts with their own party. In research material some 70% of committee meetings had started with the presence of a quorum, but when they were adjourned the quorum had dropped to 65%. Hearing outside experts was the major reason for non-quorum meetings. In the decisive second reading of a government proposal there was always the presence of a quorum. If the demand for a quorum had been applied faithfully in all cases, the matter under discussion would probably have delayed the work of parliament as a whole. In this respect, the state financial committee was an exception, because it operates different and helps parliament members in their political career by promoting them to ministerial positions. In parliament work some of the members can be clearly identified as the quiet hard workers. On the other hand, the degree of non-attendance can be high. The conscientious representatives who attend meetings actively are "legislators", while the absent could be divided into "professional politicians" working for their own party or representatives whose absence can be explained but not really defended. The input of a single, hard- working representative often remains invisible. The public image of parliament is primarily created by the well-known professional politicians. A quiet hard-working can, however, in the long run be rewarded with visible parliamentary or ministerial duties. High collective and individual work morale is still to be seen in parliament, but just the opposite may also manifest itself. Morale is something that cannot be expressed in terms of an average, since morale has a face. There will always be members of the political elite who, if uncontrolled, will act unethically. But the same holds true for the rest of society, including the voters. Therefore we should avoid making generalisations and, instead, we should regard each member of parliament as an individual person with his or her own human characteristics. As the early 1980s the average number of absentees in the roll call of plenary sessions was 20 members (10%). In 1989, after an order reform, it became possible to register as present even after the roll call of plenary sessions. In that year 31 members on average (15%) were absent during the roll call. In 1994, when Finland was negotiating its membership in the European Union, on average 36 members (18%) were absent during the roll call. In 1997 the same 36 was caused by a large number of maternity leaves. In 1998 when parliamentary statistics were made public, the average number of absentees was 29 members (14%).