Suchergebnisse

The European Union debt crisis has questioned the institutional design of the European Monetary System (EMS). In 2011, one of the most influential authors, Werner Sinn, argued that the European Central Bank (ECB) was financing the current account deficits in the periphery countries and for this reason, the TARGET2 imbalances were dangerously increasing the risk in core countries. This paper considers that the TARGET2 imbalances have their roots in the interbank market paralysis and in the ECB role in the crisis, avoiding the financial system collapse. However, these imbalances are not a single problem but to reflect the political economy decisions. Sinn's arguments hide a defence to austerity policies and the need to improve the competitiveness in the Southern countries and therefore the liabilities vis-à-vis the Euro-system. ; La crisis de deuda que atraviesa la Unión Europea ha cuestionado el diseño institucional del Sistema Monetario Europeo (SME). Uno de los autores alemanes más influyentes, Werner Sinn, argumentó en el año 2011 que el Banco Central Europeo (BCE) estaba financiando los déficits por cuenta corriente de los países de la periferia y que esto se estaba reflejando en un incremento de los desequilibrios en el sistema de pagos TARGET2, lo cual suponía un riesgo importante para los países del centro de Europa. Este trabajo pretende demostrar que estos desequilibrios surgen como consecuencia de la parálisis del mercado interbancario y de la actuación del BCE a la hora de evitar el colapso del sistema financiero. Estos desequilibrios no suponen un problema en sí mismos, sino que son el reflejo de decisiones de política económica adoptadas por el BCE frente a la crisis. La argumentación de Sinn esconde una defensa de las políticas de austeridad y la necesidad de mejorar la competitividad de los países del sur de Europa para reducir las posiciones deudoras de estos países frente al Euro-sistema.

The European monetary story, from the end of World War II to the implementation of the European Monetary System and the ECU, is identified with the paradox that the member states of the EEC wanted greater economic union while resisting sovereignty transfer in the monetary field. The imbalances caused by this paradox endangered the viability of the European project. In order to confront them, the private sector promoted the creation and use of 'basket currency', such as the European Monetary Unit or the 'Eurco' which, at the same time, served to point out to politicians the need for a single European currency. All this took place in an international context where the dollar and its problems were transferred to the currencies of the EEC states, making it quite difficult to maintain some balance in the value of intra-community trade, which implied continuous monetary crises. ; El relato monetario europeo, desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la puesta en marcha del Sistema Monetario Europeo y el ECU, se define mediante la paradoja de que los estados miembros de la CEE aspiraban a una mayor unión económica y, al mismo tiempo, se resistían a ceder soberanía en el terreno monetario. Los desajustes provocados por esta paradoja ponían en peligro la viabilidad del proyecto europeo. Con objeto de hacerles frente, el mundo privado impulsó la creación y utilización de "monedas-cesta", como la European Monetary Unit o el "Eurco" que, paralelamente, servían para señalar al mundo político la necesidad de una moneda única europea. Todo ello en un contexto internacional en el que el dólar y sus problemas se trasladaban a las divisas de los estados de la CEE haciendo muy difícil mantener un equilibrio en el valor del comercio intracomunitario, lo que implicaba crisis monetarias continuas.

El relato monetario europeo, desde el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta la puesta en marcha del Sistema Monetario Europeo y el ECU, se define mediante la paradoja de que los estados miembros de la CEE aspiraban a una mayor unión económica y, al mismo tiempo, se resistían a ceder soberanía en el terreno monetario. Los desajustes provocados por esta paradoja ponían en peligro la viabilidad del proyecto europeo. Con objeto de hacerles frente, el mundo privado impulsó la creación y utilización de "monedas-cesta", como la European Monetary Unit o el "Eurco" que, paralelamente, servían para señalar al mundo político la necesidad de una moneda única europea. Todo ello en un contexto internacional en el que el dólar y sus problemas se trasladaban a las divisas de los estados de la CEE haciendo muy difícil mantener un equilibrio en el valor del comercio intracomunitario, lo que implicaba crisis monetarias continuas. ; The European monetary story, from the end of World War II to the implementation of the European Monetary System and the ECU, is identified with the paradox that the member states of the EEC wanted greater economic union while resisting sovereignty transfer in the monetary field. The imbalances caused by this paradox endangered the viability of the European project. In order to confront them, the private sector promoted the creation and use of 'basket currency', such as the European Monetary Unit or the 'Eurco' which, at the same time, served to point out to politicians the need for a single European currency. All this took place in an international context where the dollar and its problems were transferred to the currencies of the EEC states, making it quite difficult to maintain some balance in the value of intra-community trade, which implied continuous monetary crises.

. The school, in its present form, is not the product of the internal development of African societies. In the case of Senegal, the creation and development of the school network followed the French penetration. Basically, far from reducing the distance that separates the dominator from the dominated, the school has, in most cases, helped to make it impassable in order to maintain the colonial order. It should be noted, however, that in the aftermath of the Second World War, school policy was dominated by the ideology of assimilation. It is from this school that independent Senegal has inherited. It posed to the young state, among other challenges, that of building, with an extroverted school, an identity and a sense of belonging to the Senegalese nation based on the promotion of history, cultures and national languages. However, the school institution, privileged place of education, does not belong less to a global environment. Also, we are also interested in this environment. We have chosen a methodological approach favoring the analysis of educational orientation laws as well as their texting in educational programs and official instructions. ; La escuela, en su forma actual, no es el producto del desarrollo interno de las sociedades africanas. En el caso de Senegal, la creación y el desarrollo de la red escolar siguieron la penetración francesa. Básicamente, lejos de reducir la distancia que separa al dominador del dominado, la escuela, en la mayoría de los casos, ha contribuido a que sea intransitable para mantener el orden colonial. Cabe señalar, sin embargo, que a raíz de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la política escolar estuvo dominada por la ideología de la asimilación. Es de esta escuela que el Senegal independiente ha heredado. Le planteó al joven estado, entre otros desafíos, el de construir, con una escuela extrovertida, una identidad y un sentido de pertenencia a la nación senegalesa basada en la promoción de la historia, las culturas y las lenguas nacionales. Sin embargo, la institución escolar, lugar de educación privilegiada, no pertenece a un entorno global. Además, también estamos interesados en este entorno. Hemos elegido un enfoque metodológico que favorece el análisis de las leyes de orientación educativa y sus mensajes de texto en programas educativos e instrucciones oficiales. ; ORGANISATION DU SYSTEME EDUCATIF SENEGALAIS L'école, sous sa forme actuelle, n'est pas le produit du développement interne des sociétés africaines. Dans le cas du Sénégal, la création et le développement du réseau scolaire ont suivi la pénétration française. Fondamentalement, loin de réduire la distance qui sépare le dominateur du dominé, l'école a, le plus souvent, contribué à la rendre infranchissable en vue de maintenir l'ordre colonial. Soulignons toutefois qu'au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique scolaire a été dominée par l'idéologie de l'assimilation. C'est de cette école que le Sénégal indépendant a hérité. Elle posait au jeune État, entre autres défis, celui de construire, avec une école extravertie, une identité et un sentiment d'appartenance à la nation sénégalaise ayant pour fondement la promotion de l'histoire, des cultures et des langues nationales. Toutefois, l'institution scolaire, lieu privilégié d'éducation, n'en appartient pas moins à un environnement global. Aussi, nous intéressons-nous également à cet environnement. Nous avons choisi une approche méthodologique privilégiant l'analyse des lois d'orientation de l'éducation ainsi que leur mise en texte dans les programmes d'enseignement et les instructions officielles.

"An analysis by SELA for its member States regarding the relations of Latin American and Caribbean countries and the subregional integration organizations with the increasingly integrated European Community"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation. ; The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.

This article discusses the integration process of the European Union, stressing the financial aspects, and also discusses the need for a single currency as a further step in that process. The analysis of the financial integration evaluates the existence of interest rate parity and convergence. The main result is that both parity and convergence seem to have been achieved, but only for long run interest rates and just recently. The persistence of important differences between short run interest rates could cause some troubles and it would be showing the skepticism of the single currency successful. Also, the article carries out that the implementation of the single currency will reduce the autonomy of the fiscal policy, and mainly the tax policy, something that appears unwanted by the authorities of the country members of the European Union that have avoided to establish agreements about that. ; El artículo discute el proceso de integración de la Unión Europea, con énfasis en los aspectos financieros, y cuestiona el establecimiento de la moneda única como un objetivo indispensable, al menos desde el punto de vista económico. El análisis de la integración financiera se concentra en la verificación del cumplimiento de la paridad de las tasas de interés y en el proceso de convergencia de las mismas. El principal resultado es que tanto la paridad como la convergencia se han cumplido en gran medida, y sólo recientemente para las tasas de interés de largo plazo, mientras que no ha ocurrido lo mismo para las tasas de corto plazo, lo que puede ser fuente de algunos inconvenientes y estaría reflejando cierto escepticismo sobre el éxito inmediato de la moneda única. Por otro lado, se plantea que el establecimiento de la moneda única restará autonomía a las políticas fiscales y, en particular, a las políticas tributarias, lo que parece no ser del agrado de las autoridades de los diversos países miembros de la Unión que han evitado fijar compromisos al respecto.

El Derecho administrativo europeo es un instrumento de dirección de procesos sociales que, en su estado actual, presenta algunas debilidades importantes. En este artículo se sugiere que una vía para perfeccionarlo es desarrollar su teoría general a partir de un pensamiento orientado al sistema. En particular, la finalidad del trabajo es analizar cómo debe acometerse esa tarea. Después de presentar sus fundamentos teóricos y metodológicos, se pasa a continuación a identificar alguno de los elementos más relevantes sobre los que tiene que desarrollarse la sistematización del Derecho administrativo europeo. A tal efecto se distingue entre los de carácter sustantivo –principios constitucionales, fines legislativos y criterios discrecionales– y los de carácter estructural –organización, procedimiento y formas jurídicas de actuación–. El artículo concluye con una recapitulación de las conclusiones obtenidas y una reflexión final acerca del alcance y los límites de la sistematización del Derecho administrativo europeo ; European administrative law is an instrument aimed at steering social processes that, in its current state, presents some important flaws. This article suggests a way to improve it, by developing a general theory of European administrative law in a system-oriented approach. In particular, the purpose of this paper is to explore how this task should be undertaken. After describing its theoretical and methodological foundations, the article identifies next some of the most relevant building blocks on which systematization of European administrative law has to unfold. In this respect, a distinction is made between elements of a substantive nature –constitutional principles, legislative goals, and discretional criteria– and elements of a structural nature –forms of organization, types of procedure, and legal forms of action. The article ends with a summary of some conclusions, and with a final consideration on the scope and limits of European administrative law's systematization. ; Este artículo se ha elaborado en el marco del proyecto del Plan Nacional de I+D Administrative Law Beyond the State (PGC2018-101476-B-I00), así como de la Cátedra Jean Monnet European Administrative Law in Global Perspective (611124-EPP-1-2019-1-ES-EPPIMO-CHAIR), de los que el autores investigador principal

General elections to the European Parliament (EP) should be the best opportunity to devote more space in the public debate in the Member States of the European Union (EU) to matters strictly concerning the functioning and future of the EU. The aim of the study is to check whether Polish political parties have any ideas regarding reforms of the EU institutional system. In those cases where the answer to this question is a positive – presentation and brief analysis. The parties that will be taken into account will be those, that registered electoral lists in all constituencies – alone or in coalition with other parties in the 2019 European elections. The indicated goal will be achieved on the basis of content of political programs current during the election campaign to the European Parliament in 2019. To outline the context of this issue, first synthetically presented (based on the results of Eurobarometer survey conducted in autumn 2018) will be what is declared the trust of Polish society to EU institutions and, for comparison, to national institutions. The brief analysis mentioned above programs and the most important conclusions are included in the summary.

Un déficit estructural de competitividad y unas políticas díscolas han causado una grave inestabilidad financiera en ciertos países de la zona euro, llevándolos a situaciones límite. Más aún, la propia Unión Europea padece ahora un elevado riesgo sistémico, económico y político. En este artículo se analizan las condiciones que generaron esta grave situación: a) las estructuras económicas y de ciertos Estados miembros; b) el carácter no óptimo de la zona euro; c) las políticas despilfarradoras de ciertos gobiernos e instituciones; y d) el déficit de gobernanza económica europea. Para afrontar los riesgos y retos de algunos Estados y a la propia Unión se necesitan nuevos y sólidos mecanismos para la estabilización financiera, así como protocolos detallados para la sostenibilidad fiscal y las reformas estructurales. ; Structural non-competiveness and unruly policies have provoked severe financial instability and put certain euro zone countries in a shocking situation. Indeed, the entire European Union is at economic and political systemic risk. In this paper we shall analyze the coinciding conditions which helped generate this perfect and fatal storm: a) the structures of the European economy and of some Member States; b) the non-optimal currency zone that is the euro area; c) the profligate policies of certain governments and institutions; and d) the deficit in European economic governance. Newer and tougher mechanisms for European financial stability and detailed government measures for budget sustainability and structural reforms need to be most effective to be able to address the risks and challenges many States, and the Union itself, are facing.

The European Union is not a State. It is a new kind of political organization. It is made up of independent and sovereign States. In any case, like other international organizations, the sovereign powers of its Member States are limited by the cooperation requirements imposed upon them by the international society in our times. In the case of the European Union, the limits imposed upon the sovereign powers of the Member States are further reinforced by the symbiosis of two separate political structures: the traditional structure of the Member States and the new Union structure. The Constitutional Law of the Member States is thus conditioned by the development of the supranational Law of the Union. ; La Unión Europea no es un Estado. Es una nueva forma de organización política. Está integrada por Estados independientes y soberanos. Ahora bien, al igual que otras organizaciones internacionales, las competencias soberanas de los Estados se encuentran limitadas por las exigencias de cooperación que impone la sociedad internacional de nuestro tiempo. En el caso de la Unión Europea, la limitación de las competencias estatales se encuentra reforzada por la simbiosis de dos estructuras políticas diferentes, la tradicional de los Estados miembros y la nueva estructura que constituye la Unión. El Derecho constitucional de los Estados miembros se encuentra, por ello, condicionado por los desarrollos del Derecho supranacional.The European Union is not a State. It is a new kind of political organization. It is made up of independent and sovereign States. In any case, like other international organizations, the sovereign powers of its Member States are limited by the cooperation requirements imposed upon them by the international society in our times. In the case of the European Union, the limits imposed upon the sovereign powers of the Member States are further reinforced by the symbiosis of two separate political structures: the traditional structure of the Member States and the new Union structure. The Constitutional Law of the Member States is thus conditioned by the development of the supranational Law of the Union.

The Argentine monetary system was established by law Nº 1030 in 1881. This law adopted the bimetallism gold and silver, a system which was short lived, barely lasting two years until law 1354 disposed that the banks should only issue notes payable in national gold pesos, thus following the system of the countries of the Latin Union. A far reaching event was the creation of the Conversion Bank in 1890, an activity which was to last 45 years, and to which the country is indebted for its outstanding services. The object of its existence was the conversion (exchange of gold to notes) and the withdrawal of gold in circulation. In response to the necessity of carrying out a monetary security programme, in 1935 law 12155 created the Central Bank. It was not formed as an official entity, its aim being to assure independence from political powers. However, in 1946, due to contrary ideas, the Central Bank was nationalized together with the deposits of the commercial banks. When the Central Bank was created it had the exclusive privilege of issuing notes, but was obliged to maintain a minimum metallic reserve, thus responding to the ideas of that time, where metallic guarantee was considered to be the firmest support of currency value. Now days on the contrary it is considered to be a system in decline. However, money issuing should be limited in accordance with BENDIXEN'S words "Issue new money when progress of economic life increases production and withdraw it from circulation when production decreases". ; Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas