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The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation. ; The rapid evolution of numerous contemporary threats and the development of multilateralism constitute two significant driving forces for the intensified cooperation between the European Union and the United Nations as regards crisis management. Responding to crises (threats), both natural and man-induced, in an efficient manner requires effective crisis management in order to take steps as early as possible when a threat emerges. Given the increasing external expectations in this field addressed at the EU, it has gradually been developing relevant civil as well as military instruments of crisis management and response. The EU has also been developing collaboration with the UN which calls for increased commitment of regional organizations in bearing the costs of maintaining international peace and security. Although this cooperation is mutually beneficial, it is not free from weaknesses and limitations on various levels of operation.

General elections to the European Parliament (EP) should be the best opportunity to devote more space in the public debate in the Member States of the European Union (EU) to matters strictly concerning the functioning and future of the EU. The aim of the study is to check whether Polish political parties have any ideas regarding reforms of the EU institutional system. In those cases where the answer to this question is a positive – presentation and brief analysis. The parties that will be taken into account will be those, that registered electoral lists in all constituencies – alone or in coalition with other parties in the 2019 European elections. The indicated goal will be achieved on the basis of content of political programs current during the election campaign to the European Parliament in 2019. To outline the context of this issue, first synthetically presented (based on the results of Eurobarometer survey conducted in autumn 2018) will be what is declared the trust of Polish society to EU institutions and, for comparison, to national institutions. The brief analysis mentioned above programs and the most important conclusions are included in the summary.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

The victory of the National Front Party led by Ms. Marine le Pen within the European Parliamentary Election in France by May 2014 raised the question whether or not it signals the end of the French left-right bipolarized party system. This option remains uncertain. The far-right party of the 45-year-old daughter of National Front founder, Jean-Marie Le Pen, gained new voters, deepening the national audience of the extremist party geographically and in the different categories of the population. But the still remaining French "presidentialist" constitutional political regime continues to operate under a strong constraint in favor of bipolarization. Meanwhile, the possible presence of Ms. Le Pen as the two-qualified opponent for the second round of the presidential election is currently determining, and will continue to determine for the next two years, the political strategies of the 2017 future running candidates and parties.

Dyskusja wokół kwestii konfliktu interesów między funkcją realizacji polityki pieniężnej a funkcją nadzoru bankowego wpływa na rozwiązanie instytucjonalne polegające na włączeniu lub niewłączaniu funkcji nadzoru do zadań banku centralnego. Z tego też względu przez wiele lat Europejski Bank Centralny (EBC) nie sprawował nadzoru w stosunku do instytucji kredytowych. Przy konstrukcji Europejskiego Systemu Banków Centralnych zwyciężyła koncepcja niemiecka całkowitego wydzielenia nadzoru z EBC. Gdyby nie kryzys finansowy lat 2008-2013, prawdopodobnie do dziś EBC nie sprawowałby nadzoru nad instytucjami kredytowymi. Pomimo utworzenia w 2011 r. Europejskiego Urzędu Nadzoru Finansowego dwa lata później zdecydowano się powierzyć EBC nadzór bankowy nad najważniejszymi instytucjami finansowymi na obszarze Unii Europejskiej. Trudno dziś rozstrzygnąć, czy połączenie polityki pieniężnej i nadzoru pod jednym dachem EBC było posunięciem korzystnym, dopiero za kilka lat będzie można ocenić, czy zwiększyła się efektywność nadzoru. ; The discussion involving the conflict of interest between the implementation of monetary policy and banking supervision influences the institutional solution to the question of the inclusion or non-inclusion of the supervisory function among the tasks of the central bank. Consequently, credit institutions were, for many years, left unsupervised. This situation would have probably continued until today, had it not been for the financial crisis of 2008-2013. Despite the appointment of the European Financial Supervision Office in 2011, supervision of the main EU financial institutions has recently been vested in the European Central Bank. Whether this decision was the right move will only be known in (the) years to come, when the effectiveness of this supervisionhas been assessed.

What it meant by European Integration? We mean the historical process whereby European nation-states have been willing to transfer, or more usually pool, their sovereign powers in a collective enterprise. The European Union, which today contains twenty-eight member states, which has a complex institutional structure that includes a supranational central administration (the European Commission), an elected Parliament, a Court of Justice and a Central Bank, is the outcome of this processes. Many American and European scientists of the European Union have chided "intergovemmentalist" accounts for emphasizing the duration of member state authority over the process of European integration. This article attempts to prove these criticisms in a "historical institutionalist" account that mentions the importance of research on European integration as a political process which spreads over time. Such an aspect distinguishes the limitations of member-state control over permanent institutional improvements, due to a fixation with short-term interests, the existence of unexpected consequences, and actions that "lock in" past decisions and make affirmation of member-state control difficult. Short exploration of the development of social policy in the EC advocates the limitations of conducting the EC as an international regime promoting collective activity among sovereign states. It is important to view integration as a "path-dependent" process that has composed a dispersed, but still obvious "multitiered" European polity.

Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie partii funkcjonujących na płaszczyźnie euro - pejskiej, ukazanie ich specyfiki oraz kształtującego się między nimi układ stosunków. Artykuł składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej scharakteryzowano triadę: partie krajowe - grupy polityczne w PE - partie polityczne na poziomie europejskim (europartie). W drugiej przybliżono pojęcie systemu partyjnego, w trzeciej odniesiono to pojęcie oraz składające się na niego elementy (partie, interakcje) do partii na szczeblu europejskim, przeprowadzając dyskusję nad adekwatnością ich stosowania w kontekście europejskim. O ile można mówić o istnieniu europejskich partii politycznych, zdecydowanie trudniej udowodnić istnienie europejskiego systemu partyjnego. Interakcje pomiędzy europartiami zachodzą jedynie na arenie parlamentarnej, przy czym nie mają one charakteru rywalizacji pomiędzy rządzącą większością i opozycją. Polegają raczej na budowaniu konsensusu potrzebnego parlamentowi do podjęcia decyzji większością głosów. Nie ma europejskiego systemu partyjnego na arenie wyborczej, gdzie mamy do czynienia z rywalizacją partii krajowych, jak również na arenie rządowej, jako że europejski "rząd" (Komisja, Rada Europejska) nie jest powoływany na zasadzie partyjnej. ; The purpose of this paper is to present the parties operating at the European level in order to show their specificity and the system o f relations emerging among them. The paper consists of three parts. In the first one, a triad: the national parties - political groups in the EP - political parties at the European level (Europarties) are characterized. In the second one, the concept of the party system is presented. In the third one, this concept and its components (parties, interactions) are applied to discuss the adequacy of their use in the European context. While it is possible to speak o f European political parties, it is much more difficult to prove the existence of a European party system. Interactions among the Europarties take place only in the parliamentary arena, but there is no competition between the governing majority and the opposition. These relations lie more in building the consensus necessary for the EP to decide by majority vote. There is no European party system in the electoral arena, where national parties compete, nor in the governmental arena, as the European 'government' (Commission, European Council) is not appointed on the basis o f the political parties.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.

For a growing group of voters the UKIP party ceases to be a second choice, and it becomes a main party. But, contrary to popular belief, its electoral success is only partly due to its Eurosceptic program. Its growing support is rather the result of disappointment in policies of the main parties and a sense of alienation of a growing social group, failing to find its way in a liberal, multicultural society. Note, however, that the UK electoral system rewards parties that have geographically concentrated support, yet in case of UKIP it is distributed fairly evenly. For this reason, even a significant popular support will translate only in a small degree into the seats in the House of Commons. UKIP electoral successes has forced the major political parties to modify their policies, which manifested mainly in radicalization of their programs in the area of immigration and asylum policy, as well as their attitude towards the UK's membership in the European Union.

The general aim of the paper is a systenatization of concepts and also an analysis of some aspects of the process of forming institutional infrastructure in Europe after the collapse of centrally managed economic system. Characteristic feature of such transformations is that they concern mainly the sphere of non-material components of economic subjects' surrouding. This involves difficulties in monitoring them and in interpreting them in a strict way. Europe needs a transformation of all the elements of its institutional infrastructure. In teh case of such institutions-organizations as European Union or NATO - an evolution is expected towards their more universal character. Within the institutions of codified principles the developing of European political infrastructure (i.e. agreements serving increased co-operation of all States of the region) is more particularly desirable. The element that unites transformations of institutions-organizations and institutions-formali zed principles is the fact that both of them are undertaken fully consciously. Also changes within institutions-non-formalized principles are of much importance for the process of European integration. The changes are the result of very complex and time consuming economic and social developments. The need for such changes involves more particularly the societies of former Eastern Europe which, under specific conditions of centrally planned economy, have developped institutional system quite difficult to adept it to the market economy. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.

The Second World War brought significant political changes to European monarchies. Immediately after the war, six kingdoms ceased to exist and became republics. This concerned Eastern European countries in the Soviet sphere of influence, as well as Italy, where Victor Emmanuel III had to pay for years of cooperation with the fascist regime. Before the outbreak of the war, at least three European monarchies had considerable power, holding the most important prerogatives in their hands: this was the case in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania. Such a political model failed to survive the war, as after 1945 the kings and princes of the Old Continent only "reigned, but did not rule" (only Louis II, Prince of Monaco kept a stronger position until the end of the 1950s). It used to happen during the war that in countries with an established parliamentary system the monarch played a greater role than during the years of peace (the most prominent example being Wilhelmina, the Queen of the Netherlands). The article also presents other issues important to the royal authority – the functioning of monarchs in exile, the threat to their lives, the exercise of sovereignty (usually only in a ceremonial capacity) over the armed forces, and abdications forced by the circumstances. ; Druga wojna światowa przyniosła europejskim monarchiom poważne zmiany ustrojowe. Bezpośrednio po wojnie sześć królestw przestało istnieć, stały się republikami. Dotyczyło to państw Europy Wschodniej, które znalazły się w radzieckiej strefie wpływów, a także Włoch, gdzie Wiktorowi Emanuelowi III przyszło zapłacić za lata współpracy z faszystami. Przed wybuchem wojny przynajmniej w trzech europejskich monarchiach władca posiadał istotną władzę, skupiając w swych rękach najważniejsze uprawnienia – tak było w Rumunii, Bułgarii i Albanii. Taki model ustrojowy nie przetrwał wojny, po 1945 r. królowie i książęta Starego Kontynentu jedynie "panowali, ale nie rządzili" (silniejszą pozycję do końca lat 50. zachował tylko panujący w Monako Ludwik II). W okresie wojny zdarzało się, że w państwach o ugruntowanym już systemie parlamentarnym władca odgrywał rolę większą niż w latach pokoju (najlepszym przykładem może być holenderska Wilhelmina). W artykule przedstawiono też inne zagadnienia ważne dla władzy królewskiej: funkcjonowanie monarchów na uchodźstwie, zagrożenie ich życia, wykonywanie – zazwyczaj jedynie reprezentacyjne – zwierzchnictwa nad siłami zbrojnymi, a także wymuszone okolicznościami abdykacje.

The article is an attempt at presentation how basic notions and ferms used by sociology of organization function in other sciences dealing with problems of organization as eg. praxiology, theory of organization and «management or psychology of organization. General reflections are concentrated around various ways of understanding of the notion of "organization" and around the so-called concept of system analysis of organization. The author advocates understand of organization as a set of rules of action or rules of functioning of groups or other human communities. He represents an opinion that organization cannot be identified in sociology with institution assi there are essential differences between them. The author attempts to present a relationship between organization and institution in sociolo¬ gical aspect on the grounds of (the proposed way of interpreting the notion of organization. The article includes critical remarks on the so-called system approach in sciences on organization. It is found that in most of the oases the system approach functions only as a language formation unable to contribuite any methodological qualities but a new slang. Treating the system approach as a new methodological directive assumes a p r i o r i , that any organization is a system which does not always correspond to social reality. For there are organizations not fulfilling their statute goals because they do not function as a system. The final part of reflections is an attempt at presentation of tasks of sociology in analysing organizations and explicating those mechanisms for the sake of practice which cause organizations to function as an integrated whole, as a social system. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Głównym zagadnieniem artykułu jest radykalna myśl polityczna, analizowana w kontekście bezpieczeństwa współczesnych demokracji europejskich. W artykule problem ten jest analizowany na przykładzie programów partii i innych organizacji, które uzasadniają swoją myśl polityczną nacjonalizmem, np. Narodowodemokratyczna Partia Niemiec, Narodowe Odrodzenie Polski, Złoty Świt z Grecji, Nowa Siła z Włoch, Brytyjska Partia Narodowa, Prawy Sektor i Swoboda z Ukrainy oraz innych. Radykalne partie nacjonalistyczne podważają zasady współczesnych demokracji. Dążą do zmiany ładu międzynarodowego i granic państw w Europie, które istnieją od końca II wojny światowej. Zdaniem autora, jedynym skutecznym lekarstwem na radykalizm polityczny jest rozwój wiedzy o demokracji, rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, eliminowanie materialnych różnic między grupami społecznymi i rozwój klasy średniej w Europie. ; The main issue of this article is the radical political thought and the security of contemporary European democracies. In this article, this problem is analyzed on the example of programs of nationalist parties and other organizations, e.g. National Democratic Party of Germany, National Revival of Poland, Golden Dawn from Greece, New Force from Italy, British National Party, Right Sector and Svoboda from Ukraine and others. Radical nationalist parties undermine of the principles of modern democracies. They attempt to change the international order and change the borders of countries in Europe that exist since the end of World War II. According to the author, only the reduction of defects of democracy and the development of knowledge about democracy, the development of civil society, the elimination of material disparities between social groups and the development of the middle class in Europe, can be an effective remedy for political radicalism.