Suchergebnisse

As in many other developing countries, the concerns about food security in Indonesia during the 1980s and early 1990s resulted in policies aimed at achieving self-sufficiency in food crops. The Government of Indonesia (GOI) combined price interventions and economic incentives to encourage agricultural production, especially of the staple crops. From 1985 to 1998, Indonesia started a series of domestic and trade reforms emanating from a combination of unilateral undertakings, the country's commitments to the WTO, and the government's agreement with the IMF following the 1997/98 financial crisis. This study computes nominal protection rates and producer support estimates (NPR and PSE) for Indonesia for the period 1985-2003 for six agricultural commodities, rice, maize, sugar, soybeans, crude palm oil, and natural rubber (representing more than two-thirds of Indonesian agricultural output) in an attempt to quantify the net effects of these policies. The NPRs and PSEs computed for Indonesia show that in spite of the reforms, the GOI has protected its agriculture over the past twenty years, although not uniformly across commodities. Although the reforms went a long way in reducing trade and domestic regulations on agricultural products, the study results demonstrate a return to protection for some commodities in recent years. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1 ; MTID

Enterprises (Pymes) in the telecommunications sector in our country are in a constant search for innovation and continuous improvement, with the motivation to promote, strengthen and implement a development of knowledge in different areas of telecommunications. This article aims to present the model SIAT as a self-assessment system for enterprises (Pymes) in the telecommunications sector as a tool that will provide significant support in Pymes, by helping to establish political strategy, criteria, needs development, efficiency and effectiveness in the organization also provides a methodological and strategic planning in the provision of a service. All this based on a quality model that identifies specific improvements to the system, gaining the satisfaction of needs and providing the optimization of those processes of government's TIC´sf or Pymes in the telecommunications sector that require processes of self diagnosis and to provide organizations the control of the situation and provide for the implementation progress in the quality of their services.

This paper presents a cross-cultural overview of the features of the dynamics of the perception of the concepts of "society", "politics", and "state". The work raises the issue of complex and multifaceted individual consciousness of understanding policy. Authors formulate this aspect from the perspective of historical dynamics and propose to explore the process of transformation of the ancient city-state and flowing therefrom political relations in the modern state with its complex political system. It was stressed that the problem of understanding the nature and role of social policy is complicated by language as well as etymological and conceptual differences. ; This paper presents a cross-cultural overview of the features of the dynamics of the perception of the concepts of "society", "politics", and "state". The work raises the issue of complex and multifaceted individual consciousness of understanding policy. Authors formulate this aspect from the perspective of historical dynamics and propose to explore the process of transformation of the ancient city-state and flowing therefrom political relations in the modern state with its complex political system. It was stressed that the problem of understanding the nature and role of social policy is complicated by language as well as etymological and conceptual differences.

This paper presents a cross-cultural overview of the features of the dynamics of the perception of the concepts of "society", "politics", and "state". The work raises the issue of complex and multifaceted individual consciousness of understanding policy. Authors formulate this aspect from the perspective of historical dynamics and propose to explore the process of transformation of the ancient city-state and flowing therefrom political relations in the modern state with its complex political system. It was stressed that the problem of understanding the nature and role of social policy is complicated by language as well as etymological and conceptual differences. ; This paper presents a cross-cultural overview of the features of the dynamics of the perception of the concepts of "society", "politics", and "state". The work raises the issue of complex and multifaceted individual consciousness of understanding policy. Authors formulate this aspect from the perspective of historical dynamics and propose to explore the process of transformation of the ancient city-state and flowing therefrom political relations in the modern state with its complex political system. It was stressed that the problem of understanding the nature and role of social policy is complicated by language as well as etymological and conceptual differences.

Is architecture relevant for political theory? That is the key question that structures this excellent collection Political Theory and Architecture, although a number of essays fit a broader formulated theme better, namely, concerning the political relevance of the organization and design of our built environment more generally, including architecture but also spatial planning and urban design. The collection demonstrates that our build environment is not merely a passive backdrop to a political community, but actively shapes aspects of our common political life. This constitutive nature of our built environment figures in many different guises throughout this volume. In this review article, I discuss some of these and conclude that concerns about the 'common good' and hence about the discipline of political theory should take reflections on urban design, planning, and architecture into account.

This article reviews the rich internationalist literature produced by a group of Cambridge Apostles in the interwar years, and evaluates it in the context of contemporary British idealist thought. John Maynard Keynes, Bertrand Russell, Ralph Hawtrey, Leonard Woolf, Gerald Shove, Hugh Meredith, Goldsworthy Lowes Dickinson, Julian Bell, Dennis Robertson and Hugh Dalton not only wrote extensively on international relations, but were widely read and politically influential. Although they never constituted a formal advocacy group or organization, their views on the First World War, the League of Nations, the British Empire and international trade were significantly similar. They also unanimously opposed conscription when it was introduced in Britain in 1916. Their approach appears original especially as far as its ethical foundation, based on Moore's Principia Ethica, is concerned. The central role played by economic arguments in their reflections is also pointed out.

Global trade depends on the ability of firms to make credible commitments across borders. Absent a global state to enforce contracts, how can credibility be assured? Today, the majority of significant transborder contract disputes are adjudicated in private arbitral tribunals. The decisions of these bodies are enforceable in the public courts of the 146 countries that have ratified the 1958 New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards, making it a central pillar of the global economy. This article evaluates alternative explanations for this widespread delegation to private judicial authority via survival analysis of ratification from 1958 to the present. Unlike the World Trade Organization, preferential trade agreements, or bilateral investment treaties, the transnational commercial arbitration regime has been driven by the diffusion of legal norms through a transnational network of experts.

Independence and autonomy from political power are core values among professional journalists in most western societies. At the same time, research has shown that news media organizations rely heavily on official actors for the construction of news. The purpose of this study is to analyse the nature of official dominance and manifestations of news media independence strategies in routine political press coverage in Sweden. Building upon past research on official dominance, objectivity rituals, indexing and the rule of product substitution — a set of hypotheses is derived and tested using a content analysis of 835 news stories published in Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet during a 15-week period in 2008. While official actors dominate news coverage both in terms of source use and story initiation, evidence for a rule of product substitution is found.

Emerging powers such as Brazil and Germany increasingly articulate their desire for leadership in global governance. Examples comprise the bids for permanent membership in the UN Security Council and the founding of the G20 at the WTO meeting in Cancùn. Emerging powers, however, often fail to achieve their goals. This article focuses on followership as a core condition for success and failure of emerging power leadership in global governance. I argue that in order to perform successfully, any leadership must be accepted by followers and that followership depends on the credible inclusion of the interests and/or ideas of potential followers into the leadership project. This argument is tested in case studies on Brazil's and Germany's bids for structural power in the UNSC, for directorship in international organizations and for policy positions in the WTO trade negotiations.

Despite the historical patina of much of the extant literature, most of the scholarship on the `Revolution in Military Affairs' (RMA) reflects a profoundly superficial and ahistorical understanding of the changing nature of warfare. To be sure, this literature is not lacking in historical detail and analogy — indeed, one of its defining characteristics is a selfconscious attempt to use history alternatively to `prove' the RMA thesis and to illuminate the transhistorical dynamics of radical change in the nature of war. But these historical references are almost exclusively to transformations in the nature of warfighting. The purpose of this article is to address the problem of ahistoricism by reconnecting changes in the nature of warfighting to both broader transformations in the social organization of warfare and deeper changes in the nature of war as an historically constructed social institution.

This article analyses the European Commission's general approach in the area of social policy. It scrutinizes the rationale behind the introduction of various employee participation schemes and their evolution over time. Legislative acts on employee information and consultation, as well as on the empowerment of the European social partners as co-legislators in the field of social policy, have contributed to a genuine multi-level system of industrial relations emerging at European level. However, the EU-level approach towards social policy over recent decades, together with reform of European labour law and recent ECJ case-law, has reinforced an increasingly liberal trend towards initiatives that are less social in their orientation, as well as putting more pressure on collective workers' rights and the social acquis communautaire. Against this background, European social dialogue and European labour law are facing difficulties in ensuring that existing minimum labour standards are maintained in legislation and collective agreements. The article argues that labour law and social dialogue would gain from a more proactive participation of trade unions in decision-making processes at national and European levels. This would help to secure a legal and collectively bargained protection of workers' rights.