Suchergebnisse

"1918" bezeichnet mehr als das Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs. Der Jahresbezug begründet häufig auch bildungsgeschichtliche Narrative. Hingegen fragt der Band nach Gleichzeitigkeiten von Zäsuren und Tradierungen, Brüchen und Kontinuitäten in regionalen, nationalen, europäischen und globalen Perspektiven. Er untersucht vielfältige Paradoxien vermeintlich alter und neuer pädagogischer Kulturen und Praktiken ebenso wie Ambivalenzen der Jugend zwischen Aufbegehren und Anknüpfung an Bildungsideale. Auch die Infragestellung von Schule und Pädagogik, ihre Relegitimierung sowie die Verflechtung von Sozialdemokratie und Sozialismus mit Bildungsreformen und -traditionen werden fokussiert. Damit zielt der Band auf den vielfach beschriebenen «Kampf der Ideologien» in der Zwischenkriegszeit und auf die Zirkulation konkurrierender Wissen, sodass er bildungshistorisch die komplexe Offenheit von 1918 diskutiert. (DIPF/Orig.)

Many transition and developing economies have reduced direct public involvement in the production and trade of seed and other agricultural inputs. This trend creates opportunities for farmers to realize improved access to inputs, including technology from international private research. Unfortunately, input regulations often derail these opportunities by blocking private entry and the introduction of private technology. This study looks at the experience in Bangladesh, India, Turkey, and Zimbabwe to see whether regulations make a difference in agriculture and input industries in developing economies. In all countries, companies and farmers responded to regulatory reforms by introducing and adopting more new technology and by expanding the production, trade, and use of inputs. The increased use of private technology has brought higher yields and incomes, allowing farmers and consumers to reach higher levels of welfare. These results challenge governments to open their regulatory systems to allow market entry and the introduction of private technology through seeds and other inputs.

This paper examines the effect of finance on long-term economic growth using Bayesian model averaging to address model uncertainty in cross-country growth regressions. The literature largely focuses on financial indicators that assess the financial depth of banks and stock markets. These indicators are examined jointly with newly developed indicators that assess the stability and efficiency of financial markets. Once the finance-growth regressions are subjected to model uncertainty,the results suggest that commonly used indicators of financial development are not robustly related to long-term growth. However, the findings from the global sample indicate that one newly developed indicator -- the efficiency of financial intermediaries -- is robustly related to long-term growth.

This paper discusses competitiveness-related issues surrounding the design and administration of corporate and value added/sales taxes in four South Asian countries -- Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. The paper is based largely on analysis of tax legislation; in addition, data from the World Banks enterprise surveys, the Doing Business report, as well as industry studies are used for evidence on tax compliance costs for business. The review of tax regulations in the region shows several commonalities: (1) widespread use of tax incentives to support selected industries, types of firms, and industrial locations; (2) many exemptions from value-added taxes as well as the practice of levying multiple indirect taxes on the same base; and (3) high costs of tax compliance for businesses. The paper discusses the consequences of tax policies for the competitiveness of South Asian producers, describes the main problems in tax administration, and outlines key directions for reforms.

Background Having investigated avoidable deaths and other occurrences of harm to patients at Mid-Staffordshire Hospital, the Francis Inquiry made 290 recommendations for actions to reduce the likelihood of such events recurring. A prominent part of the government's response was to ask Don Berwick to chair a National Patient Safety Advisory Group to advise the government on a 'whole-system' Patient Safety Improvement Programme. The Group proposed establishing Patient Safety Collaboratives (PSC), drawing upon the experience of Quality Improvement Collaboratives, particularly the Institute of Healthcare Improvement (IHI) 'Breakthrough Series' From 2014, Collaboratives in the NHS were implemented through the regional Academic Health Science Networks (AHSN). Most research about the effects of Collaboratives has been uncontrolled and fragmented across a range of activities and target outcomes, often self-reported. Few studies report clearly how Collaboratives carried their work out, making it hard to identify what the 'active ingredient' is. Few contained evidence about the determinants of 'success' (as opposed to abundant hypotheses and conjectures). Neither is it known what kinds of clinical work (e.g. for which care groups) may be more amenable than others to improvement by PSC methods, although Collaboratives based hospitals have been most widely reported. We evaluated how this action taken in response to the Francis Inquiry was implemented and some of the consequences, and used our findings as the evidence base to present some some policy implications and further research proposals. Research Questions (RQ) This study addressed six research questions: RQ1: How has PSC implementation varied across the 15 Academic Health Science Network (AHSN) regions? RQ2: What organisational changes have providers made? How have they done this and what have they learned from the PSCs? RQ3: How were resources used for PSCs' implementation activities? What are the costs of participation and implementation? RQ4: Have the PSCs made a detectable difference on rates of harm and adverse events involving patients as measured using routine data? RQ5: Has change in practice taken place on the front-line of services? RQ6: What generalisable knowledge can be shared about this? Methods We made a mixed methods observational comparison of PSC mechanisms, contexts and outcomes. We combined three methods each of which broadly corresponded to one stage of PSC implementation: 1. An Implementation study of how PSCs were set up, of AHSN roles in establishing and maintaining regional networks, and of how provider-level NHS managers and clinicians used PSC-initiated ideas and resources to influence clinical practice, monitor and improve clinical quality and safety. Our study looked at all 15 PSCs, studied three of them in greater detail, and within them selected different types of provider for in-depth study. 2. Patient safety culture surveys. The Francis and Berwick reports emphasised strengthening safety culture as a method for making clinical practice safer. Using the Safety, Communication, Operational Reliability and Engagement (SCORE) survey, we measured changes in patient safety 'culture' in six clinical teams undertaking PSC-initiated activities. We also analysed NHS Staff Survey data. 3. Analysis of routine administrative data. To assess how much patient safety and outcomes had changed we quantitatively analysed routinely collected administrative data relevant to PSCs' intended outcomes. Our data sources were 61 semi structured in-depth interviews of key informants: SCORE survey data from 72 sites (first round) and from the six of these sites which had also made a second-round (repeat) survey during the study period: and England-wide data on in-patient satisfaction, quality improvement, managerial support for staff, fairness and effectiveness of procedures for reporting errors, recommendation of one's own work-place, incident reporting and hospital mortality. Findings How PSC implementation varied across the 15 AHSNs (RQ1) Each AHSN applied elements of three strategies for improving patient quality and safety at provider level: • A facilitative strategy, which built where possible on existing QI and safety work in healthcare providers, but was constrained by the local history and resources – or lack of them – in these areas of work. A facilitative strategy made it harder to attribute any changes in working practices and outcomes unequivocally to PSC activities. • An educative strategy of educating, training and developing individual 'change agents' to implement changed working practices to improve patient safety at clinic level. • A national priority focussed strategy of adopting 'work-streams' from among the current national priorities, resulting in several PSCs developing similar work-streams (e.g. sepsis prevention). There were tensions between the facilitative approach and the national priority focus, which some informants thought was closer to a performance management approach. In general, PSCs and NHS staff favoured shifting from a 'blame' culture to learning culture focused on service development as more conducive to activities to improve patient safety. Where SCORE surveys were used (which was increasingly, but from a small base), they were implemented the same way everywhere. PSCs differed in terms of which elements and mechanisms of collaboratives they emphasised. Partly because the Francis report was a response to problems in hospital services, and because Collaboratives originated in (US) hospitals, participation was proportionately greater among acute hospitals than elsewhere, which partly reflected the technical challenges of making the Collaborative model relevant to non-hospital services. General practices apart, the only non-NHS providers participating were some care homes and pharmacies. Organisational changes that providers made and what they have learned from the PSCs (RQ2) Not all provider organisations participated in the PSCs. The willingness of NHS senior managers to engage with PSCs varied across setting. When they were willing, organisational upheaval including leadership changes made trusts' engagement harder to sustain. In providers that did participate, the main organisational factors reported to aid PSC implementation were: • Initial expenditure for start-up training and preparing management information systems to serve (also) as a measurement system for clinical teams' QI work • Recruiting trained QI and safety experts or 'champions' at all organisational levels, most critically at Board and clinical team levels; this was often done with PSC support and encouragement. • Ensuring that these champions had the leadership skills to motivate and empower clinical teams and to create safe spaces for staff to speak up or suggest changes. • Building structures and processes, at both whole-organisation and at clinical team levels, to sustain the changed working practices. • Allocating staff time not only to engage in QI and learning events, but so that they can subsequently utilise their learning at work. • 'Bottom-up' approaches to safety improvement promoted provider-level engagement and motivation by adapting the activities that PSCs were promoting to local needs. • Measurement support for front-line staff At the time of this study, the development and use of formal measurement systems to support QI activities had not yet materialised. The other change we had expected but did not observe was in safety climate, particularly at clinical team level. Although PSC activity, including the SCORE surveys, had impacts upon clinical teams' working practices in the sites we studied (see below) these changes occurred without measurable changes in workplace safety climate. In summary, we found: 1. Some qualitative evidence of safety climate change in the intended direction, including increased staff engagement and shifts away from a blame culture towards a more 'open learning culture'. 2. No significant change safety climate in six study sites by early 2018 on most of the SCORE survey domains. 3. Change in the intended direction in the relevant NHS staff survey data domains, but evidence that this change began before PSCs existed. To suggest that any safety culture changes in particular clinical teams are diluted within much larger NHS Digital data-sets might be valid for the NHS Staff Survey but is not applicable for the SCORE survey results, which were precisely localised to the relevant clinical teams. A possible explanation is that safety climate changes are as much a consequence as a cause of changes in working practices, in a virtuous circle of mutual reinforcement. Organisational changes do not occur straight away; sufficient time is required to implement a complex set of activities across all levels of the NHS: 1. At least 18 months for PSCs and then providers to establish themselves and start to change working practices. In practice this can take a lot longer before any impact is seen at the patient level. 2. Allowing individual staff members time at work to attend learning events and then put what they learnt into practice. 3. Continuing the PSCs long enough to engage 'late adopters' besides 'early adopters'. 4. Time for plan-do-study-act (PDSA) cycles and other QI activities be repeated and become institutionalised on an open-ended time-scale. Other major constraints surrounding the activities of PSCs we found were NHS providers' concurrent operational pressures and the concomitant resource and financial constraints, staff shortages and turnover. At an individual level the barriers included difficulties utilising expertise post training due to factors including a performance culture (i.e. conflicting priorities in the work-place), lack of time, high staff turnover (including shift rotations and moves between work locations), and psychological resistance to change. Costs of participation in and implementation of PSCs (RQ3) One of our study PSCs provided broad information how spending on PSCs had been allocated at AHSN level (to which programmes, and to broad categories such as support staff, training etc.). At the time of our fieldwork detailed information to account for; the training and network activity the PSCs provided, monetary flows from PSCs to providers, as well as indirect opportunity costs the provider organisations incurred was not completely available. The same applied to information about how these extra resources impacted on health benefits for the patients due to changes in working practices noted below, making it unfeasible to evaluate the cost effectiveness of the PSC programme. Have the PSCs made a detectable difference to rates of harm and adverse events involving patients as measured using routine data? (RQ4) We analysed routine administrative data about relevant safety outcomes and found that: 1. Qualitative evidence of changed working practices which one would expect (given their supporting evidence) to improve patient safety and service quality. 2. Quantitative analysis of administrative data showed no significant change by early 2018 that could plausibly be attributed to PSCs alone. 3. Longer-term changes in the intended direction were occurring. In our judgement the reasons for these paradoxical patterns are: 1. Dilution of any effects of PSCs upon service outcomes because the available datasets combine data about activities in which PSCs were involved with data about much larger activities in which PSCs were not yet involved,such as trust-level data. 2. PSCs' effects were constrained by countervailing factors: demand overloads, insufficient staffing relative to demand, staff turnover and financial constraints. 3. Time lags: when our fieldwork finished PSCs were about half-way through their initially-planned life-span and had spent much of it getting their activities started. This meant the period for which routine data could have captured any relevant effects was a year or less. We infer that PSC activity had many of its intended effects but they were too localised and diluted to be measurable in the larger-scale routinely-reported administrative datasets. Change in practice on the front-line of services (RQ5) In our case study sites we found evidence of changes in practice at front-line, clinical team level. In practice the participating clinical teams had become more multidisciplinary. They had also started to undertake what in effect was the Model for Improvement: collecting information about their working practices, changing the latter, reviewing the effects, then making further adjustments: the quality improvement cycle. The SCORE survey, and its practical impacts, can be understood as a special case of such activity, and one with a relatively quick impact upon working practices. SCORE surveys developed beyond measurement activity into a practical intervention on the part of PSCs. Changes in working practices were both clinical (e.g. falls reduction) and organisational (e.g. pathway re-design) and were reported in both hospitals and general practices. Conclusions: Policy and management implications The findings summarised above tend to support some of the policy-makers' original assumptions about how PSCs would work but suggests revisions to other policy assumptions that would lead to more effective PSCs and thus safer care for patients:- 1. PSCs have not yet had sufficient time to establish and sustain the clinical team-level safety improvement activities and outcomes that current policy intends. Our evidence suggests three years from the outset is in practice too short a time for that. In our opinion (albeit an opinion consistent with our findings so far) PSCs should continue in their current form for longer before any judgement can be meaningfully made about their impact on patients. 2. The PSCs are complex adaptive systems, reacting and responding to different local situations in varied ways. Attempts to manage PSCs uniformly and force them into particular directions (including work streams) are likely to hamper their ability to promote the locally-originating work that will ultimately lead to better patient care. In our opinion NHSI should study the emergent systems, support positive behaviours and resist the temptation to apply a 'one size fits all' managerial approach. 3. NHSI and the Department of Health need to provide clear and supportive timelines and financial arrangements for the PSCs. One disruptive aspect of the implementation of the PSCs was the lack of clear direction from the central NHS bodies, partly due to the perceived chaos surrounding the change from NHSE to NHSI, and to the financial uncertainly that PSC leads felt. At the time of writing there are suggestions that NHSI should review the PSCs. In our opinion it is too soon for that and it will again create an impeding uncertainty. 4. Recognition of the influence of the wider evidence-based medicine (EBM) movement and institutions (e.g. NICE) in promoting safety culture, something PSCs' activity reinforced and exploited. However development of EBM is uneven (for example, it is better developed in general medicine than mental health). Start-up support for Collaboratives may be especially important in domains where EBM remains less developed and embedded. 5. Culture change is too big for PSCs alone to achieve without a massive increase in their scale. Learning by clinical teams is a discrete step linking culture change to changed working practices and this has implications for the kind of training required. The necessary kernels for this training are quality improvement methodologies and the psychology of change ('human factors'). As PSCs have shown, clinical teams are the critical audience for this training. 6. If providers are to become 'learning organisations' for PSC purposes the requirements include: a 'bottom-up' approach to safety management; that provider managers allow clinical teams discretion to adapt QI activities to their local needs; that clinical teams are allowed to take ownership of a given project or changes in work processes, something our evidence suggests also promotes staff engagement and motivation. This is a different approach from the work-stream specific collaboratives; mandating clinical teams to work on areas they have not chosen will probably not have as effective outcomes for patient care. 7. NHSI is now addressing the absence of cross-provider measurement systems for PSC purposes (for clinical teams across different providers to compare activities and learn from each other). Caution will be needed in how these cross-provider data are used. The focus has to be on data for improvement; if the data are used for performance management (or even perceived as such) the benefits of the collaborative approach will diminish.

Desde la década de 1980, la migración laboral ha venido feminizándose cada vez en mayor medida en el este y sudeste asiáticos. Para principios del siglo XXI, se estimaba que había más de dos millones de mujeres trabajando en la región, lo que constituye un tercio de la población migrante. Casi todas las mujeres migrantes se desempeñan en labores reproductivas, como el trabajo doméstico y los servicios sexuales, en hogares de particulares y sectores comerciales informales. No obstante la gran necesidad de proteger su bienestar y sus derechos humanos, los gobiernos de los países de destino ven a los migrantes simplemente como una fuerza laboral que se requiere para cubrir la escasez de mano de obra local, e ignora las medidas de protección y las políticas en función del género. Por su parte, bajo la presión para incrementar los ingresos de divisas extranjeras, los países que constituyen la fuente de esta fuerza laboral alientan a sus mujeres a migrar y a remitir sus ganancias, pero ante la competencia mundial, los gobiernos de estos países han mostrado poco interés en el bienestar de las mujeres migrantes. En el contexto de los antecedentes poco alentadores en materia de derechos humanos de los países del este y sudeste asiáticos, los actores no estatales han adquirido una importancia creciente en la defensa de los derechos de los migrantes, lo que han logrado a través de redes locales y transnacionales. Las raíces de la migración–feminizada y que por lo tanto tiene en cuenta consideraciones de género–en el este y sudeste asiáticos se encuentran en el rápido pero desigual desarrollo económico de la región, caracterizado por la desigualdad y el conflicto que producen las diferencias de género, clase social y nacionalidad. La transferencia de mujeres extranjeras de la región desde economías de bajos ingresos (Filipinas, Tailandia, Indonesia y Viet Nam, entre otros) hacia países de altos ingresos (Singapur, Malasia, la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, Taiwán Provincia de China, la República de Corea y Japón) intensifica la actual desigualdad de género, injusticia económica y discriminación étnica. Sin embargo, la migración internacional es un proceso contradictorio que, si bien brinda a las mujeres migrantes oportunidades para la movilidad social, también las somete a abusos y explotación. La mayoría de las mujeres migrantes son trabajadoras independientes empleadas por contrato que buscan trabajo en el exterior a fin de aumentar los ingresos familiares y sus ahorros personales. El empoderamiento resulta de su resistencia diaria a las estructuras de poder existentes, así como de la oportunidad de acumular recursos personales y colectivos. El análisis de las políticas de inmigración de Asia y de los patrones de migración de las mujeres revela que existen seis categorías de mujeres migrantes con sus respectivas características: • trabajadoras domésticas • animadoras (trabajadoras sexuales) • trabajadoras no autorizadas • esposas inmigrantes • trabajadoras capacitadas • trabajadoras que comparten un patrimonio étnico con la población que las recibe (como los brasileños de origen japonés en el Japón y los chinos de ascendencia coreana en la República de Corea). Estas seis categorías de mujeres migrantes se diferencian entre sí en razón de las condiciones de traslado al otro país, de empleo y de protección legal, por lo que difieren en cuanto a las formas en que enfrentan las prácticas desiguales y discriminatorias que encuentran en sus lugares de destino. En consecuencia, los ciudadanos conscientes y las organizaciones no gubernamentales recurren a diferentes acciones civiles y contramedidas para mejorar los derechos de las mujeres migrantes. Los gobiernos de los estados importadores de mano de obra del este y sudeste asiáticos tienen niveles distintos de tolerancia política frente a las actividades de la sociedad civil, por lo que existen diferencias importantes en cuanto a las capacidades y los recursos con que cuentan sus sociedades civiles para la acción colectiva. La bibliografía sobre este tema identifica tres niveles de efectividad de las acciones civiles y de la resistencia de la mujer en Asia. El primer nivel agrupa a Singapur y Malasia, donde la aplicación de estrictas políticas de inmigración, rígidos sistemas de contratación laboral y bajos grados de tolerancia del activismo cívico por parte del Estado limitan seriamente las acciones a favor de las trabajadoras migrantes. El segundo nivel reúne al Japón y la República de Corea, donde los estrictos controles fronterizos y las grandes cantidades de trabajadores, combinados con un relativamente alto grado de tolerancia de la acción colectiva, permiten a muchos grupos y organizaciones desafiar la autoridad del Estado y brindar asistencia legal y cultural a los trabajadores migrantes. En el tercer nivel se encuentra la Región Administrativa Especial de Hong Kong, donde, a pesar de una estricta política de inmigración y un rígido sistema de contratación laboral, el legado colonial británico permite a los trabajadores migrantes defender abiertamente sus derechos económicos y emprender acciones colectivas. La frecuencia de las manifestaciones de trabajadoras migrantes, en particular de las trabajadoras domésticas filipinas en Hong Kong, destaca la importancia de establecer redes transnacionales que permitan estrechar los vínculos entre los trabajadores migrantes en los países fuentes de la mano de obra y las naciones receptoras. La creciente presencia de un movimiento transnacional de protección en toda la región de Asia facilita los esfuerzos de las organizaciones civiles por mejorar los derechos y el bienestar de las trabajadoras migrantes. En conclusión, la feminización de la migración ha incrementado la desigualdad y la injusticia basadas en el género, la clase social y la nacionalidad en Asia. Pero al mismo tiempo, ha abierto nuevas oportunidades para que las mujeres migrantes puedan aumentar los ingresos familiares y la creciente sociedad civil de Asia pueda desafiar las políticas y prácticas opresivas que afectan a las trabajadoras migrantes. A pesar de que persisten muchos obstáculos legales e institucionales a la justicia social en los países que importan mano de obra, las acciones civiles de ciudadanos y trabajadores migrantes constituyen un paso importante hacia el reconocimiento de los derechos de las trabajadoras migrantes. ; Since the 1980s, labour migration has been increasingly feminized in East and Southeast (hereafter E/SE) Asia. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than two million women were estimated to be working in the region, accounting for one third of its migrant population. Most female migrants are in reproductive occupations such as domestic work and sex services, in private households and informal commercial sectors. Despite the great need to protect their welfare and human rights, governments of their destination countries view migrants as merely a workforce to meet labour shortages, and ignore protective measures and gender-sensitive policies. Under pressure to increase foreign revenues, labour-source countries encourage their women to migrate and remit their earnings from abroad, but in the face of global competition, governments of source countries have shown little interest in their migrant women's welfare. In the context of the E/SE Asian countries' bleak records of human rights practices, non-state actors have assumed increasing importance in advocating migrants' rights, which they have done through local and transnational networks. Feminized, and therefore gendered, migration in E/SE Asia has its roots in the region's rapid but uneven economic development, which is characterized by the inequality and conflict that differences of gender, class and nationality produce. The transfer of foreign women within the region from the low-income economies (the Philippines, Indonesia, Viet Nam, Pakistan, Bangladesh among others) to the high-income ones (Singapore, Malaysia, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR), Taiwan Province of China, the Republic of Korea and Japan) intensifies existing gender inequality, economic injustice and ethnic discrimination. International migration is, however, a contradictory process that, while providing migrant women with opportunities for social mobility, also subjects them to abuses and exploitation. The majority of Asia's migrant women are independent contract workers seeking employment abroad in order to augment family incomes and personal savings. Empowerment results from their everyday resistance to existing power structures, and from the opportunity to accumulate individual and collective resources. An analysis of Asia's immigration policies and women's migration patterns reveals six widely recognized and designated categories and characteristics of the women involved: • domestic workers • entertainers (sex workers)• unauthorized workers • immigrant wives • skilled workers • workers who share an ethnic heritage with that of the host population (such as Japanese-Brazilians in Japan and Korean-Chinese in the Republic of Korea). These six categories of migrant women differ from one another in the conditions of their border crossing, employment and legal protection, and they therefore differ in the ways in which they resist the unequal and discriminatory practices they encounter at their destinations. Consequently, concerned citizens and non-governmental organizations choose different civil actions and counteractive measures to enhance migrant women's rights. The governments of labour-importing states in E/SE Asia vary in their political tolerance of civil-society activities. There are thus significant differences in the capacities and resources that their civil societies have for collective action. The existing literature indicates three levels of effectiveness of civil actions and women's resistance in Asia. The first is found in Singapore and Malaysia, where strict immigration policies, rigid labour contract systems and low degrees of state tolerance for civil activism severely curtail pro-migrant actions. The second level characterizes Japan and the Republic of Korea, where tight border controls and large numbers of undocumented workers, combined with relatively high degrees of tolerance for collective action, allow many groups and organizations to challenge state authority and provide legal and cultural assistance to migrants. The third level is manifest in Hong Kong SAR, where despite a strict immigration policy and rigid labour contract system, the British colonial legacy permits migrants to openly pursue economic rights and collective action. The frequency of demonstrations by migrants, especially Filipino domestic workers in Hong Kong SAR, highlights the importance of transnational networking that links migrants in sending and receiving countries. The growing presence of a transnational advocacy movement throughout Asia facilitates the efforts of civil organizations to enhance migrants' rights and welfare. In conclusion, feminized migration has increased inequality and injustice based on gender, class and nationality in Asia. It has also, however, opened up opportunities for migrant women to increase family incomes and for Asia's growing civil society to challenge oppressive policies and practices affecting migrants. Although many legal and institutional barriers to social justice remain in labour-importing countries, civil actions by citizens and migrants comprise significant steps toward the realization of migrant workers' rights. ; Depuis les années 80, les travailleurs migrants en Asie de l'est et du sud-est sont de plus en plus des femmes. Au début du XXIème siècle, on estimait que plus de deux millions de femmes, soit un tiers de la population migrante, travaillaient dans la région. La plupart des immigrées ont des emplois liés à l'économie de reproduction: elles sont employées de maison ou engagées dans l'industrie du sexe, travaillent dans des ménages privés ou le secteur commercial informel. Bien que leur bien-être et leurs droits aient un grand besoin d'être protégés, les gouvernements des pays d'accueil ne voient dans les immigrées qu'une force de travail capable de remédier à la pénurie de main-d'oeuvre et ne se soucient guère de prendre des mesures de protection ou d'appliquer des politiques nuancées selon le sexe. Pressés d'accroître leurs recettes en devises, les pays d'émigration encouragent leurs ressortissantes à émigrer et à rapatrier leurs gains de l'étranger et, face à la concurrence mondiale, leurs gouvernements s'intéressent peu au bien-être de celles qui ont émigré. Vu les pratiques des pays de l'Asie de l'est et du sud-est en matière de droits de l'homme et leur triste bilan dans ce domaine, des acteurs non étatiques ont pris de plus en plus de place dans la défense des droits des migrants, qu'ils assument par le biais de réseaux locaux et transnationaux. La féminisation des migrations en Asie de l'est et du sud-est, avec toutes les spécificités que cela suppose, vient du développement économique rapide mais inégal de la région, qui se caractérise par des disparités et des différences entre sexes, entre classes et entre nationalités qui engendrent des conflits. Les femmes se déplacent à l'intérieur de la région, quittant les pays à faible revenu (Philippines, Thaïlande, Indonésie et Viet Nam notamment) pour les pays à revenu élevé (Singapour, Malaisie, Région administrative spéciale (RAS) de Hong Kong, Province chinoise de Taiwan, République de Corée et Japon) et ce déplacement accentue les inégalités entre les sexes, l'injustice économique et la discrimination ethnique déjà existantes. Les migrations internationales sont cependant des phénomènes contradictoires qui, tout en offrant aux migrantes des chances de mobilité sociale, les exposent en même temps à des abus et à l'exploitation. La majorité des migrantes d'Asie sont des travailleuses contractuelles indépendantes qui cherchent un emploi à l'étranger pour grossir les revenus de leur famille et leur épargne personnelle. Elles acquièrent leur autonomie en résistant jour après jour aux structures de pouvoir en place, et en accumulant tout ce qu'elles peuvent gagner à titre individuel et collectif. Une analyse des politiques migratoires d'Asie et des caractéristiques des migrations féminines fait apparaître six catégories largement reconnues, qui définissent les femmes par des caractéristiques données: • employées de maison • entraîneuses (travailleuses du sexe) • travailleuses clandestines • épouses d'immigrés • travailleuses qualifiées • travailleuses qui ont un patrimoine ethnique commun avec la population du pays d'accueil (tels que les Nippo-Brésiliennes au Japon et les Sino-Coréennes en République de Corée). Ces six catégories de femmes immigrées se distinguent les unes des autres par les conditions dans lesquelles elles ont franchi la frontière, leur emploi et la protection que leur offre la loi et donc aussi par leur mode de résistance aux pratiques inégalitaires et discriminatoires auxquelles elles sont confrontées dans le pays d'accueil. Les modes d'action et de lutte que choisissent les citoyens concernés et les organisations non gouvernementales pour faire valoir les droits des migrantes varient en conséquence. Les gouvernements des Etats de l'Asie de l'est et du sudest qui importent de la main-d'oeuvre tolèrent à des degrés divers les activités de la société civile, de sorte que les capacités et moyens d'action collective dont celle-ci dispose varient sensiblement selon les pays. Il ressort de la littérature existante que l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'efficacité parmi les actions tentées par la société civile et la résistance des femmes en Asie. C'est à Singapour et en Malaisie qu'elles sont les moins efficaces: de strictes politiques d'immigration, des systèmes rigides d'attribution de contrats de travail et un Etat peu tolérant envers le militantisme civil réduisent sévèrement les actions de défense des droits des migrantes. Le second niveau correspond au Japon et à la République de Corée, où de sévères contrôles aux frontières et une multitude de travailleuses sans papiers, mais aussi une tolérance assez grande à l'égard de l'action collective, permettent à de nombreux groupes et organisations de contester l'autorité de l'Etat et d'apporter une assistance juridique et culturelle aux migrantes. Le troisième niveau est atteint dans la RAS de Hong Kong où, malgré une politique d'immigration stricte et un système rigide d'attribution des contrats de travail, l'héritage colonial britannique permet aux migrantes de faire valoir ouvertement leurs droits économiques et de mener une action collective. La fréquence des manifestations d'immigrées, en particulier d'employées de maison philippines dans la RAS de Hong Kong, montre l'importance des réseaux transnationaux qui relient les migrantes des pays d'origine et des pays d'accueil. La présence de plus en plus forte d'un mouvement de défense transnational dans toute l'Asie rend plus facile la tâche des organisations civiles qui s'emploient à défendre les droits et le bien-être des migrantes. En conclusion, la féminisation des migrations a aggravé les inégalités et l'injustice fondées sur le sexe, la clase et la nationalité en Asie. Elle a cependant donné aux femmes migrantes la possibilité de grossir les revenus familiaux et a permis à une société civile en expansion en Asie de contester les politiques et pratiques qui ont pour effet d'opprimer les migrants. Bien qu'il reste de nombreux obstacles juridiques et institutionnels à la justice sociale dans les pays importateurs de main-d'oeuvre, certaines des actions menées par les nationaux et les migrants marquent un progrès sensible vers la réalisation des droits des travailleurs migrants.

Programa Oficial de Doutoramento en Investigación Agraria e Forestal. 5022V01 ; [Resumo] América Latina e, en particular, Arxentina presentan altas taxas de crecemento da poboación nas últimas décadas; de feito, son superiores ás rexistradas en todo o mundo. Outro fenómeno demográfico a destacar dende mediados do século XX ata a actualidade é a migración da poboación dende as zonas rurais cara as zonas urbanas, xerando un aumento de concentración das persoas que viven nas cidades. Esta situación xera grandes presións e efectos sobre o medio ambiente. O sistema natural serve como soporte físico para todas as actividades humanas: desde a explotación de recursos naturais para obter alimentos, a construción, as necesidades enerxéticas, e a ocupación de terras para apoiar a crecente demanda de vivenda, etc, ata o uso de sitios de eliminación de residuos e a alteración de masas de auga para eliminar os efluentes. Por estes motivos, é necesario considerar o desenvolvemento planificado do territorio como un eixo principal de traballo en calquera administración do goberno, xa que contribuirá a xerar cidades e países sostibles e con resiliencia. Neste contexto, o crecemento de moitas cidades arxentinas acontece territorialmente nun espazo chamado por varios autores como "periurbano". A maior parte das persoas que se dedican ao estudo destes espazos ou territorios están de acordo en definilos como unha franxa marxinal de transición urbano-rural, que só é parcialmente asimilada polo proceso de dispersión urbana e que conserva atributos típicamente rurais. Este espazo xorde como resultado dun proceso aleatorio de crecemento urbano, que fai avances irregulares entre distintos puntos da cidade, xerando así un patrón heteroxéneo de usos do solo que normalmente singularizan esta franxa. O periurbano caracterízase por situacións de especulación, diversidade no uso do solo e polo desenvolvemento de hábitats dispersos que carecen frecuentemente dos servizos e equipamentos necesarios. Nestes espazos de transición, hai problemas socioambientais relevantes derivados da expansión e crecemento das cidades e das formas predominantes de produción agrícola.O periurbano presenta un elevado dinamismo e as rápidas transformacións evidenciadas amosan as limitacións que presenta o seu estudo como se fose só unha dicotomía entre rural e urbano. A complexidade do periurbano, explica que a análise urbano-rural das áreas en expansión baseada no modelo tradicional de oposición campo-cidade, non é suficiente para comprender os procesos que neles se producen. Esta complexidade suxire un proceso que debe ser xestionado por diversos actores, polo que o concepto de gobernanza e é unha posibilidade de enfoque. Vista a necesidade, este proxecto busca estudar os actores presentes no territorio, caracterizalos e analizar as metodoloxías para construír procesos de gobernanza, implicados no proceso de administración e disputa deste territorio particular, considerando procesos democráticos de organización e participación social, que contribuirán a conseguir un crecemento harmónico co medio ambiente, diminuirán as desigualdades sociais e desenvolverán as economías de cidades e vilas do sur de Santa Fe. No estudo identificáronse unha serie de factores da sustentabilidade organizados en seis dimensións. Aínda que ditos factores competen ao análise do periurbano, de feito identificamos que algúns deles están relacionados co urbano (como son as formas de produción e consumo sustentables, orixinadas dende o ámbito urbano), outros co rural (formas de produción industrial de altos insumos externos que afectan a saúde das poboacións e da natureza) e xa outros son soamente propios do periurbano (por exemplo, a tenencia da terra, que pon en risco formas de produción máis sustentables). Corrobórase que o obxecto de análise da sustentabilidade non fai referencia á sustentabilidade económica, social ou ambiental, por separado, senón a un sistema no que o todo é máis que a suma das partes; por tanto a modelación é a ferramenta que permite ilustrar as relacións onde a linguaxe discursiva pode integrar as diferentes dimensións. ; [Abstract] In the last decades Latin America and, particularly, Argentina have shown rates of population growth which are, in fact, higher than those recorded worldwide. Another demographic phenomenon worth highlighting since the middle of the 20th century up to date is the population migration from the rural zone to the urban area. This situation causes significant pressures and effects on the environment. The natural system serves as a physical support for all human activities: from the exploitation of natural resources to satisfy food, construction and energy needs and the occupation of land to support the ever-increasing demand for housing, etc., to the use of final waste disposal sites and the allocation of water bodies to eliminate effluents. For these reasons, there is a need to consider a planned development of the territory as the main axis of work in any government action, as this will contribute to generate sustainable and resilient cities and countries. In this context, the growth of many Argentine cities is verified territorially in a space called "peri-urban" by several authors who have devoted themselves to its study and agree in defining it as a marginal strip of urban-rural transition which is only partially assimilated by the process of urban dispersion and preserves typically rural attributes. This space emerges as a result of a haphazard process of urban growth, which makes irregular advances among different points of the city, thus generating a heterogeneous pattern of land use that, in general, characterizes this strip of land. The peri-urban is characterized by situations of speculation, diversity in the use of the land and the development of the dispersed habitat, frequently lacking the necessary services and equipment. In these transitional spaces, relevant socio-environmental tensions and problems arise from the expansion and growth of the cities and the main methods of agricultural production. It shows a high dynamic and its fast transformations account for the limitations of its study as if it merely were a dichotomy between rural and urban. The complexity of the peri-urban explains that the urban-rural analysis of the expanding areas, based on the traditional model of rural-urban opposition, is not enough to understand the processes that take place in them. This complexity suggests a process that should be managed by different actors, so the concept of governance is a possibility of approach. In view of this need, the present project aims to study the actors present in the territory, to characterize them and analyze the methodologies to build governance processes involved in the process of administration and dispute of this particular territory, considering democratic processes of organization and social participation, which will contribute to achieve a growth in harmony with the environment, to reduce social inequalities and to develop the economies of cities and towns in the South of Santa Fe. The study identified a series of sustainability factors organized into six dimensions. Although these factors belong to the study of peri-urban areas, we identified some ones related to urban areas (such as sustainable forms of production and consumption, driven by urbanity), others related to rural areas (forms of industrial production with high external inputs that affect the health of populations and nature) and others specific to peri-urban areas (for example, land tenure, which jeopardizes more sustainable forms of production). It also was confirmed that the object of analysis of sustainability does not refer to economic, social and environmental sustainability separately, but to a system, where the whole is more than the sum of the parts; moreover, modelling is the tool that allows graphing the relationships where the discursive language allows integration of the different dimensions. ; [Resumen] América Latina y, particularmente, Argentina presentan altas tasas de crecimiento poblacional en las últimas décadas; de hecho, son mayores a las registradas a nivel mundial. Otro fenómeno demográfico para destacar desde mitad de siglo XX a la actualidad es la migración de la población desde la zona rural al ámbito urbano generando un aumento y concentración de personas viviendo en ciudades. Esta situación genera grandes presiones y efectos en el ambiente. El sistema natural sirve de soporte físico a todas las actividades humanas: desde la explotación de recursos naturales para satisfacer las necesidades alimenticias, constructivas, energéticas, la ocupación de terrenos para dar sustento a la cada vez mayor demanda habitacional, etc., hasta el uso de sitios de disposición final de residuos y la afectación de los cuerpos de agua para eliminar los efluentes. Por estas razones es necesario considerar el desarrollo planificado del territorio como un eje principal de trabajo en cualquier gestión de gobierno, ya que el mismo contribuirá a generar ciudades y países sostenibles y resilientes. En este contexto, el crecimiento de muchas ciudades argentinas se verifica territorialmente en un espacio denominado por varios autores como "periurbano", los que se han dedicado a su estudio, coinciden en definirlo como una franja marginal de transición urbano-rural, que es asimilada sólo en parte por el proceso de dispersión urbana y que conserva atributos típicamente rurales. Tal espacio emerge como resultado de un proceso azaroso de crecimiento urbano, que efectúa avances irregulares entre distintos puntos de la ciudad, generando así un patrón heterogéneo de usos del suelo que en general singulariza a esta franja. El periurbano se caracteriza por situaciones de especulación, diversidad en el uso del suelo y por el desarrollo del hábitat disperso frecuentemente carente de los servicios y equipamientos necesarios. En estos espacios de transición se manifiestan tensiones y problemas socioambientales relevantes derivados de la expansión y crecimiento de las ciudades y de las formas de producción agrícola imperantes. En el periurbano existe un alto dinamismo y las rápidas transformaciones evidenciadas dan cuenta de las limitaciones que presenta su estudio como si solamente se tratase de una dicotomía entre rural y urbano. La complejidad del periurbano explica que el análisis urbano-rural de las áreas en expansión basado en el modelo tradicional de oposición campo-ciudad no alcance para comprender los procesos que se dan en ellas. Esta complejidad sugiere un proceso que debe ser administrado por diversos actores, por lo que el concepto de gobernanza es una posibilidad de abordaje. Viendo esta necesidad, el presente proyecto busca estudiar los actores presentes en el territorio, caracterizarlos y analizar las metodologías para construir procesos de gobernanza, involucrados en el proceso de administración y disputa de este territorio particular, considerando procesos democráticos de organización y participación social, que contribuirán a lograr un crecimiento armónico con el ambiente, a disminuir las desigualdades sociales y a desarrollar economías de ciudades y pueblos del Sur de Santa Fe. En el estudio se identificaron una serie de factores de la sostenibilidad organizados en seis dimensiones. Si bien estos factores pertenecen al estudio del periurbano, identificamos algunos más relacionados con lo urbano (como son las formas de producción y consumo sostenibles, traccionadas desde la urbanidad), otros con lo rural (formas de producción industrial de altos insumos externos que afectan la salud de las poblaciones y de la naturaleza) y otros propios del periurbano (por ejemplo, la tenencia de la tierra, que pone en riesgo formas de producción más sostenibles). Se corrobora que el objeto de análisis de la sostenibilidad no hace referencia a la sostenibilidad económica, social o ambiental, por separado, sino a un sistema en el que el todo es más que la suma de las partes y la modelización es la herramienta que permite graficar las relaciones donde el lenguaje discursivo integra las diferentes dimensiones.

During the last few years, economic growth, driven by business strengthening, has been one of the pillars of public policies in different countries, to which Colombia has been no stranger. From this perspective, and within the framework of the globalized economic system, the implementation of the International Financial Reporting Standards - IFRS - brings new questions and challenges for companies. Thus, corporate financial stability has become a fundamental factor to strengthen and guarantee their growth, allowing them to face, overcome and overcome the difficulties of the changing global economic context. In this sense, the declaration of pandemic in March 2020, by the World Health Organization - WHO, imposed to the global economic system, to governments and particularly to the business sector, new challenges in terms of management, innovation and resource management, in order to overcome the effects on the economic activity and the imminent imminence of the pandemic. on economic activity and the impending crisis. This invites reflection on the adoption of measures to avoid the rapid deceleration of economic activity and its disastrous consequences for society, further motivating interdisciplinary and intersectoral dialogue for the sustainable management of resources and the minimization of risks and losses. Considering this, at the regional level, companies are faced with a difficult path to survive in the current crisis. This forces them to rethink some goals and, at the same time, invites them to review their processes in order to find strengths and opportunities, as well as to innovate and manage innovation in order to respond to the complex problems they face, thus playing a constructive role in the recovery of national economic activity, in addition to being a mitigating factor of the impact of the current crisis. This constructive role requires a historical review to reaffirm the importance of small and medium-sized regional enterprises, not only in their contribution to national production but also to socioeconomic development. Thus, guaranteeing the solvency and stability of these companies facilitates the viability of policies to return to the path of growth, making it possible to recover economic activity in a shorter period of time. Financial management becomes more relevant to mitigate, to a certain extent, the vulnerability caused by the reduction of income, revealing the urgent need to mitigate the negative effects of the strong deceleration of production and consumption that companies are currently enduring. With this panorama, In Vestigium Ire Magazine, once again, presents a series of articles, fruit of the research process of the authors, where they expose, in a very detailed and assertive way, analysis and reflections regarding business stability and strengthening, focused on small and medium enterprises in different sectors and regions of the Colombian economy, thus reiterating the commitment of the Universidad Santo Tomás to promote the dialogue of knowledge and provide solutions to the problems of the context. ; Durante los últimos años, el crecimiento económico, impulsado a partir del fortalecimiento empresarial, ha sido uno de los pilares de políticas públicas en diferentes países, a lo cual Colombia no ha sido ajeno. Desde esta perspectiva, y en el marco del sistema económico globalizado, la implementación de las normas internacionales de información financiera – NIIF-, conlleva nuevas interrogantes y retos para las empresas.Es así como la estabilidad financiera empresarial se ha convertido en un factor fundamental para fortalecer y garantizar el crecimiento de las mismas, permitiéndoles afrontar, sobre llevar y superar las dificultadesdel cambiante contexto económico global. En este sentido, la declaración de pandemia en marzo de 2020, por parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud – OMS, impuso al sistema económico global, a los gobiernos y particularmente al sector empresarial, nuevos retos en torno a la gestión, innovación y manejo de recursos, con el fin de sortear los efectos sobre la actividad económica y la inminente crisis. Lo anterior, invita a la reflexión en torno a la adopción de medidas para evitar la rápida desaceleración de la actividad económica y sus nefastas consecuencias sobre la sociedad, motivando aún más el diálogo interdisciplinar e intersectorial para el manejo sostenible de los recursos y la minimización de riesgosy pérdidas. Considerando esto, a nivel regional, las empresas se ven abocadas a recorrer un camino álgido para poder subsistir ante la crisis actual. Esto les obliga a replantearse algunas metas y, a la vez, les invita a revisar sus procesos, en pro de encontrar fortalezas y oportunidades, así como también innovar y gestionar la innovación, con el fin de dar respuesta a las problemáticas complejas que enfrentan, desempeñando entonces, un papel constructivo para la recuperación de la actividad económica nacional, además de constituir un factor mitigador del impacto de la crisis actual. Este papel constructivo requiere dar una revisión histórica que permite reafirmar la importancia de las pequeñas y medianas empresas regionales, no solo en el aporte a la producción nacional sino también aldesarrollo socioeconómico. Así pues, garantizar la solvencia y estabilidad de estas empresas, facilita viabilizar las políticas para retornar a la senda del crecimiento, posibilitando una recuperación de la actividad económica en un lapso más corto. Cobra mayor relevancia la gestión financiera para mitigar, en cierta medida, la vulnerabilidad causada por la reducción de los ingresos, revelando la necesidad urgente de paliar los efectos negativos de la fuerte desaceleración de la producción y consumo que están soportando las empresas actualmente. Con este panorama, la Revista In Vestigium Ire, una vez más, nos presenta una serie de artículos, fruto del proceso investigativo de los autores, en donde se exponen, de manera muy detallada y asertiva, análisisy reflexiones respecto a la estabilidad y fortalecimiento empresarial, enfocado a las pequeñas y medianas empresas de distintos sectores y regiones de la economía colombiana; reiterando así el compromiso de laUniversidad Santo Tomás por propiciar el diálogo de saberes y aportar soluciones a las problemáticas del contexto. ; Ces dernières années, la croissance économique, stimulée par le renforcement des entreprises, a été l'un des piliers des politiques publiques de différents pays, auquel la Colombie n'est pas étrangère. De ce point de vue, et dans le cadre du système économique mondialisé, la mise en oeuvre des normes internationales d'information financière - IFRS - entraîne de nouvelles questions et de nouveaux défispour les entreprises. Ainsi, la stabilité financière des entreprises est devenue un facteur fondamental pour renforcer et garantir leur croissance, en leur permettant d'affronter, de surmonter et de dominer les difficultés liées à l'évolution du contexte économique mondial. Dans ce sens, la déclaration de pandémie en mars 2020, par l'Organisation mondiale de la santé - OMS, a imposé au système économique mondial, aux gouvernements et particulièrement au secteur des affaires,de nouveaux défis autour de la gestion, de l'innovation et de la gestion des ressources, afin de surmonter les effets sur l'activité économique et la crise imminente. Cela invite à réfléchir à l'adoption de mesures visant à éviter le ralentissement rapide de l'activité économique et ses conséquences néfastes sur la société, motivant davantage le dialogue interdisciplinaire et intersectoriel pour la gestion durable des ressources et la minimisation des risques et des pertes. Compte tenu de ce qui précède, au niveau régional, les entreprises sont obligées d'emprunter un chemin difficile pour survivre face à la crise actuelle. Cela les oblige à repenser certains objectifs et, dans le même temps, les invite à revoir leurs processus afin de trouver des points forts et des opportunités, ainsi qu'à innover et à gérer l'innovation afin de répondre aux problèmes complexes auxquels ils sont confrontés, jouant ainsi un rôle constructif dans la reprise de l'activité économique nationale, en plus d'être unfacteur d'atténuation de l'impact de la crise actuelle. Ce rôle constructif nécessite une révision historique qui permet de réaffirmer l'importance des petites et moyennes entreprises régionales, non seulement dans la contribution à la production nationale mais aussi au développement socio-économique. Ainsi, garantir la solvabilité et la stabilité de ces entreprises facilite la viabilité des politiques de retour sur le chemin de la croissance, permettant une reprise de l'activité économique dans un délai plus court. La gestion financière devient plus pertinente pour atténuer, dans une certaine mesure, la vulnérabilité causée par la réduction des revenus, révélant le besoin urgent de pallier les effets négatifs de la forte décélération de la production et de la consommation que les entreprises subissent actuellement. Avec ce panorama, la revue In Vestigium Ire, une fois de plus, nous présente une série d'articles, fruit du processus de recherche des auteurs, dans lesquels ils présentent, de manière très détaillée et affirmée, des analyses et des réflexions sur la stabilité et le renforcement des entreprises, centrées sur les petites et moyennes entreprises des différents secteurs et régions de l'économie colombienne ; réitérant ainsi l'engagement de l'Université Santo Tomás à promouvoir le dialogue des connaissances et à apporterdes solutions aux problèmes du contexte. ; Nos últimos anos, o crescimento económico, impulsionado pelo fortalecimento das empresas, tem sido um dos pilares das políticas públicas em diferentes países, aos quais a Colômbia não tem sido alheia. Nesta perspectiva, e no quadro do sistema económico globalizado, a implementação de normas internacionais de informação financeira - IFRS - traz novas questões e desafios para as empresas. Assim, a estabilidade financeira das empresas tornou-se um factor fundamental para reforçar e garantir o seu crescimento, permitindo- lhes enfrentar, superar e superar as dificuldades do contexto económico global em mudança. Neste sentido, a declaração de pandemia em Março de 2020, pela Organização Mundial de Saúde - OMS, imposta ao sistema económico global, governos e particularmente ao sector empresarial, novos desafios em torno da gestão, inovação e gestão de recursos, a fim de superar os efeitos sobre a actividadeeconómica e a crise iminente. Isto convida à reflexão sobre a adopção de medidas para evitar a rápida desaceleração da actividade económica e as suas consequências nefastas na sociedade, motivando ainda mais o diálogo interdisciplinar e intersectorial para a gestão sustentável dos recursos e a minimização dos riscos e perdas. Considerando isto, a nível regional, as empresas são forçadas a tomar um caminho difícil para sobreviverem face à crise actual. Isto obriga-os a repensar alguns objectivos e, ao mesmo tempo, convida-os a rever os seus processos de modo a encontrar pontos fortes e oportunidades, bem como a inovar e gerir a inovação de modo a responder aos problemas complexos que enfrentam, desempenhando assim um papel construtivo na recuperação da actividade económica nacional, para além de ser um factor atenuante do impacto da actual crise. Este papel construtivo exige uma revisão histórica que permita reafirmar a importância das pequenas e médias empresas regionais, não só na contribuição para a produção nacional mas também para odesenvolvimento socioeconómico. Assim, garantir a solvência e a estabilidade destas empresas facilita a viabilidade das políticas de regresso à via do crescimento, permitindo uma recuperação da actividade económica num período de tempo mais curto. A gestão financeira torna-se mais relevante para mitigar, em certa medida, a vulnerabilidade causada pela redução dos rendimentos, revelando a necessidade urgente de paliar os efeitos negativos da forte desaceleração da produção e do consumo que as empresas estão actualmente a suportar. Com este panorama, In Vestigium Ire Magazine, apresenta-nos mais uma vez uma série de artigos, fruto do processo de investigação dos autores, nos quais apresentam, de forma muito detalhada e assertiva,análises e reflexões sobre a estabilidade e o fortalecimento das empresas, centradas nas pequenas e médias empresas de diferentes sectores e regiões da economia colombiana; reiterando assim o compromisso da Universidade Santo Tomás de promover o diálogo do conhecimento e fornecer soluções para os problemas do contexto.

During the last few years, economic growth, driven by business strengthening, has been one of the pillars of public policies in different countries, to which Colombia has been no stranger. From this perspective, and within the framework of the globalized economic system, the implementation of the International Financial Reporting Standards - IFRS - brings new questions and challenges for companies. Thus, corporate financial stability has become a fundamental factor to strengthen and guarantee their growth, allowing them to face, overcome and overcome the difficulties of the changing global economic context. In this sense, the declaration of pandemic in March 2020, by the World Health Organization - WHO, imposed to the global economic system, to governments and particularly to the business sector, new challenges in terms of management, innovation and resource management, in order to overcome the effects on the economic activity and the imminent imminence of the pandemic. on economic activity and the impending crisis. This invites reflection on the adoption of measures to avoid the rapid deceleration of economic activity and its disastrous consequences for society, further motivating interdisciplinary and intersectoral dialogue for the sustainable management of resources and the minimization of risks and losses. Considering this, at the regional level, companies are faced with a difficult path to survive in the current crisis. This forces them to rethink some goals and, at the same time, invites them to review their processes in order to find strengths and opportunities, as well as to innovate and manage innovation in order to respond to the complex problems they face, thus playing a constructive role in the recovery of national economic activity, in addition to being a mitigating factor of the impact of the current crisis. This constructive role requires a historical review to reaffirm the importance of small and medium-sized regional enterprises, not only in their contribution to national production but also to socioeconomic development. Thus, guaranteeing the solvency and stability of these companies facilitates the viability of policies to return to the path of growth, making it possible to recover economic activity in a shorter period of time. Financial management becomes more relevant to mitigate, to a certain extent, the vulnerability caused by the reduction of income, revealing the urgent need to mitigate the negative effects of the strong deceleration of production and consumption that companies are currently enduring. With this panorama, In Vestigium Ire Magazine, once again, presents a series of articles, fruit of the research process of the authors, where they expose, in a very detailed and assertive way, analysis and reflections regarding business stability and strengthening, focused on small and medium enterprises in different sectors and regions of the Colombian economy, thus reiterating the commitment of the Universidad Santo Tomás to promote the dialogue of knowledge and provide solutions to the problems of the context. ; Durante los últimos años, el crecimiento económico, impulsado a partir del fortalecimiento empresarial, ha sido uno de los pilares de políticas públicas en diferentes países, a lo cual Colombia no ha sido ajeno. Desde esta perspectiva, y en el marco del sistema económico globalizado, la implementación de las normas internacionales de información financiera – NIIF-, conlleva nuevas interrogantes y retos para las empresas.Es así como la estabilidad financiera empresarial se ha convertido en un factor fundamental para fortalecer y garantizar el crecimiento de las mismas, permitiéndoles afrontar, sobre llevar y superar las dificultadesdel cambiante contexto económico global. En este sentido, la declaración de pandemia en marzo de 2020, por parte de la Organización Mundial de la Salud – OMS, impuso al sistema económico global, a los gobiernos y particularmente al sector empresarial, nuevos retos en torno a la gestión, innovación y manejo de recursos, con el fin de sortear los efectos sobre la actividad económica y la inminente crisis. Lo anterior, invita a la reflexión en torno a la adopción de medidas para evitar la rápida desaceleración de la actividad económica y sus nefastas consecuencias sobre la sociedad, motivando aún más el diálogo interdisciplinar e intersectorial para el manejo sostenible de los recursos y la minimización de riesgosy pérdidas. Considerando esto, a nivel regional, las empresas se ven abocadas a recorrer un camino álgido para poder subsistir ante la crisis actual. Esto les obliga a replantearse algunas metas y, a la vez, les invita a revisar sus procesos, en pro de encontrar fortalezas y oportunidades, así como también innovar y gestionar la innovación, con el fin de dar respuesta a las problemáticas complejas que enfrentan, desempeñando entonces, un papel constructivo para la recuperación de la actividad económica nacional, además de constituir un factor mitigador del impacto de la crisis actual. Este papel constructivo requiere dar una revisión histórica que permite reafirmar la importancia de las pequeñas y medianas empresas regionales, no solo en el aporte a la producción nacional sino también aldesarrollo socioeconómico. Así pues, garantizar la solvencia y estabilidad de estas empresas, facilita viabilizar las políticas para retornar a la senda del crecimiento, posibilitando una recuperación de la actividad económica en un lapso más corto. Cobra mayor relevancia la gestión financiera para mitigar, en cierta medida, la vulnerabilidad causada por la reducción de los ingresos, revelando la necesidad urgente de paliar los efectos negativos de la fuerte desaceleración de la producción y consumo que están soportando las empresas actualmente. Con este panorama, la Revista In Vestigium Ire, una vez más, nos presenta una serie de artículos, fruto del proceso investigativo de los autores, en donde se exponen, de manera muy detallada y asertiva, análisisy reflexiones respecto a la estabilidad y fortalecimiento empresarial, enfocado a las pequeñas y medianas empresas de distintos sectores y regiones de la economía colombiana; reiterando así el compromiso de laUniversidad Santo Tomás por propiciar el diálogo de saberes y aportar soluciones a las problemáticas del contexto. ; Ces dernières années, la croissance économique, stimulée par le renforcement des entreprises, a été l'un des piliers des politiques publiques de différents pays, auquel la Colombie n'est pas étrangère. De ce point de vue, et dans le cadre du système économique mondialisé, la mise en oeuvre des normes internationales d'information financière - IFRS - entraîne de nouvelles questions et de nouveaux défispour les entreprises. Ainsi, la stabilité financière des entreprises est devenue un facteur fondamental pour renforcer et garantir leur croissance, en leur permettant d'affronter, de surmonter et de dominer les difficultés liées à l'évolution du contexte économique mondial. Dans ce sens, la déclaration de pandémie en mars 2020, par l'Organisation mondiale de la santé - OMS, a imposé au système économique mondial, aux gouvernements et particulièrement au secteur des affaires,de nouveaux défis autour de la gestion, de l'innovation et de la gestion des ressources, afin de surmonter les effets sur l'activité économique et la crise imminente. Cela invite à réfléchir à l'adoption de mesures visant à éviter le ralentissement rapide de l'activité économique et ses conséquences néfastes sur la société, motivant davantage le dialogue interdisciplinaire et intersectoriel pour la gestion durable des ressources et la minimisation des risques et des pertes. Compte tenu de ce qui précède, au niveau régional, les entreprises sont obligées d'emprunter un chemin difficile pour survivre face à la crise actuelle. Cela les oblige à repenser certains objectifs et, dans le même temps, les invite à revoir leurs processus afin de trouver des points forts et des opportunités, ainsi qu'à innover et à gérer l'innovation afin de répondre aux problèmes complexes auxquels ils sont confrontés, jouant ainsi un rôle constructif dans la reprise de l'activité économique nationale, en plus d'être unfacteur d'atténuation de l'impact de la crise actuelle. Ce rôle constructif nécessite une révision historique qui permet de réaffirmer l'importance des petites et moyennes entreprises régionales, non seulement dans la contribution à la production nationale mais aussi au développement socio-économique. Ainsi, garantir la solvabilité et la stabilité de ces entreprises facilite la viabilité des politiques de retour sur le chemin de la croissance, permettant une reprise de l'activité économique dans un délai plus court. La gestion financière devient plus pertinente pour atténuer, dans une certaine mesure, la vulnérabilité causée par la réduction des revenus, révélant le besoin urgent de pallier les effets négatifs de la forte décélération de la production et de la consommation que les entreprises subissent actuellement. Avec ce panorama, la revue In Vestigium Ire, une fois de plus, nous présente une série d'articles, fruit du processus de recherche des auteurs, dans lesquels ils présentent, de manière très détaillée et affirmée, des analyses et des réflexions sur la stabilité et le renforcement des entreprises, centrées sur les petites et moyennes entreprises des différents secteurs et régions de l'économie colombienne ; réitérant ainsi l'engagement de l'Université Santo Tomás à promouvoir le dialogue des connaissances et à apporterdes solutions aux problèmes du contexte. ; Nos últimos anos, o crescimento económico, impulsionado pelo fortalecimento das empresas, tem sido um dos pilares das políticas públicas em diferentes países, aos quais a Colômbia não tem sido alheia. Nesta perspectiva, e no quadro do sistema económico globalizado, a implementação de normas internacionais de informação financeira - IFRS - traz novas questões e desafios para as empresas. Assim, a estabilidade financeira das empresas tornou-se um factor fundamental para reforçar e garantir o seu crescimento, permitindo- lhes enfrentar, superar e superar as dificuldades do contexto económico global em mudança. Neste sentido, a declaração de pandemia em Março de 2020, pela Organização Mundial de Saúde - OMS, imposta ao sistema económico global, governos e particularmente ao sector empresarial, novos desafios em torno da gestão, inovação e gestão de recursos, a fim de superar os efeitos sobre a actividadeeconómica e a crise iminente. Isto convida à reflexão sobre a adopção de medidas para evitar a rápida desaceleração da actividade económica e as suas consequências nefastas na sociedade, motivando ainda mais o diálogo interdisciplinar e intersectorial para a gestão sustentável dos recursos e a minimização dos riscos e perdas. Considerando isto, a nível regional, as empresas são forçadas a tomar um caminho difícil para sobreviverem face à crise actual. Isto obriga-os a repensar alguns objectivos e, ao mesmo tempo, convida-os a rever os seus processos de modo a encontrar pontos fortes e oportunidades, bem como a inovar e gerir a inovação de modo a responder aos problemas complexos que enfrentam, desempenhando assim um papel construtivo na recuperação da actividade económica nacional, para além de ser um factor atenuante do impacto da actual crise. Este papel construtivo exige uma revisão histórica que permita reafirmar a importância das pequenas e médias empresas regionais, não só na contribuição para a produção nacional mas também para odesenvolvimento socioeconómico. Assim, garantir a solvência e a estabilidade destas empresas facilita a viabilidade das políticas de regresso à via do crescimento, permitindo uma recuperação da actividade económica num período de tempo mais curto. A gestão financeira torna-se mais relevante para mitigar, em certa medida, a vulnerabilidade causada pela redução dos rendimentos, revelando a necessidade urgente de paliar os efeitos negativos da forte desaceleração da produção e do consumo que as empresas estão actualmente a suportar. Com este panorama, In Vestigium Ire Magazine, apresenta-nos mais uma vez uma série de artigos, fruto do processo de investigação dos autores, nos quais apresentam, de forma muito detalhada e assertiva,análises e reflexões sobre a estabilidade e o fortalecimento das empresas, centradas nas pequenas e médias empresas de diferentes sectores e regiões da economia colombiana; reiterando assim o compromisso da Universidade Santo Tomás de promover o diálogo do conhecimento e fornecer soluções para os problemas do contexto.

Soviet and post-Soviet historians have not paid enough attention to the US National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) – the U.S. principal archive that preserves historical documentary sources of national importance. In the United States the history of the National Archives is presented in the works of Wayne C. Grover, Donald R. McCoy, H.G. Jones, Herman J. Viola, Anna Bruner Eales and other authors. The 1940-1950's in NARA's history is one of the most important periods, the time of "maturing and gaining self-awareness", which the author intends to explore in this article. NARA, established in 1934, tried to represent itself as a very important state agency. During World War II, NARA received a significant number of historical documents of the federal executive departments for storage, executed thousands of requests from civilian and military government agencies, popularized historical documents in order to reinforce a sense of patriotism, created thousands of security copies, let their premises to important military defense offices, made important steps to save documents of the occupied countries. Due to the services, rendered by archivists to the U.S. Army and Navy, NARA got the title of "National Defense Agency." Immediately after the war, the Second Archivist of the USA Solon J. Buck suggested creating the International Council on Archives and the UNO Archives. Prominent American archivists Waldo Gifford Leland, one of the founders of (NARA) the National Archives, Chairman of the Committee on Conservation of Cultural Resources, Collas G. Harris, the head of an Archives committee on protection against the hazards of war, Vernon D. Tate, the head of NARA photo archives department, Philip M. Hamer, the Records Control Officer NARA contributed to the development of the records' saving methods during the war. Ernst Posner, a scholar and lecturer at the American University, headed of the project on compilation of guides of archives in Germany, Italy and many occupied countries. The guides were created in order to save the repositories and documentary treasures they contained. Under the leadership of Philip M. Hamer the staff of the National Archives prepared "Guides to Records of World War II" for print. Consequently, archivists believed they were able to prove the value of archives as a strategic state informational resource that preserves nation's historical documents and provides government institutions with important retrospective information. However, in the postwar years, the government made decisions unfavorable for further development of the National Archives. Before and during the war an extraordinary number of documents in need of appraisal and disposal were accumulated in federal departments. In 1943 Congress issued the «Records Disposal Act» which demanded institutions to submit schedules of records, allocated for destruction to the U.S. Archivist. However, the devising of schedules progressed slowly. In 1945 amendments to the Act were adopted, which authorized the Archivist of the United States to compile mandatory General schedules. In 1946 President Harry S. Truman signed EO 9784 "Providing for the More Efficient Use and for the Transfer and Other Disposition of Government Records". This order required the departments of the executive branch to implement records management programs, and made NARA responsible for control and coordination in the area of the records management. It seemed that the measures taken to resolve the problem of appraisal and records management were sufficient. In 1947 the Commission on the Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government was established in the U.S. government, headed by the former U.S. President Herbert Hoover. Although Hoover declared that the reorganization was necessary for management simplification, clarity of the executive branch of power's policies, according to the Constitution of the United States, the real purpose of reorganization was the executive branch's attempt to take over all possible functions of governance, strengthening the status of major federal departments and cost savings. A special group was created as a part of the Commission. Its task was to survey the records management in federal agencies and provide recommendations for its improvement. Emmett J. Leahy led the group. He suggested the creation of a Federal Records Administration, incorporating it as a component of the National Archives and all the repositories, that stored non-current federal government documents, and passing a law to coordinate formation, storage, management and destruction of records procedures, appointing a person responsible for records management in each department, developing and implementing the relevant standards and regulations. However, the only Leahy's proposal the members of the Hoover Commission realized concerned NARA association with the General Services Administration (GSA), the office, responsible for ensuring the operation of public institutions and their buildings, transport and so on. The Third Archivist of the USA Wayne C. Grover (1948-1965) directed his own suggestions to the Hoover Commission, in which he appealed against the decision to establish a new Administration and insisted that NARA was able to successfully perform the functions of records management on its own. Opponents criticized Leahy for the narrowness of the aim he pursued: the problem of reducing the quantity of records and saving space for their storage. They made hints that he was more concerned with how to "sell" his idea to the Commission, than the communal benefit. They also pointed out the lack of alternatives and the uncertain status of the National Archives. Their fears were justified. On June 30, 1949 «Federal Property and Administrative Services Act» (PL 152) concerning federal property and administrative services was adopted, according to which all government records were declared federal property, centralized management was entrusted to GSA, which the National Archives and Records Service (NARS) was subjected to. With a few exceptions, the law passed in 1949 ensured that all the U.S. Archivist's responsibilities were passed to the head of GSA. Archives lost its authority as an independent government agency, and even changed its name from NARA to NARS. This resulted in the inability of the National Archives to conduct independent policy in the field of archival affairs and to control human resources and finances, which adversely affected the further development of the Archives. In 1953 U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961) intended to politicize the post of the Archivist, to remove W.C. Grover from the office and appoint a politician. In 1965 Grover resigned because of a conflict with GSA regarding Archives funding cuts. Before that he had written a letter to President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-1969) with a request to reestablish the National Archives into an independent agency. For 25 years the conflict between the GSA and NARS had been developing into a state of "war" in which, fortunately for American Archivists, they achieved a victory, returning not only the name but also the independence and rights to the Archives in 1985. Changes in the archives legislation concerning U.S. Archives in the 1940s – 1950s improved the records management in federal agencies: General and specific schedules were introduced, the activities of institutions in the field of records management were regulated, the rules for records disposition were established, retention periods were determined, destruction procedures were standardized, federal records centers were founded. Institutions were freed from aggravating work with noncurrent records, receiving an opportunity to transfer them to temporary repositories, appraisal and subsequent disposal in records centers. Activities of federal agencies in the area of records were subjected to centralized management, coordination and control by NARS. In fact, NARS powers were increased with the right to the records management programs control of the life cycle of documents from the formation in an institution until the final disposition. This was a significant step forward in comparison with the situation in the first half of the XX century. It ensured systematic acquisition of records of historical value by NARS and prevented the loss of valuable documents. Assessment of the guidelines given to the government by Hoover Commission is not high. The National Archives as an independent agency of the executive branch could have implemented its tasks in the field of records management on its own without unnecessary complications. Instead, it was held "captive" for 25 years (in the words of American Archivists) by the GSA and worked under pressure of an unresolved conflict which was time and energy consuming for the archivists. The examined period in the history of the National Archives of the United States (1940-1950's) was important both in terms of archives' achievements in practicing their trade and in terms of understanding their role as archivists. American archivists managed to prove to their federal departments the importance of transferring documents to be stored in the Archives and showed department heads that the Archives are a federal agency, which guarantees and reliably ensures the safety of government records and information as well as institutions' services. Later on, the heads of federal agencies had no doubts about the wisdom of submitting records to the NARA. Archives' informational activities didn't focus solely on executing state civilian and military agencies' requests, but on actively popularizing historical documents among officials, military men and citizens too. Actions, intended to popularize historical documents, helped to form a positive image of archives in the community. For the United States it was of great importance as American citizens as taxpayers assess the necessity of an institution's existence in terms of its cost justification. Activities of American archivists had a positive impact on the safety of occupied countries' documents. Contribution to the salvage of documents of other countries positively influenced the perception of the United States as one of the founders of the International Council on Archives by the international archival community. Decisions taken by the U.S. government in the postwar years were positive as a whole. Firstly, a strict records management system was implemented in federal agencies. The problem of appraisal and temporary storage of records was solved. Second, the loss of National Archives status as an independent public entity, which negatively reflected on all of the Archives' activities until 1985, taught archivists a lesson. Archivists realized that their mission was not to be clerks, who perform routine paperwork, but as guardians of history. W.C. Grover commented on this in his farewell letter to the staff of the Archives: «These missions, as I have repeated many times, are important. They are at the center of man's effort to preserve and carry forward civilization itself. "The written word endures" - at least such portions of the word as we archivists decide are worth preserving! It is a worrisome and responsible task, but I can't think of a nobler one in this rather uncivilized era we find ourselves». It took years for archivists to overcome the resistance of politicians and government officials, return an independent status to the Archives, eliminate the threat of politicization and turn archival branch into a separate independent public system. This does not mean that the U.S. archival branch and National Archives today operate without problems, but they experienced a period of "maturing and gaining self-awareness", which allowed archivists to move on to a new level of perception and representation of themselves and their role in State and society. ; Освещена история Национального архива США в период Второй мировой войны и первые послевоенные годы, усилия архивистов, направленные на организацию экспертизы ценности и обеспечение сохранности документов департаментов федерального правительства, популяризацию исторических источников; деятельность первой и второй Гуверовских комиссий, изменения законодательства в отраслях архивного дела и управления документацией в США в 1940-1950-х гг. Особенное внимание уделено статусу Национального архива США как самостоятельного органа исполнительной ветви власти и стратегического информационного ресурса государства ; Висвітлено історію Національного архіву США у період Другої світової війни та перші повоєнні роки, зусилля архівістів з організації експертизи цінності та забезпечення збереженості документів департаментів федерального уряду, популяризації історичних джерел; діяльність першої та другої Гуверівських комісій, зміни законодавства у галузі архівної справи та у сфері управління документацією у США у 1940-1950-х рр. Особливу увагу приділено статусу Національного архіву США як самостійного органу виконавчої гілки влади та стратегічного інформаційного ресурсу держави

A comprehensive examination of the relevant facts in the article shows that Turkey was one of the first to recognize the independence of Armenia, but no diplomatic relations were established between the countries, since Ankara presented the Armenian authorities some preconditions: not to mention the 1915 Armenian Genocide, to renounce claims officially, to put pressure on to stop the struggle for Nagorno-Karabakh, to recognize the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Azerbaijan. At the same time, Turkey demanded that the Republic of Armenia refrain from actions contrary to the interests of Turkey and in any way neutralize the anti-Turkish activities of the Armenians of the Diaspora. The Republic of Armenia rejected these preconditions and requirements, which are incompatible with the international practice. Turkey, in its turn, took a pronounced anti-Armenian position, unilaterally closing the border with Armenia, continuing to keep Armenia in a blockade. Therefore, it is no coincidence that Turkey's approaches to normalizing relations with Armenia were largely conditioned by the achievements of the Armenian armed forces in Artsakh, because the more obvious these successes, the tougher Turkey's position towards Armenia became. This manifested itself during the liberation of Karvachar (early April 1993) by the armed forces of Armenia, after which Turkey not only closed the border, but also began to accumulate troops near the border with Armenia, but Russia's sharp reaction deterred Turkey from further actions. We consider it appropriate to mention that during the period under discussion, such an approach of Turkey to the issue of normalizing relations with Armenia posed a serious threat to our national security. Analyzing the influence of the economic factor of mutual interest in the Armenian-Turkish relations, it was emphasized that no matter how favorable the development of economic relations with Armenia is for Turkey, Armenia is not of serious interest for Turkey in terms of its economic development. Some activation does not give us grounds to characterize this as a serious breakthrough in the normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations. Therefore, it is no coincidence that, given a certain perspective of the Armenian-Turkish economic cooperation, the Turkish side tried to create the illusion of some progress in the Armenian-Turkish relations with the Armenian leadership, thereby prompting the Armenian leadership to convince the diaspora to stop encouraging the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide. This circumstance, of course, also testifies to the impact of the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide on the Armenian-Turkish relations. As for the economic factor, the fact that the Armenian leadership did not properly analyze in previous period the initiatives of the Turkish side to intensify economic contacts between the two countries, did not even catch the moment that the economic factor and the Turkish version of the solution to the Karabakh conflict were combined. Meanwhile, with the preconditions put forward, Turkey tried to make Armenia its servant, and through it to dictate its will to the Armenians of the Diaspora. Concerning the Armenian-Turkish contacts at the level of non-governmental organizations, it was noted that the activities of such organizations were initially doomed to failure due to the extremely opposite views of the parties. The leadership of the Republic of Armenia at that time, being aware of such contacts, however, did not properly analyze their possible positive and negative consequences both for the Republic of Armenia and for the Diaspora: it did not express a clear position on this issue. Meanwhile, the subsequent course of the events showed that Turkey, using the presence of such contacts, tried to move the issue of the Armenian Genocide from the political sphere to the sphere of scientific and public discussions, once again striving to stop the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide. By and large, the same goal was pursued by the slogan "zero problems with neighbors" put forward by the Turkish leadership, which, despite the specific steps taken, does not lead to the normalization of the Armenian-Turkish relations. Thus, sometimes positive glimpses in the policy of the Turkish leadership in the relations with Armenia can be explained by various geopolitical interests of Turkey, in particular, the issue of joining the European Union. Specific facts have proved that even the fact of signing the famous Zurich Protocols on October 10, 2009 could not force Turkey to fulfill its obligations, to refuse to put forward preconditions for the establishing diplomatic relations with Armenia. Analyzing the content of the Zurich Protocols, it was noted that this does not fully meet the vital interests of all Armenians, since certain provisions of the protocols, especially the provision on mutual recognition of borders, make it senseless to continue the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide, as well as steps to be taken to overcome consequences. Particular attention was paid to the fact that during the period under discussion a new phenomenon was observed in the process of the international recognition of the Armenian Genocide: some European countries are adopting laws criminalizing the denial of the genocide, some of which cannot be called finalized, which also affects the process itself in future. Summing up the results of the efforts of the second president of Armenia to normalize the Armenian-Turkish relations, it was emphasized that they, like during his predecessors, did not lead to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries, and Turkey, in fact, got one more chance to show the world its "passionate desire" to settle relations with Armenia. Presenting the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide and the further process of recognition in the context of the Armenian-Turkish relations, the article draws special attention to the fact that on the eve of the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, official Turkey does not change its policy of denial of the Armenian Genocide, nevertheless, it makes some changes into the strategy. The meaning of such changes was the theses put forward by Erdogan and Davutoglu about "common grief" and "fair memory". It was emphasized that such a new manifestation of Turkish denial was no less dangerous, since it was an attempt to equate "executioner" with "victim". It was further noted that this approach of Turkey did not give tangible results, since in the context of the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide, the process of the official recognition and condemnation of the Armenian Genocide by various countries and authoritative international organizations continued. The fact that after the adoption of the resolution on the Centennial of the Armenian Genocide in the Armenian realities the issue of transferring the Genocide to the legal field, in addition to the recognition of the Genocide, and the improvement of the international law, introducing a new wording - "patricide", was not ignored. In this regard, it was emphasized that the implementation of such an idea, although welcomed, would require tremendous efforts and energy. In addition, the idea was noted that the possibility of implementing these provisions will be much greater if Armenia becomes one of the influential "players" in the region, dictating its own rules of the game. As for the further efforts of the Armenian authorities to establish diplomatic relations between the two countries, it is obvious that it was not endlessly possible to endure Turkey's destructive approach to this issue. Consequently, the speech of the President of the Republic of Armenia on September 20, 2017 at the UN General Assembly was the first logical step towards the abolition of the Zurich Protocols by the Republic of Armenia, a process that came to its logical conclusion on March 1, 2018 by the decree of the President of the Republic of Armenia "On the termination of the procedure for establishing the Armenian Turkish relations". Not only did Turkey not establish diplomatic relations with Armenia, but 100 years after the Turkish-Armenian war, on September 27, 2020, it made an attempt to forcefully resolve its precondition on the Artsakh question. Through the direct instigation and support to "fraternal" Azerbaijan, it unleashed the war against the Republic of Artsakh and the Republic of Armenia, and, through military aggression, about 75% of the territory of the Republic of Artsakh was captured, not only 7 previously liberated regions, but also Hadrut and Shushi. Not satisfied with all this, on the advice of the same Turkey, Azerbaijan, in May 2021, invaded the sovereign territory of the independent Republic of Armenia, creating a real threat to the existence of the Armenian statehood, a real "threat to the security of the Armenian people", trying to connect Azerbaijan and Turkey through the so-called Zangezur corridor through Nakhichevan for the implementation of the long-standing program of Pan-Turkism. ; Հոդվածում համապատասխան փաստերի համակողմանի քննությամբ ցույց է տրված, որ թեև Թուրքիան առաջիններից մեկը ճանաչեց Հայաստանի անկախությունը, բայց նրա հետ դիվանագիտական հարաբերություններ չհաստատվեցին, քանզի Անկարան հայկական իշխանություններին նախապայմաններ ներկայացրեց չհիշատակել 1915թ․ Հայոց ցեղասպանությունը, պաշտոնապես հրաժարվել պահանջատիրությունից, ճնշում գործադրել Լեռնային Ղարաբաղի վրա՝ դադարեցնելու պայքարը և ընդունելու Ադրբեջանի գերակայությունն ու տարածքային ամբողջականությունը։ Միաժամանակ պահանջեց, որ Հայաստանի հանրապետությունը զերծ մնա Թուրքիայի շահերին հակասող գործողություններից և ամեն կերպ չեզոքացնեի սփյուռքահայության հակաթուրքական գործունեությունը; Հայաստանի հանրապետությունը մերժեց միջազգային պրակտիկային անհարիր այս նախապայմաններն ու պահանջները։ Թուրքիան իր հերթին որդեգրեց ընգծված հակահայկական դիրքորոշում, միակողմանիորեն փակելով ՀՀ-ի հետ սահմանը, շարունակելով շրջափակման մեջ պահել Հայաստանը։ Ուստի պատահական չէր, որ Թուրքիայի մոտեցումները՝ ՀՀ-ի հետ հարաբերությունները կարգավորելու հարցում մեծապես պայմանավորված էին նաև Արցախում հայկական զինված ուժերի ձեռքբերումներով, քանզի որքան ակնառու էին այդ հաջողությունները, այնքան ավելի էր կոշտանում Թուրքիայի դիրքորոշումը ՀՀ-ի նկատմամբ։ Դա դրսևորվեց հայկական զինված ուժերի կողմից Քարվաճառի (1993թ․ ապրիլի սկզբին) ազատագրման ժամանակ, որից հետո Թուրքիան ոչ միայն փակեց սահմանը, այլև Հայաստանի հետ սահմանաներձ շրջանում զորքեր սկսեց կուտակել, սակայն Ռուսաստանի կտրուկ անդրադարձը Թուրքիային հետ պահեց իր հետագա գործողություններից։ Կարծում ենք սխալված չենք լինի, եթե նշենք, որ քննարկվող ժամանակաշրջանում Թուրքիայի նման մոտեցումը ՀՀ-ի հետ հարաբերությունները կարգավորելու հարցում լուրջ սպառնալիք էր մեր ազգային անվտանգությունը։ Վերլուծելով հայ-թուրքական հարաբերություններում երկուստեք հետաքրքություն ներկայացնող տնտեսական գործոնի ազդեցությունը , շեշտվել է այն հանգամանքը, որ որքան էլ ՀՀ-ի հետ տնտեսական շփումների զարգացումը ձեռնտու էր Թուրքիային, այդուհանդերձ, Հայաստանն իր տնտեսական զարգացման մակարդակով Թուրքիայի համար լուրջ հետաքրքրություն չէր ներկայացնում և հայ-թուրքական շփումներում նկատվող որոշակի աշխուժացումը, մեզ բավարար հիմք չի տալիս բնութագրել այն որպես լուրջ բեկում հայ-թուրքական հարաբերությունների կարգավորման հարցում: Ոստի, ամենևին էլ պատահական չէր, որ հայ- թուրքական տնտեսական փոխհամագործակցության որոշակի հեռանկարով թուրքական կողմը փորձում էր ՀՀ ղեկավարության մոտ հայ-թուրքական հարաբերություններում որոշակի առաջընթացի պատրանք ստեղծել և դրանով իսկ շահագրգռել ՀՀ ղեկավարությանը' համոզելու Սփյուռքին ևս հետ կանգնելու Հայոց ցեղասպանության միջազգային ճանաչմանը հետամուտ լինելուց: Այս հանգամանքն, անշուշտ, վկայում է նաև Հայոց ցեղասպանության միջազգային ճանաչման գործընթացի հայ-թուրքական հարաբերությունների վրա ունեցած ազդեցության մասին: Տնտեսական գործոնի առումով կարևորվել է նաև այն հանգամանքը, որ ժամանակին ՀՀ ղեկավարությունը պատշաճ վերլուծության չենթարկելով թուրքական կողմի երկու երկրների միջև տնտեսական շփումները ակտիվացնելու նախաձեռնությունները, չէր էլ նկատում, որ դրանցում, փաստորեն, մեկտեղվում էին տնտեսական գործոնն ու ղարաբաղյան հիմնահարցի լուծման Թուրքիայի տարբերակը: Մինչդեռ, Թուրքիան իր կողմից առաջադրած նախապայմաններով փորձում էր ՀՀ-ին դարձնել իր կամակատարը և նրա միջոցով իր սեփական կամքը թելադրել նաև սփյուռքահայությանը: Անդրադարձ կատարելով հասարակական կառույցների մակարդակով հայ-թուրքական շփումներին, նշվել է, որ նման կառույցների գործունեությունն ի սկզբանե դատապարտված էր ձախողման' կողմերի ծայրահեղ հակադիր հայացքների պատճառով: Ժամանակի ՀՀ ղեկավարությունը, տեղյակ լինելով նման շփումներին, այնուամենայնիվ, պատշաճ վերլուծության չէր ենթարկել դրանց հնարավոր դրական և բացասական հետևանքները ինչպես ՀՀ-ի, այնպես էլ Սփյուռքի համար և չուներ հստակ դիրքորոշում այդ հարցում: Մինչդեռ, իրադարձությունների հետագա ընթացքը ցույց է տվել, որ Թուրքիան, շահարկելով նման շփումների առկայությունը, փորձել է Հայոց ցեղասպանության հարցը քաղաքական հարթությունից տեղափոխել գիտական և հասարակական քննարկումների ոլորտ' հերթական անգամ նպատակ ունենալով այդ կերպ հնարավորինս կասեցնել Հայոց ցեղասպանության միջազգային ճանաչման գործընթացը: Մեծ հաշվով, նույն նպատակն էր հետապնդում նաև Թուրքիայի ղեկավարության կողմից առաջ քաշված «զրո խնդիր հարևանների հետ» կարգախոսը, որը, չնայած ձեռնարկած կոնկրետ քայլերին, այդպես էլ չի հանգեցնում հայ-թուրքական հարաբերությունների կարգավորմանը: Ուստի, ՀՀ- ի հետ հարաբերությունների հարցում թուրքական ղեկավարության որդեգրած քաղաքականության մեջ երբեմն առկայծող դրական միտումները կարելի է բացատրել Թուրքիայի աշխարհաքաղաքական զանազան շահախնդրություններով և, մասնավորապես, Եվրամիությանն անդամակցելու խնդրով: Կոնկրետ փաստերով ապացուցվել է, որ անգամ 2009 թ. հոկտեմբերի 10- ին ցյուրիխյան հայտնի արձանագրությունների ստորագրումն ի զորու չի լինում ստիպելու Թուրքիային կատարել իր կողմից ստանձնած պարտավորությունները և հրաժարվել Հայաստանի հետ դիվանագիտական հարաբերություններ հաստատելու հարցում նախապայմաններ առաջադրելուց: Վերլուծելով ցյուրիխյան արձանագրությունների բովանդակությունը նշվել է, որ այն իր ամբողջության մեջ չէր բխում համայն հայության կենսական շահերից, քանզի արձանագրություններում առանձին դրույթներ և, հատկապես սահմանների փոխադարձ ճանաչման դրույթը, մեծ հաշվով անիմաստ էր դարձնում ինչպես Հայոց ցեղասպանության միջազգային ճանաչման գործընթացին հետամուտ լինելը, այնպես էլ հետագայում դրա հետևանքների հաղթահարմանն ուղղվելիք քայլերը: Հատուկ ուշադրություն է դարձվել նաև այն փաստին, որ քննարկվող ժամանակահատվածում Հայոց ցեղասպանության միջազգային ճանաչման գործընթացում նկատվում է նաև նոր երևույթ՝ առանձին եվրոպական երկրներ ընդունում են ցեղասպանության ժխտումը քրեականացնող օրենքներ, որոնց մի մասի անկատար լինելու հանգամանքն իր ազդեցությունն է թողնում դրանց հետագա ճակատագրի վրա: Ամփոփելով հայ-թուրքական հարաբերությունների կարգավորմանն ուղղված ՀՀ երկրորդ նախագահի գործադրած ջանքերի արդյունքները, շեշտվել է, որ դրանք ևս, իր նախորդների նման, չեն հանգեցրել երկու երկրների միջև դիվանագիտական հարաբերությունների հաստատմանը, մինչդեռ Թուրքիան, փաստորեն, կրկին հնարավորություն ստացավ աշխարհին ցույց տալ ՀՀ-ի հետ հարաբերությունները կարգավորելու իր «բուռն ձգտումը»: Հայոց ցեդասպանության 100-ամյակն ու ճանաչման հետագա ընթացքը ներկայացնելով հայ թուրքական հարաբերությունների համատեքստում, հատուկ ուշադրություն է դարձնում այն հանգամանքին, որ Հայոց ցեղասպանության 100-ամյակի նախաշեմին, պաշտոնական Թուրքիան չհրաժարվելով Հայոց ցեղասպանության ճանաչման հարցում իր որդեգրած ժխտոոական դիրքորոշումից, այնուամենայնիվ, որոշակի փոփոխություններ է կիրառում այդ հարցում իր ռազմավարության մեջ: Նման փոփոխությունների իմաստը հանգում էր Էրդողանի և Դավութօղլուի կողմից առաջ քաշած «համատեղ վշտի» և «արդար հիշողության» թեզերին: Ընդգծվել է, որ թուրքական ժխտողականության նման նոր դրսևորումը պակաս վտանգավոր չէր, քանի որ դրանով փորձ էր արվում հավասարության նշան դնել «դահճի» և «զոհի» միջև: Այնուհետև նշվել է, որ Թուրքիայի նման մոտեցումը շոշափելի արդյունք չի տվել, քանի որ Հայոց ցեղասպանության 100-ամյակի համատեքստում շարունակվում էր աշխարհի տարբեր երկրների և միջազգային հեղինակավոր կազմակերպությունների կողմից Հայոց ցեղասպանության պաշտոնական ճանաչման և դատապարտման գործընթացը: Չի անտեսվել նաև այն փաստը, որ Հայոց ցեղասպանության 100-ամյակի հռչակագրի ընդունումից հետո, հայ իրականության մեջ որպես ՀՀ արտաքին քաղաքական առաջնահերթություններ առաջ են քաշվում Ցեղասպանությունը ճանաչման դաշտից բացի, իրավական դաշտ փոխադրելու և միջազգային իրավունքը նոր հայրենազրկում «պատրիոցիդ» իրավական ձևակերպումով բարելավելու խնդիրը: Դրա հետ կապված շեշտվել է, նման գաղափարի իրագործումը ողջունելի լինելով հանդերձ պահանջելու է վիթխարի ջանք ու եռանդ: Բացի այդ, կարևորվել է նաև այն գաղափարը, որ նշված դրույթների կենսագործման հնարավորությունը շատ ավելի կմեծանա, եթե Հայաստանը դառնա տարածաշրջանի ազդեցիկ «խաղացողներից» մեկը՝ թելադրելով խաղի սեփական կանոնները: Ինչ վերաբերում է երկու երկրների միջև դիվանագիտական հարաբերություններ հաստատելու ՀՀ իշխանությունների հետագա ջանքերին, ապա ինքնին հասկանալի է, որ հնարավոր չէր անվերջ հանդուրժել Թուրքիայի ապակառուցողական մոտեցումն այդ հարցում և միանգամայն տրամաբանական էր, որ արդեն 2017 թ. սեպտեմբերի 20-ին ՄԱԿ- ի Գլխավոր ասամբլեայի նստաշրջանի ամբիոնից ՀՀ նախագահի ելույթը դարձավ առաջին քայլը ՀՀ-ի կողմից ցյուրիխյան արձանագրությունների չեղարկման ճանապարհին, գործընթաց, որն իր տրամաբանական ավարտին հասավ 2018 թ. մարտի 1-ին՝ ՀՀ նախագահի «Հայ- թուրքական հարաբերությունների կնքման ընթացակարգը դադարեցնելու վերաբերյալ» հրամանագրով: ; Всестороннее рассмотрение соответствующих фактов в статье показывает, что Турция одной из первых признала независимость Армении, но никаких дипломатических отношений между странами установлено не было, поскольку Анкара представила властям Армении предварительные условия: не упоминать Геноцид армян 1915 года, официально отказаться от претензий, оказать давление на то, чтобы остановить борьбу за Нагорный Карабах, признать суверенитет и территориальную целостность Азербайджана. При этом Турция потребовала от Республики Армения воздержаться от действий, противоречащих интересам Турции и любым способом нейтрализовать антитурецкую деятельность армян диаспоры. Республика Армения отвергла эти предварительные условия и требования, несовместимые с международной практикой. Турция, в свою очередь, заняла ярко выраженную антиармянскую позицию, в одностороннем порядке закрыв границу с Арменией, продолжая держать Армению в блокаде. Поэтому не случайно подходы Турции к нормализации отношений с Арменией во многом были обусловлены достижениями армянских вооруженных сил в Арцахе, ведь чем очевиднее были эти успехи, тем жестче становилась позиция Турции по отношению к Армении. Это проявилось во время освобождения Карвачара (начало апреля 1993 г.) вооруженными силами Армении, после чего Турция не только закрыла границу, но и начала накапливать войска у границы с Арменией, но резкая реакция России удержала Турцию от ее дальнейших действий. Считаем уместным упомянуть, что в обсуждаемый период такой подход Турции в вопросе нормализации отношений с Арменией представлял серьезную угрозу нашей национальной безопасности. Анализируя влияние экономического фактора, представляющего взаимный интерес, в армяно-турецких отношениях, было подчеркнуто, что каким бы благоприятным ни было развитие экономических отношений с Арменией для Турции, Армения не представляет серьезного интереса для Турции с точки зрения ее экономического развития. Некоторая активизация не дает нам оснований охарактеризовать это как серьезный прорыв в нормализации армяно-турецких отношений. Поэтому не случайно при определенной перспективе армяно-турецкого экономического сотрудничества турецкая сторона пыталась создать иллюзию некоторого прогресса в армяно-турецких отношениях с руководством Армении, тем самым побуждая руководство Армении убедить диаспору прекратить поощрение процесса международного признания Геноцида армян. Это обстоятельство, безусловно, также свидетельствует о влиянии процесса международного признания Геноцида армян на армяно-турецкие отношения. Что касается экономического фактора, то тот факт, что руководство Армении не проанализировало в свое время должным образом инициативы турецкой стороны по активизации экономических контактов между двумя странами, даже не уловило тот момент, что экономический фактор и турецкая версия решения Карабахского конфликта были комбинированными. Между тем, с выдвинутыми предварительными условиями Турция пыталась сделать Армению своим прислужником, и через нее диктовать свою волю также армянам диаспоры. Касаясь армяно-турецких контактов на уровне неправительственных организаций, было отмечено, что деятельность таких организаций изначально была обречена на провал из-за крайне противоположных взглядов сторон. Руководство Республики Армения в то время, зная о таких контактах, однако не проанализировало должным образом их возможные положительные и отрицательные последствия как для Республики Армения, так и для диаспоры: оно не выразило четкой позиции по этому вопросу. Между тем последующий ход событий показал, что Турция, используя наличие таких контактов, пыталась вывести вопрос Геноцида армян из политической в сферу научных и общественных дискуссий, в очередной раз стремясь остановить процесс международного признания Геноцида армян. По большому счету, той же цели преследовал выдвинутый турецким руководством лозунг «ноль проблем с соседями», который, несмотря на предпринятые конкретные шаги, не приводит к нормализации армяно-турецких отношений. Таким образом, позитивные иногда проблески в политике турецкого руководства в отношениях с Арменией можно объяснить различными геополитическими интересами Турции, в частности, вопросом вступления в Евросоюз. Конкретными фактами доказано, что даже факт подписания 10 октября 2009 года знаменитых Цюрихских протоколов не смог заставить Турцию выполнить взятые на себя обязательства, отказаться от выдвижения предварительных условий для установления дипломатических отношений с Арменией. Анализируя содержание Цюрихских протоколов, было отмечено, что это не полностью отвечает жизненно важным интересам всех армян, поскольку определенные положения протоколов, особенно положение о взаимном признании границ, делают бессмысленным продолжение процесса международного признания Геноцида армян, а также шаги, которые необходимо будет предпринять для преодоления последствий. Особое внимание было уделено тому факту, что в обсуждаемый период в процессе международного признания Геноцида армян наблюдается новое явление: некоторые европейские страны принимают законы, криминализирующие отрицание геноцида, некоторые из которых нельзя назвать доработанными, что также влияет на сам процесс в будущем. Подводя итоги усилий второго президента Армении по нормализации армяно-турецких отношений, было подчеркнуто, что они, как и при его предшественниках, не привели к установлению дипломатических отношений между двумя странами, а Турция, по сути, снова получила шанс показать миру свое «страстное желание» урегулировать отношения с Арменией. Представляя 100-летие Геноцида армян и дальнейший процесс признания в контексте армяно-турецких отношений, в статье обращается особое внимание на то, что накануне 100-летия Геноцида армян официальная Турция не отказывается от своей политики отрицания Геноцида армян, тем не менее, вносит некоторые изменения в свою стратегию. Смыслом таких изменений стали выдвинутые Эрдоганом и Давутоглу тезисы о «совместной скорби» и «справедливой памяти». Было подчеркнуто, что такое новое проявление турецкого отрицания было не менее опасным, поскольку это была попытка приравнять «палача» к «жертве». Далее было отмечено, что такой подход Турции не дал ощутимых результатов, поскольку в контексте 100-летия Геноцида армян продолжался процесс официального признания и осуждения Геноцида армян различными странами и авторитетными международными организациями. Тот факт, что после принятия резолюции 100-летия Геноцида армян в армянских реалиях не был оставлен без внимания вопрос переноса Геноцида в правовое поле помимо признания Геноцида, и совершенствования международного права, внеся новую формулировку - «патрицид». В этой связи было подчеркнуто, что реализация такой идеи, хотя и приветствуется, потребует огромных усилий и энергии. Кроме того, была отмечена идея о том, что возможность реализации этих положений будет намного больше, если Армения станет одним из влиятельных «игроков» в регионе, диктующих свои правила игры. Что касается дальнейших усилий властей Армении по установлению дипломатических отношений между двумя странами, то очевидно, что терпеть деструктивный подход Турции к этому вопросу бесконечно не представлялось возможным. Следовательно, выступление Президента Республики Армения 20 сентября 2017 года с трибуны Генеральной Ассамблеи ООН стало первым логическим шагом на пути к отмене Цюрихских протоколов Республикой Армения, процесс, который пришел к своему логическому завершению 1 марта 2018 года указом Президента РА «О прекращении процедуры установления армяно-турецких отношений». Мало того, что Турция не установила дипломатические отношения с Арменией, но и через 100 лет после турецко-армянской войны, 27 сентября 2020 года сделала попытку силой дать решение своему предусловию по Арцахскому вопросу. Путем ее непосредственного подстрекательства и поддержке «братскому» Азербайджану война, развязанная против Республики Арцах и Республики Армения, посредством военной агрессии было захвачено около 75% территории Республики Арцах, не только 7 ранее освобожденных районов, но также Гадрут и Шуши. Не удовлетворившись всем этим, по совету той же Турции, Азербайджан в мае 2021 года вторгся на суверенную территорию независимой Республики Армения, создав реальную угрозу существованию армянской государственности, реальную «угрозу безопасности армянского народа», пытаясь через так называемый Зангезурский коридор соединить через Нахичевань Азербайджан и Турцию для реализации давней программы пантюркизма.

The latest Houthi strike in the Red Sea has for the first time killed civilians — three workers on a Barbados-flagged cargo ship — underscoring the ineffectiveness of the Biden military response after five long months of militant attacks there. It also shows how elusive the goal is for ending the nearly decade-long war in Yemen.Just two weeks after assuming the presidency in January 2021, Joe Biden took three key steps in hopes of ending the war in Yemen. First, he removed the Houthis from the Foreign Terrorist Organization designation that was announced in the last days of Donald Trump's tenure. Second, he appointed Tim Lenderking as Special Envoy to Yemen. Finally, he announced that Washington would stop supporting Saudi offensive operations in Yemen, and declared that the war in Yemen had to end. Ending the war in Yemen has remained a major policy objective of his administration.By the time of these announcements, the Saudi regime, under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, or MBS, had begun extracting itself from the Yemeni quagmire, so the new U.S. position was not received with the hostility from Riyadh it might have expected; indeed, it was formally "'welcomed" in the hope that Washington's diplomatic involvement might assist this process. Since then, Lenderking has actively joined UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg in his efforts to bring about an end to the war in Yemen, although the impact of his involvement remains unclear. Major developments took place in April 2022 with the announcement by Grundberg of a truce between the Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition. (While that truce officially expired the following October, fighting since then has been small scale, and neither the Saudis nor the Emiratis have conducted air strikes against the Houthis.) A few days after Grundberg's announcement, the president of Yemen's internationally recognized government (IRG), Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, who had clung to that post since 2012, was unceremoniously replaced by a Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) at a meeting in Riyadh hosted by MBS. Much like the resignation statement announced by Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri in Riyadh in 2017, Hadi's renunciation was read in circumstances that suggested duress.The PLC consists of eight men -- Rashad al Alimi, the former Interior Minister who ascended to the presidency, and leaders of the various anti-Houthi military factions as vice presidents, some of them aligned with the Saudis and others with the Emiratis. When handing over his authority, Hadi gave them the mandate to negotiate "with (Ansar Allah) the Houthis for a permanent ceasefire throughout the republic and sit at the negotiating table to reach a final and comprehensive political solution that includes a transitional phase that will move Yemen from a state of war to a state of peace." Predictably, given the composition of the council, its members have since spent more energy disagreeing with each other than fighting the Houthis. Another major development later in 2022 was the start of direct and publicly acknowledged negotiations between the Saudis and the Houthis, resulting in the effective marginalization of both the UN-sponsored process and the PLC, but opening space for Omani mediation. During most of 2023, those talks progressed with two major markers: in April, an official trip to Sana'a, the Houthi-controlled capital, by a senior Saudi delegation, followed in September by a return visit to the Kingdom by senior Houthis. On both occasions there were widespread rumors that an agreement was on the verge of being reached. Indeed, PLC members were summoned to Riyadh on both occasions to be informed of the situation, rather than consulted. Similarly, the UN Special Envoy was, at best, informed of developments. The draft agreement involved a six-month cease-fire, to be followed by three months of intra-Yemeni discussions in preparation for a two-year transition phase. The Houthis' main concession was that the Saudis would sign as "mediators" rather than "participants" thus reducing the possibility of war crimes charges against Riyadh stemming from its highly destructive bombing campaign during earlier years in the conflict. In return, the Saudis agreed to pay the salaries of all government staff, including the Houthis' military and security personnel, for at least six months. The expected culmination would have been an event where the Houthis and the IRG, which had a great deal to lose by such an agreement, including generous Saudi subsidization, would sign as participants a document witnessed by the Saudis and likely the Omanis as mediators. It would have formalized Saudi Arabia's exit from the Yemen conflict while leaving to UN mediation the more difficult task of addressing the intra-Yemeni struggles.More recent developments in the Red Sea, however, have made it increasingly difficult to continue negotiations, let alone conclude the pending agreement. The Houthi seizure of the Galaxy Leader on November 19 was followed by a series of attacks on Israeli-connected shipping out of what Houthis said was solidarity with the Palestinian civilians in Gaza. The initial U.S. response was timid, largely because of the Biden administration's remaining hope that a public event formalizing the "end" of the Yemen war, would enable it to claim a major foreign policy success in an election year. While this hope explains Washington's restraint, it doesn't explain why the administration failed to consult with its major allies in Europe. As a result, when the U.S. established the ineffective Prosperity Guardian operation on December 18, it gained meager international support and a rapid disavowal by major European countries who announced their own operation in mid-February 2024.In the absence of a formal agreement, UN Special Envoy Grundberg, on December 23, announced a roadmap towards peace which includes "the parties' commitment to implement a nationwide ceasefire, pay all public sector salaries, resume oil exports, open roads in Taiz and other parts of Yemen, and further ease restrictions on Sana'a airport and the Hudaydah port…. and prepare for a Yemeni-owned political process under UN auspices." The IRG's welcoming of the announcement was, to say the least, muted. Regional states, particularly Saudi Arabia, were more positive, and both the UAE and the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council expressed support. Grundberg has tried to move his road map forward, but the escalations that have taken place in the Red Sea increasingly threaten those efforts. On January 11, the U.S. and UK initiated Operation Poseidon Archer against targets on the Yemeni mainland for the first time, intending to downgrade the Houthis' capability to launch missiles and drones. Initially presented as a "one-off," the strikes have become almost daily, and, by the end of February, had hit 230 sites throughout the country. The number of Houthi attacks, however, has not diminished. While few ships are hit, and those that have been have suffered only minor damage, the Rubymar, a British-owned ship struck on February 18 sank two weeks later, polluting the sea with fertilizer and a massive oil slick. There is no sign of an end to Houthi attacks: despite weeks of strikes, the U.S. officials remain unclear about their impact due to lack of information about Houthi stocks of projectiles. Meanwhile, the majority of Yemenis support Houthi actions in support of Palestine, even if they are unhappy with Houthi governance. The only explicit support for U.S. and UK strikes within Yemen comes from the IRG, a number of whose leaders have asked for the strikes to be complemented by materiel, training and other military support to fight and somehow defeat the Houthis. Widely seen as acting in defense of the Palestinians, however, the Houthis' popularity appears to have risen sharply both domestically and abroad, especially in Arab and predominantly Muslim countries. Should the U.S. and UK escalate their involvement in the Yemen conflict — a possibility made more likely by Wednesday's fatal Houthi strike— prospects for a worsening of the situation loom, increasingly reminiscent of Iraq or Afghanistan decades ago. While the Saudi involvement in the Yemen war appears to have ended, however informally, Yemenis are now facing the prospect of a new form of international intervention in their crisis, alongside the already worsening economic situation and humanitarian crisis which, between 2015 and until recently was considered the "world's worst" by the United Nations. Unfortunately, in the absence of any immediate likelihood of an end to Israel's catastrophic destruction of Gaza, prospects for peace in Yemen appear increasingly remote.

Desde su inicio, la llamada crisis de los refugiados produjo situaciones dramáticas a diario en referencia al alto número de personas desplazadas, fallecidas y desaparecidas, situaciones de vulnerabilidad y riesgo y el rechazo de gobiernos y ciudadanos en las sociedades de destino. Las redes sociales en Internet, entre ellas Twitter, han funcionado como herramientas de comunicación digital donde transmitir, interactuar y compartir con el resto de los usuarios estos y otros sucesos gracias a su popularidad, inmediatez y actualidad. El objetivo general de esta tesis doctoral ha sido conocer los imaginarios, representaciones sociales y discursos que se plasman en Twitter sobre las personas refugiadas en el contexto de la crisis migratoria, identificar las narrativas dominantes, los contenidos que las acompañan, e identificar y caracterizar a los principales actores que han participado en el debate desde una perspectiva internacional al obtener los datos en diferentes idiomas. Se ha pretendido también conocer si los discursos se polarizan ideológicamente, en qué términos y quién o quiénes están detrás de cada extremo. Igualmente se han comparado los contenidos, los discursos y los actores presentes en una campaña específica en Twitter, el Día Mundial de los Refugiados de 2016, con los resultados obtenidos de los objetivos anteriores. Esta investigación se inició con fase de extracción de datos de Twitter durante un año completo (mediados de diciembre de 2015 a mediados de diciembre de 2016), en diferentes días y horas de la semana a través de la herramienta NodeXL y a partir de la cadena de búsqueda "refugiados" en diferentes idiomas: español ("refugiados"), inglés ("refugees"), alemán ("fluechtlinge"), francés ("réfugiés"), italiano ("rifugiati") y portugués ("refugiados"). La muestra está compuesta por un total de 1.807.901 tuits. Posteriormente se aplicaron diversas técnicas de procesamiento y filtrado de datos para trabajar con diferentes datasets en función del análisis a llevar a cabo. Estos han sido análisis de contenido, análisis de discurso y análisis de redes sociales, a partir de redes de retuits. Para el procesamiento y el análisis se han utilizado Spss, Excel, Atlas.ti, T-LAB y Gephi principalmente. Los resultados arrojan una serie de narrativas polarizadas que se relacionan con estrategias de humanización y deshumanización, así como con imaginarios y representaciones sociales. Por una parte, discursos de apoyo a las personas refugiadas, campañas de apoyo o pro-refugiados, valoraciones críticas respecto a las políticas europeas que se llevaron a cabo para abordar la crisis y diversos tipos de mensajes destinados a la sensibilización a favor de colectivos vulnerables, en los que entran en juego imaginarios sobre la moral y la inocencia y representaciones sociales de Occidente, de los y las niñas y las mujeres. Estas narrativas parten principalmente de organizaciones y movimientos sociales de apoyo a la población refugiada. Por otra parte, discursos negativos con componentes de incitación al odio y al racismo, posturas claramente anti-islam y que incluyen argumentaciones estereotipadas que apoyan un discurso del miedo hacia este grupo social. Estos discursos se valen de representaciones sociales de las personas refugiadas como sujetos meramente religiosos (en concreto musulmanes) a los que se presupone una práctica homogénea de manera radical y violenta, así como la representación de los refugiados como amenaza en un contexto de narrativas de securitización. Los discursos presentan un importante componente emocional manifestado a través de metáforas, indignación, catastrofismos o exageraciones que producen una sensación de descontrol y afianzan el miedo. Estos discursos se valen de medios de comunicación conservadores o de extrema derecha o fuentes acusadas de compartir noticas falsas y teorías de la conspiración para reformar los argumentos. Los actores detrás de estos discursos tienden a ser anónimos o con poca información que los caracterice, y algunas de sus cuentas en Twitter están actualmente suspendidas. Se ha encontrado una cierta diversidad en las narrativas en función de la lengua o el territorio desde el que provengan. Existen aspectos comunes compartidos entre los diferentes contextos, pero los discursos, imaginarios y representaciones sociales no son universales. Se finaliza con algunas reflexiones en torno a la necesaria respuesta desde la intervención social dirigida a la gestión de la diversidad y las políticas de integración para la población refugiada, y a la lucha contra las teorías de la conspiración, noticias falsas, desinformación y discursos de odio en las redes sociales. ; Since its origin, the so-called refugee crisis has produced daily dramatic and humanitarian situations according to the high number of displaced, dead, and missing people, vulnerability, and risks, not to say the rejection of refugees by some governments and citizens in several countries. Social networks on the Internet, including Twitter, have functioned as digital communication tools to transmit, interact and share these and other events with other users thanks to their popularity, immediacy, and timeliness. This doctoral thesis's general objective was to know the imaginaries, social representations, and discourses expressed on Twitter about refugees in the context of the migration crisis. Relevant objectives were also to identify the dominant narratives, messages accompanying them, and identifying and characterizing the main actors participating in the public debate on Twitter about refugees, from an international perspective. It also intended to know if the narratives were ideologically polarized to know who supported each group. Likewise, we wanted to compare the messages, discourses, and actors of a specific Twitter campaign -2016, World Refugee Day- with the results obtained from the previous objectives. This research started with a data mining phase from Twitter (mid December 2015 to mid-December 2016), an entire year, on different days and times of the week through the NodeXL tool. Data were recovered from the search string "refugees" in different languages: Spanish ("refugiados"), English ("refugees"), German ("fluechtlinge"), French ("réfugiés"), Italian ("rifugiati") and Portuguese ("refugiados"). The sample consists of a total of 1,807,901 tweets. Subsequently, various data processing and filtering techniques were applied to work with different datasets depending on the analysis to be done. These were content analysis, discourse analysis and social network analysis, based on networks of retweets. Spss, Excel, Atlas.ti, T-LAB and Gephi, especially, were used for these analyses. The results yield a series of polarized narratives related to humanization and dehumanization strategies, as well as social imaginaries and representations. On the one hand, we found different discourses of support for refugees or pro refugee campaigns. Also, critical assessments of the European policies addressing the crisis, and various types of messages aimed at raising awareness in favour of vulnerable groups emerged. Imaginaries about morality and innocence and social representations of the West, girls and women also came into play. Behind these narratives are mainly organizations and social movements supporting refugees. On the other hand, we found negative discourses that disseminate refugees' terrible image with incitement components to hatred and racism. There are also anti-Islamic positions that include stereotyped arguments that support a discourse of fear towards this social group. These discourses make use of social representations of refugees as purely religious subjects (specifically Muslims) who are assumed to have homogeneous radical and violent behaviours and the representation of refugees as a threat in a context of securitization narratives. The discourses show a critical emotional component manifested through metaphors, indignation, catastrophism, or exaggerations that produce a sense of out-of control and entrench fear. In both cases, the discourses use conservative or extreme right-wing social media to be disseminated, or sources accused of sharing false news and conspiracy theories to reshape the arguments. The actors behind these discourses tend to be anonymous on Twitter or expose little information about them. Many of them have suspended Twitter accounts. We found diversity in the narratives depending on the language or territory from which they originate. There are common aspects shared among the different contexts, but discourses, imaginaries and social representations were affected by the context, they are not always universal. We conclude with some reflections on the necessary response from a type of social intervention aimed at managing diversity and integration policies for the refugee population in a coordinated and effective manner, and, on the other hand, the fight against conspiracy theories, fake news, and disinformation, as well as hate speech on social networks.

From the very young to the very old, disease defines our roles in society and affects everyone. But medical care saves or extends lives. Because it (seems) to have some power over disease and retards or slows the rate of depreciation of an individual´s initial endowment of health, it is perceived very positively. Thus, as of 2015, individuals and populations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) area-countries spent approximately 9.0 percent of their incomes (as measured by GDP per capita) on health care—up from 8.3 percent in 2008. With national governments assuming an increasing share of these costs and pressures to spend more likely to continue, controlling this type of spending is a problem that all modern societies face and one which every country must grapple with. Therefore, this thesis begins with the questions: what factors are behind this push for more spending? And does government involvement in health care affect health care costs and spending? If so, how? Thus, to inform on what is ultimately a political decision, we looked at the determinants of health care expenditure growth in Portugal and a set of countries in the OECD area, taking into account the role of income, the share of publicly funded health care, ageing population, as well as technological progress. Although governments seem unable to control health care costs and spending, the results from Part One of our research (Chapters 2 and 3) suggest that the current trend of increasing health care expenditure is rooted in a set of differentiated factors. In Chapter 2, higher Portuguese income levels lead to higher health care expenditure, and the magnitude of the estimated elasticity poses some concern about long-term sustainability of current trends of spending. However, the income elasticity of health care expenditure not only depends on the level of analysis but also the range of income and economic development. For example, characteristics of a non-luxury good for health care have been found in Chapter 3, in the study examining the determinants of expenditure growth in a sample of OECD countries. This indicates that the delivery of health is determined according to needs, rather than responsiveness to income changes, and thus warrants greater public involvement in the provision and financing of health care. In addition, our main results confirm that the growth in numbers of the elderly and the development of new medical technologies are determining factors of current health expenditure growth, and these may not be easily compressed if not through rationing. Besides informing on the factors that are behind the push for health care expenditure growth, this thesis also looks at the socio-economic determinants of health, particularly how government involvement in health care and social protection programs may lead to better health care outcomes. Although publicly funded health care spending seems to have very little impact on all-cause and cause-specific mortality rates, the results of our investigation indicate that other factors (such as, for example, higher levels of income and publicly funded welfare spending, as well as advances in new medical technologies, do significantly influence the overall health status and well-being of a country´s population. Thus, while using data from the European Union for a period that leads up to, and coincided with the ongoing recession (2008-2013), the evidence emerging from Part Two (Chapters 4, 5 and 6) of our research suggests that when it comes to protecting population health, the results are that social welfare spending is as relevant, if not more so, than public health spending in moderating increased vulnerabilities to adverse economic shocks, especially among younger males and females, the poor and their children, and should be accounted for in future inquiry into the determinants of aggregate population health. ; A doença afecta todos os indivíduos, independentemente da faixa etária, e é definidora do nosso papel na sociedade. Contudo, os cuidados de saúde salvam e/ou prolongam vidas. Assim, porque parecem ter algum poder para inverter (ou retardar) o ritmo de envelhecimento (i.e., ritmo de desgaste individual da dotação inicial de saúde e bem-estar), estes são sobejamente valorizada. Neste sentido, em 2015, os países membros da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Economico (OCDE) despenderam aproximadamente 9.0 por cento do seu rendimento (medido em PIB per capita) em cuidados de saúde—um valor substancialmente acima dos 8.3 por cento gastos em 2008. Sendo que os governos nacionais têm vindo a assumir uma parte cada vez maior destes custos, o controle deste tipo de despesa é um problema que todas as sociedades modernas enfrentam e com o qual todos os países vão forçosamente ter de lidar. Visto estas considerações, esta tese começa por centra-se nas respostas ás perguntas seguintes: quais os factores capazes de fazer aumentar os gastos em saúde? Para além disso, em que sentido os gastos públicos na área da saúde afectam os custos e gastos nestes cuidados? Em caso afirmativo, como? Assim, para informar sobre um assunto que, em ultima analise, consta da esfera política, neste trabalho procura-se identificar as determinantes das despesas de cuidados de saúde em Portugal e num conjunto de países-membros da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Economico (OCDE), tendo em conta o rendimento (PIB) per capita, a quota-parte do financiamento publico de cuidados de saúde, o envelhecimento da população, bem como os custos associados ao recurso a mais (e melhor) tecnologia. Para além de sugerir a irrelevância da variável publica na determinação da despesa e custos de cuidados de saúde, os resultados que se depreendem da primeira parte deste trabalho (Capítulos 2 e 3) sugerem que a actual tendência de aumento destes tem como raiz um conjunto de factores diferenciados. Para Portugal (Capitulo 2), valores mais elevados de rendimento levam a um aumento de despesas e custos de saúde. Mais ainda, a magnitude estimada da elasticidade-rendimento em relação a estas despesas e custos força alguma preocupação sobre a sustentabilidade a longo prazo das tendências actuais destes gastos. No entanto, a elasticidade-rendimento em relação a estas despesas e custos não só depende do pormenor de analise sobre o qual olhamos cada país, mas também o respectivo nível de rendimento e grau de desenvolvimento económico.Por exemplo, no Capitulo 3, que analisa as determinantes do crescimento dos custos e despesas de saúde para um grupo de países membros da Organização para a Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Economico (OCDE), determina-se uma elasticidade-rendimento em relação a estes cuidados inferior a um, sugerido assim uma certa insensibilidade da procura de bens e serviços de saúde face a aumentos de rendimento. Este resultado não só indica que a procura de cuidados de saúde é determinada de acordo com as necessidades—em vez das capacidades de resposta a alterações de rendimento—mas também apela a um maior envolvimento público na prestação e financiamento destes cuidados de saúde. Além disso, os resultados são também indicativos de que o crescimento do número de idosos e o recurso a mais (e melhor) tecnologia são factores determinantes do actual crescimento das despesas de saúde e estas dificilmente poderão ser comprimidas, a não ser através do seu racionamento. Para além de informar sobre os factores capazes de influenciar o aumento de crescimento dos custos e despesas de saúde, esta tese também analisa os factores capazes de influenciar a saúde e bem-estar, particularmente como e em que sentido o investimento publico em programas de protecção social e cuidados de saúde afecta indivíduos e populações. Embora estes últimos pareçam ter pouco impacto sobre as mortes por "todas-as-causas" e as mortes por "causas-especificas" (tal como, por exemplo, suicídios), os resultados desta investigação indicam que outros factores (tais como, por exemplo, aumentos de rendimento e gastos públicos com medidas de protecção social, bem como o recurso a técnicas médicas mais avançadas) são factores potenciadores de saúde e bem-estar. Assim, a evidência que emerge dos Capitulos 4, 5 e 6, nos quais se analisa o efeito da actual crise económica (2008-2012) sobre a saúde das populações da União Europeia, indica que o investimento publico em programas de protecção social é tão relevante, se não mais, que os gastos públicos com a saúde, como forma de moderar os efeitos da crise económica sobre indivíduos e populações, especialmente entre os mais jovens, e os pobres e seus filhos, e devem ser assim incluídos em trabalhos futuros de investigação sobre os factores determinantes da saúde e bem-estar social.

Dottorato di ricerca in Biotecnologia degli alimenti ; Epidemiological studies strongly suggest that omega-3 fatty acids plays a significant role in the prevention of many chronic diseases, such as cardiovascular disease, inflammation, hyperlipidemia, and cancer. Omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids are considered essential because they cannot be synthesized in the human body and must be obtained through diet. However, although a ratio of omega-6/omega-3 fatty acids of about 4-1:1 is regarded as optimal for the prevention of different pathologies, Western diets often contain a ratio of 10-25:1, indicating a considerable omega-3 fatty acids deficiency. In light of this issue, in this PhD thesis it was considered the seeds of Salvia hispanica L. (common name chia), one of the best plant sources of omega-3 fatty acids, as raw material from which start to create a functional food. Indeed, chia seeds contain between 25% and 40% fats and up to 68% omega-3 alpha-linolenic acid (ALA). They also contain 20% of omega-6 linoleic acid, thus providing a good balance between the two essential fatty acids. ALA is able to improve the pathological condition in model animals like Spontaneously Hypertensive Rats (SHRs), by decreasing the systolic blood pressure and the Angiotensin Converting Enzyme (ACE) activity and expression, but also increasing the vasodilators level. Chia seeds are considered a novel food ingredient in the European Union, and for this reason there is a restriction on the amount of use, initially of 5% (EFSA, 2009), now raised to 10% after the last 2013 revision (EU, 2013). This restriction is probably due to the lack of scientific analysis related to their in vivo effects in humans, considering that omega-3 fatty acids, for their chemical nature, such as the presence of unsaturations, are more prone to lipid peroxidation, especially in oxidized pathological subjects. According to the above considerations this work reports the main obtained results from the following activities and objectives. First step was the investigation of the in vivo effects following the long-term administration of chia seeds in oxidized pathological animal models. With the aim to formulate a functional food useful not only to maintain the health status of healthy people, but also to people with different pathologies, 5% of chia flour was administered for 5 weeks to SHRs, being the high blood pressure condition the major cause of worldwide death as reported from the latest report of the World Health Organization. At the end of the experimental period, parameters for antioxidant, inflammatory and hypertensive status were analysed. After that, the formulation and study of a functional food containing chia seeds and common/tartary buckwheat were performed. Considering that the in vivo study had shown the necessity to increase the antioxidant capacity of chia seed-diet in order to avoid the in vivo oxidation increase after chia seed administration, for their high antioxidant activity common buckwheat (Fagopyrum esculentum Moench) and tartary buckwheat (Fagopyrum tataricum Gaertn.) were chosen as ingredients to combine with chia seeds in the functional food recipe. The results obtained in this study indicated that bread made with chia and tartary buckwheat flour was more acceptable in many nutritional aspects compared to the control (common wheat bread); it contained a higher amount of protein (20%), insoluble dietary fibres (74%), ash (51%), and alphalinolenic acid (67.4%). Moreover, this bread possessed lower energy (14%) and carbohydrate contents (24%) compared to the control. Tartary buckwheat also improved the total antioxidant capacity of the bread (about 75%) and provided a considerable amount of flavonoids, which are healthy non-nutritional compounds. Overall, the combination of chia flour with tartary buckwheat flour allowed the creation of bread that might be useful for the following people categories: hypertensive, diabetics, patients with micro- and macro-inflammatory disease, but also to maintain the health status of healthy people by increasing the dietary omega-3 and antioxidant intake. In addition, both chia flour and tartary buckwheat flour contain no gluten and can be consumed by patients with celiac disease, thus making a first step in formulating foods suitable for celiacs and at the same time with high nutritional value to avoid cardiovascular disease risk associated with current gluten-free diet. ; Studi epidemiologici suggeriscono fortemente che gli acidi grassi omega-3 esercitano un ruolo significativo nella prevenzione di diverse patologie croniche come le malattie cardiovascolari, l'infiammazione, l'iperlipidemia ed il cancro. Gli acidi grassi omega-3 sono considerati essenziali perché non possono essere sintetizzati dal corpo umano e quindi devono essere assunti con la dieta. Tuttavia, sebbene il rapporto di acidi grassi omega-6/omega-3 considerato ottimale nella prevenzione di differenti patologie sia di 4-1:1, le diete occidentali spesso contengono un rapporto di 10-25:1, indicando una considerevole carenza di acidi grassi omega-3. Alla luce di tale problematica in questa tesi di dottorato sono stati studiati i semi di Salvia hispanica L. (nome comune: chia) una delle migliori fonti vegetali di acidi grassi omega-3, come materia prima per creare un alimento funzionale. Infatti, i semi di chia contengono tra il 25-40% di grassi di cui fino al 68% è rappresentato dall'acido grasso omega-3 acido alfa-linolenico (ALA). L'ALA è in grado di migliorare le condizioni patologiche di modelli animali come i ratti spontaneamente ipertesi, SHR, diminuendo la pressione sanguigna sistolica e diminuendo l'attività e l'espressione dell'enzima ACE (enzima che attiva l'Angiotensina, potente vasocostrittore), ma anche aumentando il livello di alcuni vasodilatatori. I semi di chia sono considerati un nuovo alimento nell'Unione Europea, e per questa ragione vi è una limitazione nella quantità di utilizzo, inizialmente del 5% (EFSA, 2009), ora innalzata al 10% a seguito dell'ultima revisione del 2013 (EU, 2013). Questa restrizione è probabilmente dovuta alla mancanza di analisi scientifiche relative al suo effetto in vivo nell'uomo, considerando che gli acidi grassi omega-3, per la loro natura chimica, come la presenza di insaturazioni, sono più inclini a fenomeni di perossidazione lipidica, soprattutto in soggetti patologici ossidati. Quindi, in accordo con le considerazioni fatte sopra, questo lavoro riporta i risultati principali ottenuti dai seguenti obiettivi e dalle seguenti attività. Il primo passo è stato quello di analizzare gli effetti in vivo a seguito di una somministrazione di semi di chia a lungo termine in modelli animali patologici ossidati. Con lo scopo di formulare un alimento funzionale utile non solo a mantenere lo stato di salute di persone sane, ma anche utile a persone con differenti patologie, il 5% di farina di chia è stata somministrata per 5 settimane a ratti SHR spontaneamente ipertesi, considerando che l'alta pressione sanguigna la prima causa di morte nel mondo, come evidenziato nell'ultimo report dell'Organizzazione Mondiale della Sanità. Al termine del periodo sperimentale sono stati analizzati i parametri dello stato ossidativo, infiammatorio e pressorio. La seconda fase di questo lavoro ha previsto la formulazione e lo studio di un alimento funzionale contenente semi di chia e grano saraceno comune e tartarico. Considerando che la prima fase ha evidenziato la necessità di aumentare la capacità antiossidante al fine di evitare l'aumento dell'ossidazione in vivo a seguito dell'ingestione di semi di chia, il grano saraceno comune (Fagopyrum esculentum Moench) ed il grano saraceno tartarico (Fagopyrum tataricum Gaertn.) sono stati scelti come ingredienti da combinare con i semi di chia nella ricetta dell'alimento funzionale, per la loro alta attività antiossidante. I risultati ottenuti in questo studio indicano che il pane costituito da farina di chia e grano saraceno tartarico è migliore in diverse caratteristiche nutrizionali rispetto al controllo (pane bianco comune). Infatti questo contiene un quantitativo maggiore di proteine (20%), di fibre dietetiche insolubili (74%), di ceneri (51%), e di acido alfalinolenico (67,4%). Inoltre questo pane possiede un contenuto energetico minore (14%) e un contenuto di carboidrati minore (24%) rispetto al controllo. Il grano saraceno tartarico inoltre migliora la capacità antiossidante totale del pane (di circa il 75%) e fornisce un quantitativo considerevole di flavonoidi, composti non-nutrizionali salutari. Complessivamente la combinazione della farina di chia con la farina di grano saraceno tartarico permette la formulazione di un pane che potrebbe essere utile per diverse categorie di persone: ipertesi, diabetici, pazienti con malattie causate dalla micro e macro-infiammazione, ma anche per mantenere lo stato di salute di persone sane aumentando l'assunzione degli acidi grassi omega-3 e degli antiossidanti. Inoltre sia la farina di chia che la farina di grano saraceno tartarico non contengono glutine e possono quindi essere consumati dai celiaci, facendo così un primo passo nel formulare alimenti adatti a questi individui e allo stesso tempo con un alto valore nutrizionale così da evitare il rischio cardiovascolare associato con l'attuale dieta priva di glutine.