Europe of Many Circles: European Neighbourhood Policy
In: Geopolitics, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 731-737
ISSN: 1557-3028
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In: Geopolitics, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 731-737
ISSN: 1557-3028
In: The international spectator: journal of the Istituto Affari Internazionali, Band 39, Heft 3, S. 97-110
ISSN: 1751-9721
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 240-247
ISSN: 1743-9418
A discussion of the nature & impact of the so-called European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), established by the Brussels European Council in Dec 2003, maintains that it is the European Union's (EU's) first attempt to develop a "framework for engaging in dialogue & cooperation with a set of widely different neighboring third countries." The focus is on the new policy's implications for both the EU & its Mediterranean partners. The ENP not only assumes a far greater degree of integration than that acknowledged in existing policies, but also offers a way to prevent further enlargements, & to manage the new external borders. Difficulties associated with the Middle East peace process & disappointing results of the Barcelona Process bilateral & regional cooperation initiatives are explored. There is hope that the ENP will infuse the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership with a new dynamic; however, it remains to be seen whether the EU will be able to establish a "ring of friends" in the Mediterranean, or whether the EU's emphasis on political reform will impede that effort. J. Lindroth
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 240-247
ISSN: 1743-9418
In: Legal issues of economic integration: law journal of the Europa Instituut and the Amsterdam Center for International Law, Universiteit van Amsterdam, Band 31, Heft 4, S. 257-274
ISSN: 1566-6573, 1875-6433
This book examines the degree to which the European Union has responded as a coherent and strategic actor towards the developmental and security needs of its immediate neighbourhood in the post-Cold War era.
Introduction : setting the framework / Roland Dannreuther -- The EU and its chnaging neighborhood : stabilization, integration, and partnership / Antonio Missiroli -- Strategy with fast moving targets : East Central Europe / P.I. Dunay -- The EU and Turkey : between geopolitics and social engineering / Gilles Dorronsoro -- South East Europe : the expanding EU role / Ettore Greco -- Policies towards Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus / Andrei Zagorski -- The northern dimension : a presence and four liabilities? / Hiski Haukkala -- Caucasus and Central Asia : towards a non-strategy / S. Neil MacFarlane -- North Africa : partnerships, exceptionalism, and neglect / Fred Tanner -- The Middle East : towards a substantive European role in the peace process? / Roland Dannreuther -- EU energy security and the periphery / John Gault -- The transatlantic dimension / William C. Wohlforth -- Conclusion : towards a neighborhood strategy / Roland Dannreuther
In: Milletlerarası münasebetler türk yıllığı: The Turkish yearbook of international relations, S. 1-15
In: Perspectives on European politics and society, Band 5, Heft 2, S. 171-202
ISSN: 1568-0258
In: South Asian survey: a journal of the Indian Council for South Asian Cooperation, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 185-196
ISSN: 0973-0788
The EU, on the one hand, and Russia and Ukraine, on the other, are very unequal partners in nearly all respects - a fact manifesting itself also in their economic relations. The EU is a relatively important trading partner for Russia and (although less so) for Ukraine. However, apart from being suppliers of energy carriers and metals, the role of Russia and Ukraine as trading partners for the EU is marginal (in the case of Ukraine even negligible). This is partly due to the existence of numerous mutual trade barriers, but, more generally, it reflects the slow progress achieved by both countries in restructuring their economies, attracting more FDI and upgrading their export structures in favour of goods with higher value-added. Apart from the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (PCAs) and the programmes of technical assistance, the EU's institutional relations with Russia and Ukraine have not progressed much, and even a free-trade area will most probably not be implemented in the short and medium run - definitely not before both countries join the WTO. This proved to be a particular disappointment for Ukraine, which - unlike Russia - considers integration into the EU structures and even EU membership as its ultimate goal. In fact, in a number of important respects, Ukraine's relations and economic integration with the EU are even less advanced than those of Russia. For the time being - and most likely in the future as well - Ukraine is, and will be, more integrated with Russia than with the EU. Both Russia and Ukraine have recently been focusing their attention on the impact of the EU enlargement (May 2004) on their economies, trying to negotiate concessions in PCAs with the accession countries (Russia) and demanding 'compensations' from the EU for the alleged resulting losses (Ukraine). It appears that these claims are only partly justified, and - given the two countries' weaker economic position - the chances for any compensation are meagre. Politically, Russia may indeed face a somewhat harder EU line at the insistence of the new EU members, whereas Ukraine, which will find itself on the border of the enlarged EU, will most probably benefit. In purely economic (trade) terms, Ukraine is likely to lose from EU enlargement more than will Russia, at least in the short run. In turn, this will foster Ukraine's interest in further strengthening its economic ties with Russia, and signs of this are already visible as Russia is regaining its economic strength. The main challenge for the EU policy-makers in the present circumstances would be to foster a balanced economic integration with both Russia and Ukraine simultaneously, thus avoiding a costly disruption of trade links between these two countries. Such an approach will be indispensable for preventing the emergence of new dividing lines in Europe and promoting new neighbourhood relations.
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In: Policy Studies Organization Ser.
In: International journal of urban and regional research, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 113-135
ISSN: 1468-2427
In: International review of social history, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 1-30
ISSN: 1469-512X
SummaryIt is argued that both the tenacity of the neighbourhood and its adaptability were much greater than historians have tended to think, and that this was true not only during theancien régimebut also during the nineteenth century when the rate of mobility between towns and within towns reached enormous proportions. Demographic, social and cultural changes did not result in the destruction of the local community, but in its transformation, a transformation in which the growing need for reciprocity among working-class neighbours played a crucial role. The decline of more or less institutionalized forms of self-regulation went hand in hand with the construction by the lower classes of informal channels of social interaction based on local ties, which stimulated an active and participatory street life. Moreover, the tendency towards geographical segregation contributed to the development of a different collective sense of identity in working-class neighbourhoods, which added a new dimension to the concept of solidarity.
In: Urban policy and research, Band 21, Heft 4, S. 357-371
ISSN: 1476-7244