This article examines neighbourhood policy of the European Union in the context of European identity. The goal of the article is to analyze the role and interpretations of the normative dimension in the European neighbourhood policy. The article is based on scientific literature, analysis of the documents and the empirical research which was made in EU institutions, Lithuania's and Belarus state universities in 2011. According to the empirical research, it is stated that the EU and European identity involve norms, values and features which were similarly recognized by the EU and non-EU (Belarus) citizens.
This article examines neighbourhood policy of the European Union in the context of European identity. The goal of the article is to analyze the role and interpretations of the normative dimension in the European neighbourhood policy. The article is based on scientific literature, analysis of the documents and the empirical research which was made in EU institutions, Lithuania's and Belarus state universities in 2011. According to the empirical research, it is stated that the EU and European identity involve norms, values and features which were similarly recognized by the EU and non-EU (Belarus) citizens.
This article examines neighbourhood policy of the European Union in the context of European identity. The goal of the article is to analyze the role and interpretations of the normative dimension in the European neighbourhood policy. The article is based on scientific literature, analysis of the documents and the empirical research which was made in EU institutions, Lithuania's and Belarus state universities in 2011. According to the empirical research, it is stated that the EU and European identity involve norms, values and features which were similarly recognized by the EU and non-EU (Belarus) citizens.
The relevance of this paper becomes clearer when trying to answer the question: what is the policy of the EU in order to promote democratic processes in Belarus, and is it effective or not. The paper examines the contribution of Lithuania in this process, as one of the most concerned countries for stability in the region and the democratization of Belarus. The results of this work lead to conclusions that the European Union countries do not have a deeper consensus and common understanding on the policy and perspectives of the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The study found that Lithuanian policy towards Belarus is incoherent and is changing together with the policy makers. Lithuania acts in solidaration with the interests of the EU in policy towards Belarus, but it also reserves space for its own exclusive national interests.
The relevance of this paper becomes clearer when trying to answer the question: what is the policy of the EU in order to promote democratic processes in Belarus, and is it effective or not. The paper examines the contribution of Lithuania in this process, as one of the most concerned countries for stability in the region and the democratization of Belarus. The results of this work lead to conclusions that the European Union countries do not have a deeper consensus and common understanding on the policy and perspectives of the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The study found that Lithuanian policy towards Belarus is incoherent and is changing together with the policy makers. Lithuania acts in solidaration with the interests of the EU in policy towards Belarus, but it also reserves space for its own exclusive national interests.
The relevance of this paper becomes clearer when trying to answer the question: what is the policy of the EU in order to promote democratic processes in Belarus, and is it effective or not. The paper examines the contribution of Lithuania in this process, as one of the most concerned countries for stability in the region and the democratization of Belarus. The results of this work lead to conclusions that the European Union countries do not have a deeper consensus and common understanding on the policy and perspectives of the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The study found that Lithuanian policy towards Belarus is incoherent and is changing together with the policy makers. Lithuania acts in solidaration with the interests of the EU in policy towards Belarus, but it also reserves space for its own exclusive national interests.
The Mediterranean region has not been very interesting for a long time not only for Lithuania, but also for others Middle and East Europe countries. In the era of globalization, while EU is constantly building new connections with international organizations (UN, NATO, EC, WTO) and local neighboring regions, the role of strategic Mediterranean has recently became a very important topic. At a conference in Barcelona on November 27 – 28, 1995 a new revival between the Mediterranean and the EU was attempted. However, the desired results were not reached. As a result of this failure in 2004 a new European neighborhood policy was started. This step was very important since it opened a new stage of regional collaborations. All Mediterranean countries have always tried and are still trying to get into EKP and to use integration advantages. At the same time, the EU started to apply not only traditional political diplomacy and international marketing actions, but also began to build new initiatives. One of those new initiatives -- "Collaboration in education and higher education" -- is the subject of the analysis of this masters degree. The main point of this work is to reveal the collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region, as well as to analyze the influence of the EU on the Mediterranean region's education and explore the efficiency of the programs and projects related to higher education. For this research we used literature analysis, halfway structure interviews, and comparison methods. First we study the process of collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region and we discuss the importance of the Barcelona conference and its influence for multi-regional communication and the EU neighborhood policy. Second, we analyze the EU policy of education and its development in the Mediterranean region, highlighting the research of two high-schools programs related to the UN Erasmus Mundus and Tempus programs. We also discuss the new initiatives of education in the Mediterranean region. By performing this research we find that an uplifted hypothesis is not fully predictable: while strong collaboration groundshave been built in the area of education and programs, and the projects strongly affect the growing up quality of higher education in the Mediterranean region, the spheres of education and higher education always collide with various difficulties. The solution is not simple not only for the third world Mediterranean countries, but also for the EU. By assessing the EU and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in education, we find that a sustainable framework for cooperation in education has been created. The development and further evolution depends on the activity of the parties, their objectives and speed of implementation of new initiatives such as the Euro-Mediterranean University in the establishment and success.
The Mediterranean region has not been very interesting for a long time not only for Lithuania, but also for others Middle and East Europe countries. In the era of globalization, while EU is constantly building new connections with international organizations (UN, NATO, EC, WTO) and local neighboring regions, the role of strategic Mediterranean has recently became a very important topic. At a conference in Barcelona on November 27 – 28, 1995 a new revival between the Mediterranean and the EU was attempted. However, the desired results were not reached. As a result of this failure in 2004 a new European neighborhood policy was started. This step was very important since it opened a new stage of regional collaborations. All Mediterranean countries have always tried and are still trying to get into EKP and to use integration advantages. At the same time, the EU started to apply not only traditional political diplomacy and international marketing actions, but also began to build new initiatives. One of those new initiatives -- "Collaboration in education and higher education" -- is the subject of the analysis of this masters degree. The main point of this work is to reveal the collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region, as well as to analyze the influence of the EU on the Mediterranean region's education and explore the efficiency of the programs and projects related to higher education. For this research we used literature analysis, halfway structure interviews, and comparison methods. First we study the process of collaboration between the EU and the Mediterranean region and we discuss the importance of the Barcelona conference and its influence for multi-regional communication and the EU neighborhood policy. Second, we analyze the EU policy of education and its development in the Mediterranean region, highlighting the research of two high-schools programs related to the UN Erasmus Mundus and Tempus programs. We also discuss the new initiatives of education in the Mediterranean region. By performing this research we find that an uplifted hypothesis is not fully predictable: while strong collaboration groundshave been built in the area of education and programs, and the projects strongly affect the growing up quality of higher education in the Mediterranean region, the spheres of education and higher education always collide with various difficulties. The solution is not simple not only for the third world Mediterranean countries, but also for the EU. By assessing the EU and the Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in education, we find that a sustainable framework for cooperation in education has been created. The development and further evolution depends on the activity of the parties, their objectives and speed of implementation of new initiatives such as the Euro-Mediterranean University in the establishment and success.
In this article it is sought to evaluate the need and the matter of the strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania in showing the importance of this partnership for the implementation of the EU Eastern neighborhood policy. Officially the strategic approach of Poland and Lithuania has been developing for more than decade (from 1997) and today this collaboration of the relationship is noticed in several spheres: political, security, economical. Also, Lithuania and Poland are the most active new members of the EU in developing the EU Eastern policy. Today these common activities fulfill the matter of the strategic partnership as well. On the other hand, foreign policy goals of these two countries involve the democratization of CIS area in such countries like Ukraine and Georgia. Consequently such a kind of policy seeks to restrict Russian power in the Eastern European countries, and has a very negative attitude from the Russian side. The strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania started because of foreign and security policy's interest and goals. For Lithuania Poland was very important in her way to the Western structures – the EU and NATO. Poland was first to join NATO and she had better relationship and experience in communicating with the big European powers. For Poland the partnership with Lithuania was useful because of her Eastern policy which became a very visible part of strategic partnership from 2004. The strategic duet of Poland and Lithuania mostly coordinates the activities in developing the democratization processes in Eastern Europe region. This active performance of the strategic partnership was noticed on the wider international stage – not just between the EU members, but also in Russia. The latter's interests contradict with the ideas of Polish Eastern dimension and because of this the strategic partnership creates the confrontation with Russia.[.]
In this article it is sought to evaluate the need and the matter of the strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania in showing the importance of this partnership for the implementation of the EU Eastern neighborhood policy. Officially the strategic approach of Poland and Lithuania has been developing for more than decade (from 1997) and today this collaboration of the relationship is noticed in several spheres: political, security, economical. Also, Lithuania and Poland are the most active new members of the EU in developing the EU Eastern policy. Today these common activities fulfill the matter of the strategic partnership as well. On the other hand, foreign policy goals of these two countries involve the democratization of CIS area in such countries like Ukraine and Georgia. Consequently such a kind of policy seeks to restrict Russian power in the Eastern European countries, and has a very negative attitude from the Russian side. The strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania started because of foreign and security policy's interest and goals. For Lithuania Poland was very important in her way to the Western structures – the EU and NATO. Poland was first to join NATO and she had better relationship and experience in communicating with the big European powers. For Poland the partnership with Lithuania was useful because of her Eastern policy which became a very visible part of strategic partnership from 2004. The strategic duet of Poland and Lithuania mostly coordinates the activities in developing the democratization processes in Eastern Europe region. This active performance of the strategic partnership was noticed on the wider international stage – not just between the EU members, but also in Russia. The latter's interests contradict with the ideas of Polish Eastern dimension and because of this the strategic partnership creates the confrontation with Russia.[.]
In this article it is sought to evaluate the need and the matter of the strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania in showing the importance of this partnership for the implementation of the EU Eastern neighborhood policy. Officially the strategic approach of Poland and Lithuania has been developing for more than decade (from 1997) and today this collaboration of the relationship is noticed in several spheres: political, security, economical. Also, Lithuania and Poland are the most active new members of the EU in developing the EU Eastern policy. Today these common activities fulfill the matter of the strategic partnership as well. On the other hand, foreign policy goals of these two countries involve the democratization of CIS area in such countries like Ukraine and Georgia. Consequently such a kind of policy seeks to restrict Russian power in the Eastern European countries, and has a very negative attitude from the Russian side. The strategic partnership of Poland and Lithuania started because of foreign and security policy's interest and goals. For Lithuania Poland was very important in her way to the Western structures – the EU and NATO. Poland was first to join NATO and she had better relationship and experience in communicating with the big European powers. For Poland the partnership with Lithuania was useful because of her Eastern policy which became a very visible part of strategic partnership from 2004. The strategic duet of Poland and Lithuania mostly coordinates the activities in developing the democratization processes in Eastern Europe region. This active performance of the strategic partnership was noticed on the wider international stage – not just between the EU members, but also in Russia. The latter's interests contradict with the ideas of Polish Eastern dimension and because of this the strategic partnership creates the confrontation with Russia.[.]
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
In the early stages of European integration, an education policy had not been identified as a political area for joint actions of the Member States. The first initiatives with regard to education by the European Communities of sizable political impact were undertaken in 1976. In December 1991, the Maastricht Treaty of the European Union finally laid the grounds for a legitimate role to be played by the EC Commission in the field of education. European Cummnity does not regulate the content of teaching and the organization of education systems of the Member States. The education policy of the European Union at present is mainly implemented through a series of programmes concerned with education and training. It is interesting to note that, while Member States of the Community are fiercely defending their own right to establish a content and methods of national education, the Community is recommending quite a different approach to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. As a result, people in Central and Eastern Europe are starting to feel that the transfer of knowledge, experience, and paradigms, which takes place, on the whole, rather uncritically, threatens their cultural identity. Nevertheless, we should not underestimate the substantial positive impact of the programmes providing assistance to newly developing democracies, which were established by the Community after the fall of the Communist regimes in 1989 and 1990.
