International audience ; Over the last twenty years, European Union (EU) actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in the eld of political science, and more specically in international relations and political geography. Critical geopolitics dedicated many substantive papers on EU discourses and representations. Our paper aims at providing a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbours. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. The outcomes of the analysis conrm previous research on the subject: The ENP appears as a bilateral state-centric policy, missing global scale, and neglecting the role of regional powers like Turkey or Russia.
International audience ; Over the last twenty years, European Union (EU) actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in the eld of political science, and more specically in international relations and political geography. Critical geopolitics dedicated many substantive papers on EU discourses and representations. Our paper aims at providing a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbours. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. The outcomes of the analysis conrm previous research on the subject: The ENP appears as a bilateral state-centric policy, missing global scale, and neglecting the role of regional powers like Turkey or Russia.
International audience ; Over the last twenty years, European Union (EU) actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in the eld of political science, and more specically in international relations and political geography. Critical geopolitics dedicated many substantive papers on EU discourses and representations. Our paper aims at providing a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbours. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. The outcomes of the analysis conrm previous research on the subject: The ENP appears as a bilateral state-centric policy, missing global scale, and neglecting the role of regional powers like Turkey or Russia.
International audience ; Over the last twenty years, European Union (EU) actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in the eld of political science, and more specically in international relations and political geography. Critical geopolitics dedicated many substantive papers on EU discourses and representations. Our paper aims at providing a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbours. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. The outcomes of the analysis conrm previous research on the subject: The ENP appears as a bilateral state-centric policy, missing global scale, and neglecting the role of regional powers like Turkey or Russia.
International audience ; Over the last twenty years, European Union (EU) actorness at both regional and global scales, has become a fruitful topic of analysis in the eld of political science, and more specically in international relations and political geography. Critical geopolitics dedicated many substantive papers on EU discourses and representations. Our paper aims at providing a complementary way to study texts issued by the EU and to question EU actorness by adopting an approach based on textual analysis. The corpus examined includes the seven communications on the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) issued between 2003 and 2013. These communications provide essential information regarding relations between the EU and its immediate neighbours. The textual analysis allows several relevant characteristics of discourses to be highlighted: stability and changes, actors, spaces and scales mentioned. The outcomes of the analysis conrm previous research on the subject: The ENP appears as a bilateral state-centric policy, missing global scale, and neglecting the role of regional powers like Turkey or Russia.
ÖZETBu tezin amacı, Karedeniz Sinerjisi'nin, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın Karadeniz Bölgesi'ne yönelik eksikliklerini tamamlamak ve bu politikanın Kardeniz Bölgesi'nde başarısız olmasını önlemek amacıyla geliştirilen bir strateji olduğunu kanıtlamaktır. Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası, Avrupa Birliği'nin doğusundaki ve Akdeniz Bölgesi'ndeki komşularını aynı politika çerçevesinde ele aldığı için, bu bölgelere özgü problemlerle müdahale etmekte ve onlara cözüm sunmaktada etkili olamamıştır. Ancak, Karadeniz Bölgesi Avrupa güvenliğinin sağlanması açısından büyük bir role sahiptir. Ayrıca, bölgenin, Rusya'dan bağımsız alternatif enerji kaynakları sunması ve enerjinin Avrupa'ya taşınmasındaki önemi, Avrupa Birliği'nin bölgeye yönelik etkili bir politika oluşturulması arayışına girmesine neden olmuştur ve bunun sonucu olarak Karadeniz Sinerjisi ortaya çıkmıştır. Karadeniz Sinerjisi'nin bölge ülkelerinin ihtiyaç ve beklentilerine etkin bir şekilde cevap verebileceği düşünülmüştür. Bu sayede, Avrupa Birliği, hem Karadeniz Bölgesi ülkelerinin Birliğin kuralları, normları ve standartlarıyla uyumlu olarak hareket etmelerini garantilemek istemiştir hem de kendisine etkili bir dış politika aktörü imajı kazandırmayı hedeflemiştir. Çalışmanın sonucunda şu tespitlere ulaşılmıştır: İlk olarak, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası, Karadeniz Bölgesi'ndeki problemlere ve güvenlik tehditlerine müdahale etmekte başarısız olmuştur ve bu nedenle bölgedeki ülkeleri hayal kırıklığına uğratmıştır. İkinci olarak, Karadeniz Bölgesi, stratejik konumu nedeni ile, Avrupa Birliği dış politikasında çok önemli bir yere sahiptir ve Birlik bölge ülkeleri ile arasındaki ilişkilerden daha somut getirileriler alabilmek için yeni bir yapılanmaya ihtiyaç duymuştur. Son olarak, Karadeniz Sinerjisi Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası'nın eksiklerini ve Karadeniz bölgesine yönelik zayıflıklarını göz önünde bulundurarak oluşturulmuştur ancak yine de beklentileri karşılayıp karşılayamayacağı şüphelidir. ABSTRACTIn this thesis, it is argued that the Black Sea Synergy (BSS) is developed in order to eliminate the deficiencies and therefore prevent the failure of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Because the ENP deals with both the eastern and Mediterranean neighbours of the European Union (EU) within the same policy framework, it cannot effectively address their specific regional problems. However, the strategic importance of the Black Sea Region (BSR) in providing European security and especially its significant role in supply and transportation of non-Russian energy sources pushed the EU to develop the BSS that could enable it to overcome many regional security threats and benefit from various opportunities. Moreover, the BSS is also believed to respond the demands and expectations of the BSR countries more efficiently. So, through the launch of the policy, the EU aimed to ensure that the countries of the BSR would keep on complying with the EU norms, standards and further their reform processes. By this way, the Union could also improve its image as an influential foreign policy actor. The study concludes that, first; the ENP could not address the specific problems and security threats in the BSR and it created disappointment on the part of the BSR countries. Second, because the BSR has occupied an important place in the EU's foreign policy agenda, due to its strategic importance; the EU needed to provide a new incentive in its relations with the BSR countries in order to obtain tangible results from this relationship. Third, although the BSS was established through taking into consideration the shortcomings of the ENP, it is doubtful whether it could become successful in fulfilling its declared promises. TABLE OF CONTENTSLIST OF ABBREVIATIONS VINTRODUCTION 1 I. THE EUROPEAN NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY 131.1. A Historiacal Overview of the EU/EC's Approach to its Neighbourhood 131.2. Underlying Reasons of the ENP 161.3. Emerging Agenda of the ENP 181.4. Objectives and Basic Tenets of the ENP 211.4. Instruments and Methods of the ENP 251.5.1. Country Reports 261.5.2. Action Plans 261.5.3. Progress Reports 271.5.4. European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument 281.6. Strengthening the ENP 291.7. Constraints to the ENP 32II. THE BLACK SEA REGION AND THE EU INVOLVEMENT 362.1 The Black Sea Region 362.1.1. Challenges 372.1.2. Opportunities 392.2. Established Cooperation Structures in the Region 412.2.1. Black Sea Economic Cooperation 422.2.2. Other Cooperation Structures 462.3. EU Involvement in the Region 492.3.1. Early EU Initiatives 502.3.2. Current EU Presence in the Region 54III. BLACK SEA SYNERGY 573.1. Rationale for the Synergy 573.2. Development of the Synergy and Key Features 623.3. Objectives and Main Cooperation Areas 663.4. Cooperation with the Regional Organizations 713.5. Report on the First Year Implementation of the Black Sea Synergy 74CONCLUSION 79REFERENCES 83
The present paper analyses achievements and challenges of the EaP in the prism of EU-Russia asymmetric energy interdependence, as the major factor affecting the successful implementation of the Eastern partnership. To identify whether energy interdependence is the main sphere of interest in the EaP neighbourhood, where EU-Russia common interests intersect in one point or is it a sharing a power balance in "common neighbourhood"?. The research paper reviews major policy documents of the ENP/EaP, in order to analyze to what extent is policy coherent/incoherent towards partner countries. Moreover, the paper evaluates the European neighbourhood external policy instruments (the ENP/EaP) from the perspective of three prioritised countries of the Eastern partnership: Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine, including the analysis of the effectiveness of proposed incentives under the ENP/EaP, as sufficient instruments for successful implementation of the Eastern partnership, in the presence of unpredictable external veto player.
The intention of this master-thesis is a critical assessment of the European Union´s (EU) approach to external democracy promotion in Morocco. The study follows a comparative approach and compares the approach pursued by the EU within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), incepted in 2004, with the approach that it had developed up until then under the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). The comparison is done with the intention to analyse, to what degree it is justified to speak of a new impetus for democratisation through the ENP in partner countries. The analysis takes into consideration the range of possible instruments for external democracy promotion in the categories "diplomacy", "conditionality" and "positive instruments". For the comparison of democracy promotion under the EMP and the ENP it is suggested to compare the implemented measures in respect to three distinct dimensions: As a first dimension, instruments of democracy promotion are analysed with respect to the focus on indirect vs. direct instruments, e.g. those which aim at establishing socio-economic preconditions favourable to successful democratisation, vs. those which immediately intervene in the processes of political reform. As a second dimension, it is asked whether there has been a shift in the democracy promotion approach on a continuum between consensual cooptation and coercive intervention. As a third dimension, finally, it is analysed whether the approach has undergone a general intensification of efforts, e.g. whether the approach to democracy promotion has become a more active one. The analysis in this master-thesis comes to the conclusion that since the inception of the ENP the EU is indeed pursuing a slightly more direct and certainly a more active approach to democracy promotion in Morocco, while no significant change can be observed in comparison to the strictly partnership-oriented and consensual approach of the EMP. It can be argued that, under the ENP, relations to Morocco have indeed become somewhat more "political", although at the same time they are still not pro-actively oriented at a political liberalisation of the political regime. Reforms promoted by the EU in Morocco are modest and largely in line with the reform agenda of the Morrocan government itself – e.g. a still largely authoritarian monarchy. Concrete reform steps directed at an opening of the political space, which is largely reserved to the king and its administration, are neither demanded nor supported by democracy promotion instruments, also under the ENP. ; Die vorliegende Diplomarbeit untersucht den Ansatz der Europäischen Union (EU) zur Demokratieförderung in Marokko. Die Arbeit folgt einem vergleichenden Ansatz und vergleicht die Strategie der EU, die unter der 2004 ins Leben gerufenen "Europäischen Nachbarschaftspolitik" (ENP) verfolgt wird, mit der, die sich bis dahin unter der "Euro-Mediterranen Partnerschaft" (EMP) herauskristallisiert hatte. Der Vergleich wird mit dem Ziel durchgeführt herauszuarbeiten, inwiefern es berechtigt ist, neue Triebkraft und neue Anstöße für Demokratisierung durch die ENP zu erwarten. In der Arbeit werden alle Instrumente der Demokratieförderung berücksichtigt, die in die Kategorien Diplomatie, Konditionalität und positive Unterstützungsleistungen fallen. Die durchgeführten Maßnahmen werden auf drei Ebenen verglichen: Auf der ersten Ebene wird untersucht, ob sich der Schwerpunkt verschoben hat zwischen indirekten Maßnahmen, die insbesondere darauf zielen, die sozioökonomischen Voraussetzungen für erfolgreiche Demokratisierung zu schaffen, und direkten Maßnahmen, die unmittelbar in politische Reformprozesse eingreifen. Auf einer zweiten Ebene wird gefragt, ob sich der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung auf einem Kontinuum zwischen Konsens und Zwang verschoben hat. Auf einer dritten Ebene schließlich wird untersucht, ob sich das Engagement generell intensiviert hat und der Ansatz der Demokratieförderung aktiver geworden ist. Die Analyse in dieser Arbeit führt zu dem Ergebnis, dass seit der Initiierung der ENP tatsächlich ein leicht direkterer und aktiverer Ansatz verfolgt wird, während sich an dem streng partnerschaftlichen und auf Konsens ausgerichteten Ansatz der EMP nicht signifikant etwas verändert hat. Es wird jedoch auch deutlich, dass politische Reformen von Instrumenten der Demokratieförderung zwar häufiger anvisiert werden. Die Reformen, die von der EU gefördert werden, sind jedoch ausschließlich Teil des von der marokkanischen Regierung eingeleiteten und begrenzten Reformprozesses. Reformen die eine signifikante Öffnung des politischen Raumes bewirken könnten, der für die autoritäre Monarchie reserviert ist, werden auch im Rahmen der ENP von der EU weder gefördert noch gefordert.
The conceptual foundations of term resilience in modern political science are highlighted, in particular the meaning of the concept of «resilience» in modern international relations, the key conceptual approaches used in research to understand resilience, which characterizes the response of subjects to stress, threat of any kind and origin, but its generally accepted definition has not yet been formed. The application of this concept in the documents of the European Union, in particular in the «EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy» in 2016, is studied. Particular attention is paid to policies towards third countries, with a special focus on sustainability policies towards them. The stages of formation of the European Neighbourhood Policy are traced. The problems and prospects of the EU cooperation with the Mediterranean countries and the Eastern Partnership countries are highlighted, namely the format and mechanisms of its existence; existing and potential obstacles. The main achievements and challenges of the Eastern Partnership policy implementation at the present stage are studied. The main achievements of Ukraine on the way of realization of its European integration policy, in particular achievements within the framework of the Eastern Partnership are defined.Key words: resilience; EU; European Neighbourhood Policy; Eastern Partnership; Ukraine. ; Висвітлено концептуальні основи стійкості в сучасній політичній науці, зокрема зміст поняття «стійкість»» в сучасних міжнародних відносинах, проаналізовано ключові концептуальні підходи, які використовуються у наукових дослідженнях щодо розуміння стійкості, що характеризує реакцію суб'єктів на стрес, загрозу будь-якого роду і походження, однак загальноприйнятого її визначення поки не сформовано. Досліджується застосування даного поняття в документах Європейського Союзу, зокрема в «Глобальній Стратегії ЄС щодо зовнішньої та безпекової політики» 2016 року. Особлива увага приділяється політиці стосовно третіх країн з особливим акцентом на політиці стійкості щодо них. Простежено етапи становлення Європейської політики сусідства. Висвітлено проблеми та перспективи співпраці ЄС з країнами Середземноморя та країнами «Східного партнерства», а саме формат і механізми його існування; наявні та потенційні перешкоди. Досліджено основні здобутки та виклики реалізації політики Східного партнерства на сучасному етапі. Визначено основні досягнення України на шляху реалізації її євроінтеграційної політики, зокрема здобутки в рамках Східного партнерства.Ключові слова: концепт стійкості; ЄС; Європейська політика сусідства; Східне партнерство; Україна.
In this paper we design and build a composite indicator to measure the macroeconomic, social and institutional dimensions of countries, ISEPI. The index allows not only comparing the relative situation of countries, but also its time evolution. In order to illustrate the usefulness of the index, we analyse the effects of the European Neighbourhood Policy in EU-Neighbouring Countries during the last decade. The obtained results show that ENP has had different effects according to the considered dimensions and that the evolution of neighbouring countries is quite heterogeneous taking into account their recent institutional and economic performance. From a policy perspective, these results reinforce the validity of the bilateral action plans that have characterized ENP recognising the different starting point and particular characteristics of each neighbouring country.
Die EU-Erweiterung von 2004 war ein wichtiger und mutiger Schritt, der zum Ziel hatte, die Voraussetzungen für die Förderung von Sicherheit, Wohlstand und regionaler Zusammenarbeit in Europa zu schaffen. Allerdings nahm nach diesem Prozess die Diskussion um die europäische Raumentwicklungspolitik einen 'territorialen' Charakter an. Der Begriff der Territorialität und der dominant 'territoriale' Diskurs überschatteten offensichtlich jenen Begriff von 'europäischem Raum' wie er in den frühen 1990er Jahren entwickelt worden war. Die gleichen EU-Konzepte von Erweiterung und politischer Integration brachten ein scharfes System von Inklusion und Exklusion hervor, definiert durch den Status der Vollmitgliedschaft und durch befestigte, überwachte und zunehmend militarisierte Außengrenzen. Wegen dieser pragmatischen Auffassung von Territorialität und von Grenzen wurde die Idee von der EU als einem 'nicht-Westfälischen neuen Reich', bestimmt durch das Abschwächen von Grenzen und das Teilen politischer Macht durch eine vielfältige Politik auf mehreren Ebenen, unrealistisch – wie die jüngste Migrationskrise auch zeigt.
ÖZETMart 2003 tarihi ile baslayan Avrupa Komsuluk Politikası, günümüz Avrupa Birligi Dısliskilerinin öncelikli konusu haline gelmistir. Bu inceleme, bu konuyu hukuki ve siyasiaçıABSTRACTLaunched in March 2003, the European Neighbourhood Policy today is a priority of theexternal relations of the European Union. This dissertation aims to analyse the legal andpolitical dimensions of this policy and focuses on the post-Soviet states. After providinga general background of the policy, i.e. its genesis, rationale, objectives, principles andinstruments, the dissertation examines its legal background. It is argued that theEuropean Neighbourhood Policy, as a comprehensive cross-pillar policy, integratesrelated components from all three pillars of the European Union's structure under thesingle and coherent framework and is not based as a whole on any specific provision ofthe Treaties.Investigating geopolitical implications of the European Neighbourhood Policy, thedissertation provides that both the European Union and its neighbours have their owninterests in pursuing cooperation through this framework. Concerning the role of theEuropean Union in resolution of conflicts in the post-Soviet area it is pointed out thatthe European Union is not so willing to deeply intervene into this process. The maindeficiency of the policy, according to the dissertation, is that obviously lackingaccession perspective for the neighbours, it was nevertheless modelled on theenlargement process.dan analiz etmeyi ve bu baglamda post-Sovyet ülkelerini mercek altına almayıamaçlamaktadır. Söz konusu Politikanın gelisimi genel olarak, olusumu, gerekçeleri,amacı, ilkeleri ve araçları gibi hususlar açısından incelendikten sonra, incelememizPolitikanın hukuki gelisimi üzerinde duracaktır. Avrupa Komsuluk Politikasının,kapsamlı bir sütunlar arası bir politika olması, AB'yi olusturan üç sütundan da ilgilihususları birlestirerek tek ve tutarlı bir çerçeve içinde birlestirmesi ve bütünüyleherhangi bir Anlasma hükmüne dayanmaması oldukça tartısılmıstır.ncelememizde görülecegi üzere, Avrupa Komsuluk Politikasının jeopolitik sonuçlarınıaçısından ise, gerek AB gerekse komsuları, çizilen bu çerçeve içinde kendi çıkarlarınıgözetecek biçimde bir isbirligine yönelmislerdir. AB'nin post-Sovyet bölgesindekisorun çözücülük görevi açısından ise, AB'nin bu sürecin tam anlamıyla bir parçasıolmak konusundaki isteksizligine dikkat çekilmektedir. ncelememize göre, Politikanınen temel eksigi ise, genisleme sürecinin aynen yapılandırılmıs olmasına ragmen,komsular açısından katılım perspektifinin bariz eksik olmasıdır .
This article proposes a gendered critique of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a policy framework that, amongst other things, aims to facilitate the mobility of migrants to the EU from the bordering countries. We highlight the ambivalences of European regimes of gender and migration, and we take issue with the celebration of the "feminisation of migration." The former fails to offer opportunities to women to safely embark on autonomous migratory projects, the latter contributes to reproduce traditional gender biases in the countries of origin as well as of destination. We conclude by suggesting that the EU critique to emigration countries for failing to tackle women's discrimination falls short of persuasiveness when confronted with the curtailment on women's independent mobility within the ENP framework.
The external policies of the European Union may be viewed as the outcome of the interaction between the Member States, the European Community (acting in the context of the 'first pillar') and the European Union (acting on the basis of the second and third pillars). This tripartite interaction, which involves a large number of actors operating within different institutional logics, makes it challenging for the Union to conduct coherent policies, or to fulfil its objective of affirming its identity on the world stage (Article 2 TEU). The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is a particularly developed expression of a policy designed to meet the challenge of ensuring coherence between the three EU pillars. As an alternative mechanism designed to offer coherent policy-making in the cross-pillar context of relations with the EU's strategically important neighbours, the ENP does not rely on new instruments but rather offers a way of integrating existing instruments via 'soft' frameworks, such as European Council and Council Conclusions and Commission policy papers. This paper aims to analyse the ENP as a contribution to the EU's efforts to evolve a more coherent external action. Ukraine will serve as an example, as the advanced implementation of the ENP towards this country offers the best illustration of the policy, in both its potential and its shortcomings. It will demonstrate that the ENP is a cross-pillar security policy, which draws heavily on the specific methodology developed within the framework of the EU pre-accession strategy. It will be argued that while this new formula of external action carries the potential of fostering the coherence of EU external action, its effectiveness, in policy terms, may be hampered by several inherent paradoxes and tensions
Subnational mobilization literature has flourished since the mid. 1990s. Regional and local authorities have tried, not always successfully, to utilize alternative channels of representation in the European Union (EU) in different policy areas and with different scope and depth. The policy areas and the degree of subnational mobilization is greatly varied contingent on exogenous -at the EU level- and endogenous -within local and regional organisational capacity- factors. Most commonly, subnational authorities (SNAs) find themselves involved in cohesion policy issues, environmental affairs, and social policy measures, mostly involved in the implementation phase. However, as the EU continuously emphasizes the importance of regional and local authorities in facilitating the European integration process, it has fuelled SNAs' institutional ambitions and expanded their aspirations for participation in new policy areas, even in fields traditionally considered to be exercised –and monopolized–by national authorities, such as foreign policy issues. This article focuses on the role of subnational institutions in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), a relatively new policy area compared to other established EU policies. In short, the ENP was introduced in 2004 and revised in 2011 and 2015. Its rationale is to bring closer EU countries and their neighbours, so as to work together on issues regarding prosperity, stability and security for all. The ENP constitutes a policy field for subnational authorities that aim to mobilize in the supranational arena. The European Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI – former European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument/ENPI) is the ENP financial tool which provides opportunities for "financial mobilization" to institutional actors by granting funds for implementing programmes. In addition, the European Committee of the Regions (CoR), the official assembly of representatives of local and regional authorities in the EU, stands for another channel for subnational mobilization. Through specific ...
