Suchergebnisse

Magistrska diplomska naloga nosi naslov Odločanje Sodišča Evropske unije o pristojnosti. V nalogi sem sprva opisala temeljna načela, ki so vodilo delovanja Sodišča Evropske unije, ter se seznanila z njihovo uporabo in razlago v praksi. Ugotovila sem, da med pravnim redom Evropske unije in pravnimi redi držav članic velja načelo nadrejenosti ter da je pravni red Evropske unije superioren. Sledilo je raziskovanje, kako Sodišče Evropske unije odloča o pristojnosti, pri čemer sem spoznala, da ima Sodišče Evropske unije zelo pomembno vlogo, ko odloča o razmejitvi pristojnosti med državo članico ter Evropsko unijo. S sodno prakso namreč riše mejo med avtonomnostjo države članice ter posegi v njeno avtonomnost s strani Evropske unije. Nato sem opisala in spoznavala kakšne so njegove pristojnosti ter kakšni so postopki, ki jih Sodišče Evropske unije uporablja pri svojem odločanju. Ugotovila sem, da je temeljna naloga Sodišča Evropske unije skrbeti za enotno razlago in uporabo prava Evropske unije. Ugotovila sem, da Sodišče Evropske unije skozi sodno prakso čedalje bolj širi svoje pristojnosti in krepi svojo vlogo v razmerju do držav članic, čeprav v praksi vse države članice temu niso prav naklonjene. Na koncu naloge sem opisala in pojasnila, kako so se pristojnosti Sodišča Evropske unije okrepile po sprejemu Lizbonske pogodbe, ter poskušala poiskati razlike ter podobnosti med sistemom delitve oblasti v Evropski uniji ter sistemom delitve oblasti v zvezni državi, predvsem s strani odločanja Sodišča Evropske unije ter njegovih pristojnosti. ; In this assignment, I first described the fundamental principles that constitute the functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and took note of their application and interpretation into practice. I have discovered that the principle of superiority is applied between the legal order of Member States and the rule of European Union in which the legal order of the European Union is superior. This was followed by a study of how the European Court of Justice decides on jurisdiction, and I realized that the Court of Justice of the European Union plays a very important role in deciding on the delimitation of competences between a Member State and the European Union. Through its case-law the Court of Justice of the European Union draws the boundary between the autonomy of a Member State and interference with Member States' autonomy by the European Union. I then described and learned about what its competences are and what are the procedures used by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its decision-making. I have found out that the fundamental task of the Court of Justice of the European Union is to ensure uniform interpretation and application of European Union law. I have found that the Court of Justice of the European Union increasingly expands its jurisdiction through jurisprudence and strengthens its role vis-à ; -vis Member States, although in practice all Member States do not favor this right. At the end of the thesis, I described and explained how the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union was strengthened after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, and sought to find differences and similarities between the system of division of power in the European Union and the system of division of power in the federal state, notably through the decision-making of the Court and its powers.

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Vprašanje kolektivnih pravnih sredstev v Evropski uniji je v zadnjih letih zaradi pobud evropskih institucij pridobilo veliko pozornosti. V praksi se ja namreč pokazalo, da je intervencija Evropske unije na tem področju potrebna, saj se instituti kolektivne tožbe v državah članicah zelo razlikujejo. Razlikujejo se po vrsti kolektivne tožbe, ki je na voljo, aktivni legitimaciji, uporabi sistema vključitve ali izključitve, financiranja tožbe itd. Heterogenost na tem področju je problematična, saj niso vsi državljani držav članic Evropske unije deležni enake pravne zaščite v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. Različne ureditve držav članic pa imajo tudi negativni vpliv na enotni notranji trg. V nalogi sem analizirala izbrane postopke s kolektivnimi tožbami v državah članicah Evropske unije in osvetlila razlike med njimi. Ugotovila sem, da je ukrepanje organov Evropske unije potrebno, da se zagotovi ustrezno urejene in uravnotežene mehanizme, ki prispevajo k učinkoviti zaščiti in izvrševanju pravic v primerih množičnih oškodovanj. ; The issue of collective redress procedures in the European Union has received a great deal of attention in recent years due to initiatives by the European Union institutions. In practice, however, it has become clear that the European Union intervention in this area is necessary, as institutes of collective redress vary greatly from one-Member State to another. They differ in type of collective action available, legal standing, use of an opt-in or an opt-out system, financing of the action, and so on. Heterogeneity in this area is problematic, as not all citizens of the Member States of the European Union enjoy equal legal protection in cases of mass harm. Moreover, different Member States arrangements also have a negative impact on the single internal market. In this thesis, I have analysed selected collective redress procedures in the Member States of the European Union and highlighted the differences between them. I have identified the need for actions by the European Union institutions to ensure that mechanisms are properly regulated and balanced to contribute to the effective protection and enforcement of rights in cases of mass harm.

Magistrska naloga je posvečena poglobljeni obravnavi evropskih vrednot. Vrednote demokracije, pravne države in svobode na samem začetku evropske integracije niso bile popolnoma pozabljene, niso pa tudi zavzemale osrednjega mesta v razpravah o evropski unifikaciji. Večja pozornost jim je bila posvečena šele v devetdesetih letih, ko jih prvič posredno zasledimo v členu F Maastrichtske pogodbe in nekoliko kasneje v 6. členu Amsterdamske pogodbe. Svoboda, demokracija, vladavina prava in človekove pravice so bile sprva omenjene kot načela Evropske unije in so bile šele z novo terminologijo v 2. členu Lizbonske pogodbe (PEU-Liz) preimenovane v vrednote Evropske unije. V okviru naloge sem raziskala, v katerih evropskih dokumentih zasledimo omembo vrednot, kako so se te vrednote skozi čas razvijale in kakšen je njihov pomen v evropskem prostoru. Nadalje sem vrednote, zapisane v 2. členu PEU-Liz, nekoliko bolj podrobno razčlenila, pri tem pa nisem pozabila tudi na vrednoto miru, ki sicer ni našteta med vrednotami 2. člena, a predstavlja temelj evropskega povezovanja, brez katerega nadaljnji razvoj evropskih vrednot ne bi bil možen. Na koncu sem se poglobila še v zunanjo politiko Evropske unije in preučila, kako evropske vrednote učinkujejo v razmerju s tretjimi državami, ki niso članice Evropske unije. Analizirala sem tako pozitivno kot negativno plat širjena evropskih vrednot pod okriljem univerzalnosti in v tem kontekstu ovrednotila različne teorije o razvoju evropskih vrednot preko skupne in zunanje politike EU. ; This master's thesis is dedicated to an in-depth examination of European values. At the beginning of the European integration, values of democracy, the rule of law and liberty were not completely forgotten, but neither did they occupy a prominent position in discussions on European unification. More attention was paid to them later in the 1990s, firstly indirectly acknowledged in Article F of the Maastricht Treaty and later in Article 6 of the Amsterdam Treaty. Freedom, democracy, the rule of law and human rights were originally referred to as the principles of the European Union and were renamed as values only later in the new terminology of Article 2 of the Treaty of Lisbon (TEU-Liz). As part of my assignment, I reviewed in which European documents we can find the notion of values, how they evolved over time and what is their special significance in the European area. Furthermore, I comprehensively analysed the values laid down in Article 2 of the TEU-Liz, among which I also mentioned the value of peace which, incidentally, is not mentioned in Article 2, but represents the foundation of European integration without which further advancement of European values would not be possible. Finally, I expanded my research into the area of EU common foreign and security policy, where I investigated the impact of proliferation of European values in relation to third countries, states which are not members of the European Union. I analysed positive as well as negative aspects of the spread of European values under the auspices of universality and in this context, I examined the various theories regarding the expansion of European values through EU's common foreign and security policy.

Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.

Magistrsko delo obravnava vpliv migracij na vzpon podpore ekstremističnim političnim strankam v EU. Toksična kombinacija evroskepticizma, dolgega obdobja gospodarske stagnacije in najhujše migrantske krize od konca druge svetovne vojne je vodila do povečanja nestrpnosti državljanov EU do migrantov, percepcije ogroženosti lastne države in EU, s tem pa tudi do raztezanja vzpona desnih ekstremističnih političnih strank po celotni celini. Raziskovalni cilj predstavlja analiza povezanosti njihovega vzpona v EU s predpostavljenim najmočnejšim pojasnjevalnim dejavnikom, tj. stopnja liberalizacije oziroma odprtosti migracijske politike posameznih držav, od česar je odvisno število sprejetih migrantov. Pri tem sem uporabila metode analize primarnih in sekundarnih virov, vključujoč uradne statistike, ter javnomnenjske in mednarodne primerjalne raziskave prepričanj in delovanja posameznikov. Na njihovi podlagi potrjujem porast migrantskega staleža in desnih ekstremističnih tendenc v EU ter hkrati tudi obstoj korelacije. Z izjemo Malte, Portugalske, Romunije, Slovenije, Hrvaške, Španije ter Irske, v katerih desne ekstremistične politične stranke niso prepoznane. Vpliv migracij na volilne rezultate se zaradi individualnih nacionalnih značilnosti posameznih držav članic EU izraža različno, zato posledično zavračam možnost predpostavljenih jasnih linearnih vzporednic. ; The master thesis addresses the issue of migration's impact on the rise of support for extremist political parties in the EU. The toxic combination of Euroscepticism, the long period of economic stagnation and the worst migrant crisis since the end of the Second World War has led to an increase of EU citizens' intolerance against migrants, the perception of the threat to their own country and the EU, as well as the extension of the rise of right-wing extremist political parties throughout the continent. The research objective is to analyse the correlation of their rise in the EU with the presumed strongest explanatory factor, i.e. the degree of liberalization or openness of the migration policy in individual countries, on which depends the number of migrants accepted. In doing so, methods of analysing primary and secondary sources, including official statistics, opinion polls and international comparative research on the beliefs and actions of individuals, were used. On their basis, I confirm the growth of the migrant stock and the right extremist tendencies in the EU, and at the same time the existence of a correlation. With the exception of Malta, Portugal, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Spain and Ireland, where the right-wing extremist political parties are not recognized. The impact of migration on election results is reflected differently due to individual national characteristics of EU Member States, consequently I reject the possibility of assuming clear linear parallels.

V magistrskem delu obravnavam vlogo tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi v procesu poročanja o izstopu Velike Britanije iz Evropske unije oziroma brexitu. Vloga agencij je, da zagotavljajo zanesljive informacije, ki jih nato mediji posredujejo svojim občinstvom, kar omogoči oblikovanje javnega mnenja. Proučujem vpliv dejavnikov velikosti tiskovne agencije in njenega bruseljskega dopisništva, velikosti države izvora agencije ter relevantnosti brexita za državo izvora in njene državljane na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovne agencije v javni sferi. Analiza pogovorov z bruseljskima dopisnikoma Slovenske tiskovne agencije (STA) in britanske tiskovne agencije z mednarodno razsežnostjo Reuters ter uradnikom Evropske unije kaže, da vsi trije dejavniki vplivajo predvsem na dostopnost informacij. To pa vsaj do določene mere vpliva tudi na izpolnjevanje vloge tiskovnih agencij v javni sferi, saj lahko novinarji z boljšim dostopom svojim naslovnikom zagotavljajo več in bolj zanesljive informacije. Oba dopisnika sicer trdita, da ustrezno izpolnjujeta to vlogo. V raziskavi sem ugotovil tudi, da s tem, ko novinarja o Uniji ne poročata samo z nacionalnega vidika, ampak tudi z evropskega, prispevata k vzpostavljanju evropske javne sfere. ; This master's thesis examines the role of news agencies in the public sphere when reporting about Great Britain leaving the European Union (Brexit). Their role is to provide reliable information to the media which pass it to their audiences, what enables forming of the public opinion. I study the impact of factors of size of the news agency and its Brussels' bureau, size of the country of origin of the agency and the relevance of Brexit for the country of origin and its citizens on fulfilling news wire's role in the public sphere. The analysis of interviews with Brussels' correspondents of Slovene Press Agency (STA) and British Press Agency with international comprehensiveness Reuters and with an EU official shows that all the three factors impact the journalist's access to the information. To some extent this also impacts the fulfilling of news agencies' role in the public sphere. Namely, journalists with better access to the sources can provide more information that is also more trustworthy to their recipients. Correspondents of STA and Reuters both carry out this role, in their opinion. I have also found out that they both report about the EU from the European perspective and not just from the national perspective, which means that they contribute to the forming of the European public sphere.

V institucionalni ureditvi Evropske unije je Evropski parlament (EP) tisti, ki direktno zastopa vse Evropejce, s čimer Uniji postavlja demokratične temelje. Pri tem igra pomembno vlogo njegova medijska prisotnost, če želijo politične skupine znotraj parlamenta svoje volivce povezati in jim učinkovito predstaviti delo te temeljne institucije. Dovoljšno pozornost morajo nameniti komunikacijskim strategijam, s pomočjo katerih občinstvo informirajo, želijo pa seveda (pri)dobiti tudi njihovo podporo ; govorimo lahko o političnem marketingu. V magistrskem delu analiziram, kako to počne Skupina naprednega zavezništva socialistov in demokratov (S&D) v EP, kako učinkoviti so pri komuniciranju z državljani ter kaj so pri tem izzivi in priložnosti. Analiza pogovorov z medijsko ekipo politične skupine S&D je pokazala, da v glavnem ubirajo tri načine: komuniciranje s pomočjo tradicionalnih medijev – preko sporočil za javnost, s povečano aktivnostjo na družbenih omrežjih in s politično iniciativo v obliki interaktivnih dogodkov po Evropi. Svojo komunikacijo poskušajo ne glede na kanal ali formo čim bolj poenotiti, jo narediti pan-evropsko in predvsem razumljivo vsakdanjemu državljanu, kar pa je zaradi kompleksnosti evropskih politik mnogokrat izziv. Nadalje sem ugotovila, da pri zastavljanju komuniciranja v imenu 27 držav članic pomembno vlogo igrata multikulturnost in večjezičnost. Kot najbolj učinkovit pristop v svoji komunikaciji so v medijski ekipi navedli čim večjo personifikacijo in osebni stik, za kar skušajo kar se da povečati sodelovanje z evropskimi poslanci. ; Among the bodies of the European union it is the European Parliament (EP) that directly represents all the Europeans, laying down the Union's democratic foundation. In that context, its media presence is playing an important role if the Parliament's political groups are to connect with their voters and effectively present to them the EP's work. A communication strategy has to be set out in order to determine how to inform the audience and, of course, gain their support ; essentially, we talk about political marketing. In my master's thesis, I analyse how the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) in the EP is doing that, how effective they are in communicating with the citizens, and what are the challenges and opportunities. I interviewed the S&D's media team, which showed me that they mainly communicate in three ways: through traditional media – with press releases, with increased activity on social media, and through a political initiative in the form of interactive events across Europe. They try to make their communication as pan-European and understandable to everyday citizens as possible, no matter the channel of communication, which is often a challenge due to the complexity of European policies. Furthermore, the analysis showed that multiculturalism and multilingualism play an important role when trying to communicate on behalf of the 27 Member States. Finally, personalising their messages as much as possible proved to be a successful approach, for which they try to increase the cooperation with the Members of the European Parliament.

Magistrsko delo obravnava povezavo med volilno udeležbo in informiranostjo volivcev. Ta je eden od številnih dejavnikov, ki lahko vpliva na to, ali se bo volivec udeležil volitev. Povezavo sem ugotavljala s študijo primera v dveh časovnih točkah: primerjala sem institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 in institucionalno kampanjo Evropskega parlamenta Tokrat grem volit pred evropskimi volitvami leta 2019 na primeru Slovenije. Za volitve v Evropski parlament je značilno padanje povprečja volilne udeležbe. Od prvih leta 1979 se je v državah članicah Evropske unije z 61,9 % zmanjšalo na 42,6 % v letu 2014, ko je bilo najnižje. Na evropskih volitvah 2019 se je trend padanja povprečja volilne udeležbe v EU prvič zaustavil in se dvignil na 50,6 %. V Sloveniji se je evropskih volitev 2019 udeležilo 28,9 % volilnih upravičencev, kar je v primerjavi z evropskimi volitvami leta 2014 za 4,4 odstotne točke več in hkrati največ od vključitve v EU. Ugotovila sem, da lahko dvig volilne udeležbe pripišemo tudi volilni kampanji Pisarne Evropskega parlamenta v Ljubljani, ki je bila v primerjavi s prejšnjimi prvič jasno določena ; predvsem skupine nagovarjanja volivcev in sporočilo kampanje ; organizirali so tudi bistveno več aktivnosti za volivce in intenzivno sodelovali z raznovrstnimi mediji. Toda glavne hipoteze magistrskega dela, da pomeni večji obseg aktivnosti tudi večjo informiranost volivcev in posledično višjo volilno udeležbo, na podlagi javnomnenjskih anket nisem mogla potrditi. Volilna udeležba je namreč odvisna od množice izjemno kompleksnih in med seboj prepletenih dejavnikov. ; The master's thesis discusses the connection between the turnout of voters and the voters' awareness. The latter is one of the numerous factors which can influence whether the voter will participate in the elections or not. I was ascertaining the connection with the case study in two points of time: I compared the institutional campaign of the European Parliament before European elections in 2014 and the This Time I'm Voting institutional campaign of the European Parliament before the European elections in 2019 on the case of Slovenia. A decline in the average of the turnout of voters is characteristic of the elections in the European Parliament. Since the first elections in 1979, the turnout of voters has reduced in the member states of the European Union from 61.9% to 42.6% in 2014 when it was the lowest. The decline in the average of the turnout of voters was stopped in 2019 and raised it to 50.6%. In Slovenia, 28.9% of eligible voters participated in the European elections in 2019 which is 4.4 percentage points more in comparison to the European elections in 2014 and the most since the joining to the EU at the same time. I ascertained that the raise of the turnout of voters can be attributed also to communication campaign of the European Parliament Liaison Office in Ljubljana, which was determined in the comparison with the previous ones for the first time clearly, above all the groups of addressing the voters and the message of the campaign. They also organized essentially more activities for the voters and cooperated intensively with different media. However, I could not confirm the main hypothesis of the master's thesis that a bigger scope of activities means bigger voters' awareness and, consequently, a higher turnout of voters. Namely, the turnout of voters depends on many exceptionally complex and intertwined factors.

V magistrski nalogi sem obravnavala problematiko prenove visokošolskih sistemov v evropskem prostoru, ki jo je sprožil bolonjski proces z namenom doseči večjo primerljivost med dotlej zelo različnimi nacionalnimi visokošolskimi sistemi. Bolonjski proces je oznaka za proces vzpostavitve skupnega evropskega visokošolskega prostora, katerega namen je zagotoviti večjo učinkovitost in konkurenčnost evropskih visokošolskih sistemov, pospeševati mobilnost študentov in akademskega osebja ter spodbujati zaposlovanje evropskega prebivalstva. Ker pa dokumenti bolonjskega procesa niso pravno obvezujoči in ne določajo jasnega načina in metod implementacije bolonjske reforme, se je vsaka država prenove svojih visokošolskih sistemov lotila drugače. Posledica tega so velike razlike pri uspešnosti izvedbe reforme, kar Evropo oddaljuje od zastavljenih ciljev. V nalogi sem predstavila tudi potek slovenske implementacije bolonjske reforme in nekaj napak, za katere menim, da so odločilno prispevale k njenemu neuspehu. Eden izmed glavnih razlogov za neuspeh reforme pri nas (in v številnih drugih državah) je tudi finančna izčrpanost visokega šolstva, ki se v Sloveniji v zadnjih letih še zaostruje, saj država vsako leto visokemu šolstvu nameni manj proračunskih sredstev. Nekaj besed sem namenila tudi razmisleku o možnosti uvedbe šolnin, ki se v javnosti občasno predlaga kot ena izmed možnih dopolnitev (nezadostnemu) javnemu financiranju visokega šolstva. ; This master's thesis focuses on the issue of reforming higher education systems in Europe, brought on by the Bologna Process with the intention of achieving a higher level of comparability among previously vastly different national education systems. The Bologna Process is a process of establishing a common European higher education system, the aim of which is to ensure greater efficiency and competitiveness among European higher education systems, encourage the mobility of students and academic staff and promote employment of Europeans. Given, however, that the documents of the Bologna Process are not legally binding and do not determine a clear system and implementation methods of the Bologna reform, each country took a different approach to reforming their higher education systems. The consequences are big differences in success in terms of the implementation of the reform, which diverges Europe from its objective. The thesis presents the course of the Slovene implementation of the Bologna reform and some of the mistakes that have most likely contributed decisively to its failure. One of the main reasons for the reform's failure in Slovenia (and several other countries) is the exhausted financial resources of the higher education system. This is getting progressively worse in Slovenia due to the country cutting budget allocations for the higher education system every year. Some thought is also given to the possibility of implementing tuitions, a solution presented in public as one of the possible supplements to the (insufficient) public funding of the higher education system.

Pogajanja so v življenju ljudi prisotna vsakodnevno, saj med seboj neprestano komuniciramo in izmenjujemo informacije. V sam proces pogajanj sta vključena vsaj dva udeleženca, ki lahko imata povsem različne ali pa skupne interese. Namen pogajanj je usklajevanje interesov za doseganje končnega sporazuma, ki naj bi bil koristen za obe strani. V svojem delu sem se osredotočila predvsem na medkulturna poslovna pogajanja, natančneje na poslovna pogajanja z ruskimi partnerji. V prvem delu naloge sem opredelila teoretični koncept pogajanj, nadaljevala z opredelitvijo poslovnih pogajanj na medkulturni ravni in se nato še natančneje osredotočila na specifični ruski pogajalski slog. Pri pogajanjih s tujimi poslovnimi partnerji velja biti pozoren na številne dejavnike, ki vplivajo na sam izid pogajanj. Potrebno je dobro poznavanje kulture države iz katere prihaja partner, prav tako je zelo priporočljivo vsaj temeljno poznavanje njihov običajev in jezika. V raziskovalnem delu naloge sem povzela izkušnje zaposlenih v izbranem podjetju, ki so se v preteklosti že pogajali z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji. Za pridobivanje potrebnih informacij sem z zaposlenimi izvedla globinski intervju, ki bo obsegal 15 vprašanj. Na podlagi pridobljenih informacij sem oblikovala smernice za vse poslovneže, ki sodelujejo ali imajo v prihodnosti namen sodelovati z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji. V sklepnem delu naloge sem povzela glavne ugotovitve in ugotovila, da k uspešnim pogajanjem z ruskimi poslovnimi partnerji v največji meri pripomore dobro poznavanje ruske kulture in njihovih običajev ter vzpostavitev pristnih odnosov, ki temeljijo na osebnem poznanstvu. Prav tako sem ugotovila, da se ruski pogajalski slog močno razlikuje od evropskega. ; Negotiations are present in people's lives every day as each other constantly communicate and exchange information. Negotiation is a process, which includes at least two parties, which may have a completely different or common interests. The purpose of negotiating is to coordinate the interests of achieving a final agreement, which should be beneficial for both sides. In the theoretical part I mainly focused on cross-cultural business negotiations, specifically on business negotiations with Russian partners. In the first part I defined the theoretical concept of negotiations continued with the definition of business negotiations on an intercultural level and then more specifically focused on specific Russian negotiating style. When negotiating with foreign business partners we have to pay attention to a number of factors that affect the outcome of the negotiations. It is very necessary to have a good knowledge about the culture of the country where the business partner comes from and it is also strongly recommended to have a basic knowledge of their customs and language. In the research part of the thesis I summarized the experience of employees in selected company, which negotiated with Russian business partners in the past. In order to get the necessary information from the employees I conducted in-depth interview, which consist of 15 questions. On the base of provided information I made guidance for all businessmen who are or are attempted to collaborate with Russian business partners in future. In the final part of the thesis I summarized the main findings and came to the conclusion that if yu want to be successful in negotiations with Russian business partners, you must have a good knowledge about Russian culture and their traditions. I also found that the Russian negotiating style very different from the European.

Raziskovalni problem primerjalne analize je preveriti, ali je stopnja razvitosti e-uprave povezana z izbranimi kazalniki razvitosti države ter kakšen je vpliv zgodovine razvoja e-uprave v Sloveniji na povezanost med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in izbranimi kazalniki razvitosti države. Trije izbrani kazalniki razvitosti države so: indeks bruto domačega proizvoda na prebivalca, odstotek posameznikov z doseženo terciarno izobrazbo in odstotek posameznikov, ki uporabljajo internet za interakcijo z javnimi organi. V primerjalno analizo sem vključila podatke v obdobju od 2014 do 2017 za 28 držav članic Evropske unije. Pri primerjalni analizi za Slovenijo sem uporabila podatke v obdobju od 2004 do 2017. Uporabila sem metodo linearne regresije in Pearsonov koeficient korelacije. Ugotovitve analize nakazujejo, da glede na Pearsonov koeficient korelacije nimajo vse države članice Evropske unije pozitivne povezanosti med razvitostjo e-uprave in izbranimi kazalniki razvitosti države. Pri linearni regresiji po državah članicah Evropske unije med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in indeksom bruto domačega proizvoda na prebivalca ter med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in odstotkom posameznikov z doseženo terciarno izobrazbo je povezanost med spremenljivkama neizrazita. Povezanost med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in odstotkom posameznikov, ki uporabljajo internet za interakcijo z javnimi organi, je zmerna. Slovenija ima pri vseh izbranih kazalnikih razvitosti države negativno moč linearne povezanosti s stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave. Zmerno povezanost za Slovenijo opazujemo med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in indeksom bruto domačega proizvoda na prebivalca ter med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in odstotkom posameznikov, ki uporabljajo internet za interakcijo z javnimi organi. Neizrazita povezanost je med stopnjo razvitosti e-uprave in odstotkom posameznikov z doseženo terciarno izobrazbo. ; Research goal of comparative analysis is to check if there is any connection between level of e-government maturity and selected indices of country development and what impact of history of e-government maturity in Slovenia is on connection between level of e-government maturity and selected indices of country development. Three selected indices of country development are: index of gross domestic product per capita, percentage of population with tertiary education and percentage of population using the Internet to interact with public authorities. In comparative analysis I included data for 28 member states of European Union from years 2014 to 2017. In comparative analysis for Slovenia I used data from years 2004 to 2017. I used linear regression method and Pearson correlation coefficient. Result of analysis, according to Pearson correlation coefficient, shows that not all member states of European Union has positive correlation between level of e-government maturity and selected indices of country development. For member states of European Union is linear correlation weak or relatively low between level of e-government maturity and index of gross domestic product per capita and also between level of e-government maturity and percentage of population with tertiary education. Correlation is moderate when compared level of e-government maturity with percentage of population using the Internet to interact with public authorities. Slovenia has negative linear correlation at all selected indices of country development compared to level of e-government maturity. Moderate correlation for Slovenia is noticed between level of e-government maturity and index of gross domestic product per capita and between level of e-government maturity and percentage of population using the Internet to interact with public authorities. Relatively low correlation is between level of e-government maturity and percentage of population with tertiary education.

V nalogi uvodoma definiram temeljne pojme magistrskega dela, nato opisujem dejavnike prometne varnosti in varnost cestnega prometa v Evropski uniji in Sloveniji, zatem navajam vzroke za nastanek prometne nesreče in analiziram prometne nesreče. V nadaljevanju se posvetim najpogostejšim petim dejavnikom, jih metodološko opredelim in prikažem statistične podatke najpogostejših dejavnikov prometnih nesrečah v zadnjih nekaj letih. Nazadnje podam še načrt in vizijo za še večje izboljšanje varnosti v cestnem prometu ter intervju, ki sem ga opravila na Javni agenciji za varnost cestnega prometa v Sloveniji. ; In the thesis, I define the basic concepts of the master's thesis and describe the factors of road traffic safety and road safety in the European Union and in Slovenia. I further describe the causes of the accident and the analysis of the road accident. In the following, I focus on the most common five factors and methodologically define them and present statistical data on the most common factors of traffic accidents in the last few years. Finally, I present plans and visions to improve road safety in the future and an interview I conducted at the Public Agency for Road Safety in Slovenia.

EU je prva regionalna organizacija, ki si je v GS OZN prizadevala za nadgradnjo svoje opazovalne funkcije in 3. maja 2011 z resolucijo GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 pridobila okrepljen status opazovalca. Ker je sprejetje omenjene resolucije vzpostavilo okvir, ki prinaša spremembe za delovanje EU v GS OZN, je cilj moje magistrske naloge analizirati, kakšen vpliv je imela resolucija na koherentnost glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri resolucijah, povezanih z jedrskim orožjem. Ker je nesoglasje med DČ EU v GS OZN najvišje glede resolucij, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje, sem raziskovala, v kolikšni meri je sprejetje resolucije GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 prispevalo k sposobnosti EU, da v GS OZN predstavi skupno stališče oziroma »govori z enim glasom«, ko se razpravlja o tako kontroverzni temi. To ugotavljam na podlagi mešane metode in sicer kvantitativne analize glasovanja DČ EU na temo resolucij GS OZN, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje in kvalitativne analize morebitnih sprememb stališč DČ EU o jedrskem oboroževanju, v osemletnem obdobju pred in po sprejetju A/RES/65/276. Ugotavljam, da resolucija GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 ni prispevala k večji stopnji koherentnosti glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri glasovanju o resolucijah jedrskega orožja. DČ EU ostajajo razdeljene glede vprašanj jedrskega razoroževanja, pri čemer tako jedrske kot nejedrske države ohranjajo močne nacionalne preference. ; The EU is the first regional organization that has strived to upgrade its observer function in the UNGA and on 3rd May 2011, with the UNGA resolution A/RES/65/276 gained an enhanced observer status. Since the adoption of this resolution has created a framework that brings changes to the functioning of the EU in the UNGA, my master's thesis aims to analyze the impact of the resolution on the EU MS' voting coherence in the UNGA on nuclear-related resolutions. Since the disagreement between the EU MS in the UNGA is the highest regarding resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons, it seems appropriate to analyse to what extent the adoption of A/RES/65/276 contributed to the EU's ability to present a common position in the UNGA or the ability to »speak with one voice« when discussing such a controversial topic. I intend to identify this on the basis of a mixed method, i.e. a quantitative analysis of the EU MS' vote on the subject of resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons and qualitative analysis of possible changes of the EU's nuclear arms standpoints in the eight year period before and after the adoption of A/RES/65/276. Findings show that the UNGA Resolution no. A/RES/65/276, did not contribute to a greater coherence in the EU MS's voting in the UNGA when voting on nuclear weapons resolutions. EU MS remain divided on nuclear disarmament issues, with both nuclear and non-nuclear states maintaining strong national preferences.

POVZETEK MEDNARODNI KAZENSKI PREGON IN ČLOVEKOVE PRAVICE TUJIH TERORISTIČNIH BORCEV Avtor: Rok Petročnik Mentorica: izr. prof. dr. Vasilka Sancin V magistrski nalogi sem raziskoval nastanek fenomena tujega terorističnega borca, njihov mednarodni kazenski pregon in kršitve njihovih temeljnih človekovih pravic v domačih kazenskih pregonih. Varnostni svet OZN je leta 2014 na podlagi VII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN sprejel Resolucijo 2178, ki podaja opis tujega terorističnega borca, vendar ne loči med oboroženimi spopadi in terorizmom. Resolucija 2178 opisuje tujega terorističnega borca kot posameznika, ki potuje v tujino z namenom izvedbe ali sodelovanja v terorističnem napadu, medtem ko je tuji borec posameznik, ki odpotuje v tujino z namenom pridružitve oboroženim spopadom. V raziskavi sem prišel do sklepa, da trenutno ne obstaja mednarodni kazenski pregon tujih terorističnih borcev, saj pregon izvajajo države same pred nacionalnimi sodišči. Varnostni svet OZN je pregon tujih terorističnih borcev preložil na države članice OZN, in sicer z vzpostavitvijo različnih odborov za nadzor izvajanja sankcij Varnostnega Sveta, kot so Sankcijski odbor 1267 in Skupina za analitično podporo in nadzor sankcij. V primerih Nada, Ahmed in Abdelrazik so nacionalna sodišča zaradi kršitev temeljnih človekovih pravic s sodbami razveljavila državne upravne akte, ki so vpeljevali sprejete protiteroristične resolucije Varnostnega sveta. Podobno je naredilo sodišče EU v primeru Kadi, kjer je bila razveljavljena uredba, ki je vpeljala sankcije Varnostnega sveta. Sodbe nacionalnih in sodišč v EU so bile glavni dejavnik za spremembo mednarodnopravnega okvirja terorizma OZN in za posledično večji poudarek na spoštovanju temeljnih pravic, ki jih zagotavlja Evropska konvencija o človekovih pravicah. ; ABSTRACT INTERNATIONAL PROSECUTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS OF FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS Author: Rok Petročnik Mentor: Vasilka Sancin, PhD, Professor In master's thesis i explored the emergence of the foreign terrorist fighter phenomenona, international prosecution of foreign terrorist fighters, and the violation of the fundamental rights of foreign terrorist fighters in domestic prosecutions. UN Security Council in 2014 adopted Resolution 2178 under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. However, while the Resolution outlines the description of a foreign terrorist fighter, it fails to distinguish between armed conflicts and terrorism. Resolution 2178 defines foreign terrorist fighters as individuals who travel to a state other than their states of residence or nationality for the purpose of the perpetration, planning, or preparation of, or participation in, terrorist acts or the providing or receiving of terrorist training, including in connection with armed conflict, while foreign fighter is an individual who travels abroad with intention to join armed conflict. The research led to the conclusion that there is currently no international prosecution of foreign terrorist fighters because states carry it out before national courts. UN Security Council has placed the burden of prosecuting foreign terrorist fighters on UN Member States by establishing different committees monitoring the implementation of the Security Council sanctions, such as the 1267 Committee and the Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team. In the cases of Nada, Ahmed and Abdelrazik, national courts due to violations of fundamental rights, repealed national administrative acts that introduced the adopted UN Security Council counter terrorism resolutions. The Court of Justice of the EU made a similar decision in the case of Kadi by repealing the regulation introducing the UN Security Council sanctions. Judgements of national and EU courts were the main factor in changing the UN terrorism framework in terms of international law, thus shifting the focus on the respect of fundamental rights as guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights.