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The sharp increase in the number of new COVID-19 cases in late 2021 and early 2022, which is associated with the spread of a new strain of coronavirus - omicron - is of great concern and makes it necessary to make at least approximate forecasts for the pandemic dynamics of the epidemic. As this rapid growth occurs even in countries with high levels of vaccinations, the question arises as to their effectiveness. The smoothed daily number of new cases and deaths per capita and the ratio of these characteristics were used to reveal the appearance of new coronavirus strains and to estimate the effectiveness of quarantine, testing and vaccination. The third year of the pandemic allowed us to compare the pandemic dynamics in the period from September 2020 to January 2021 with the same period one year later for Ukraine, EU, the UK, USA, India, Brazil, South Africa, Argentina, Australia, and in the whole world. Record numbers of new cases registered in late 2021 and early 2022 once again proved that existing vaccines cannot prevent new infections, and vaccinated people can spread the infection as intensively as non-vaccinated ones. Fortunately, the daily number of new cases already diminishes in EU, the UK, USA, South Africa, and Australia. In late January - early February 2022, the maximum averaged numbers of new cases are expected in Brazil, India, EU, and worldwide. Omicron waves can increase the numbers of deaths per capita, but in highly vaccinated countries, the deaths per case ratio significantly decreases. Highlights: Vaccinated persons can get and pass the new coronavirus variants. The probability of death is much lower for vaccinated persons.

This article explores the significant role that the state is still expected to play in initiating and implementing the energy transition. In this regard, it is laid out in three parts. Part I focuses on the premise of the role that derives from constitutional law. This role is considered classic, because it is based on different functions of the state, and the legitimate constrain that distinguishes it from other social actors, including non-state actors. Tremendous materials are offered by the analysis either from the perspective of sociology or law studies when it comes to the specific situation of French-speaking African states. The scope of analysis is broadened with the energy law approach. With a focus on African English-speaking countries, the article examines both the way the state is enforcing statutes aiming to design its own transition scheme and exercising its discretionary power through its energy policy. Beyond the functions of the state—deriving from its sovereign power—these elements set out the direction in quest of a specific role the state can play in the energy transition as a process in Part II. As such, the energy transition, if it is to lead to coherent social change, requires strong and dynamic leadership, including clear, nuanced, and forward-looking direction on the broad sections of the overall process, and the environmental justice issues that necessarily cluster around them. For this reason, the role of the state is construed as both a steering role, and an integrative role for environmental, economic and social issues. Part III provides a rationale for the necessary and strong support of international cooperation—to the state—in order to achieve the paradigm shift smoothly. In Part IV, I emphasize the African Union's transition initiatives in the run-up to COP 25, which I hold out as an inducement for states' efforts. In fact, this article seeks to address these issues. Taken together, they could help build a coherent pattern of the role that African states play in the energy ...

The common approach to the negotiation process focuses on the external manifestation of the interaction between two parties who are trying to reach a satisfactory agreement. This view does not take into account the internal drivers of behavior of the involved parties. The externalized dynamic between the negotiators is only the secondary result of the interplay between the conscious and unconscious elements in the psyche of both parties. The condition of a long-lasting agreement is therefore a collaboration between the conscious and unconscious representation on the individual level. This article examines the transcendent function as a union between the conscious and the unconscious, specifically the ego and the self. It focuses on the tendencies of these two factors that can either hinder or make the transition of energy possible in view of reaching a successful manifested agreement. The study provides a straightforward reference that can be used by analysts and business professionals to help them understand what are the psychological aspects that affect the negotiation process, both on the individual and on the collective level.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.

This research deals with the frameworks of political analysis of the issue of the demonstrations in the news bulletins of the Iraqi satellite channels represented by Al-Iraqiya, Dijla and Al-Atija channels, which were selected according to an exploratory study conducted by him. Iraqi Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The researcher concluded to a sample of the public that these channels are the most followed, and the orientations of these three channels differ, where Al-Iraqiya TV represents the official view of the state, while Dijla TV represents a partisan viewpoint opposing the government's policy. While the channel represents the Islamic line and then one of the channels of the Union of Islamic Radios and Channels in Iraq, the research problem was represented in the main question "What are the frameworks for political analysis of the issue of demonstrations in Iraq. Iraqi satellite news releases? This research is descriptive research, and the researcher used the survey method and the content analysis tool, where he analyzed the eight pm news bulletins for the chosen period and mentioned in the time domain of the research, so the analysis was done in a comprehensive inventory method: (an interview represented by (55) interviews on the trend channel, and (50) interviews on Al-Iraqiya channel, and (40) interviews. Interviews on Dijla channel, the researcher reached a number of results, the most important of which are: 1. The frameworks for the proposed solutions to the issue of the demonstrations came first within the frameworks mentioned in the political analysis, due to the interest of political analysts in resolving the issue before it is too late and the situation recedes. Al-Iraqiya channel topped this framework and tried to find solutions and avoid a collision between the government and the demonstrators and sought calm. 2. The warning framework came in second place among the frameworks, and the warning frameworks launched by political analysts varied, including warnings to the government in dealing with the ...