Suchergebnisse

International audience ; [Thinking about the future of the European Union using the methods of forecasting. According to the latter, it requires a good knowledge of the initial situation. We begin by singling out the nature of the demographic system of the European Union in the late 2000s. Then we propose several scenarios on the horizon of 2030. by combining the possible trends in key demographic parameters. Finally, analyzes and discussions held previously will ultimately provide recommendations whose purpose is to eliminate scenarios that do not appear desirable and promote progress towards a better future.] ; Réfléchissons à l'avenir de l'Union européenne en recourant aux méthodes de la prospective. Conformément à ces dernières, cela nécessite une bonne connaissance de la situation initiale. Nous commencerons donc par singulariser la nature du système démographique de l'Union européenne à la fin des années 2000. Puis nous proposerons plusieurs scénarios prospectifs à l'horizon de 2030. en combinant les tendances possibles sur les principaux paramètres démographiques. Enfin, les analyses et réflexions menées précédemment permettront, in fine, de proposer des recommandations dont l'objet est d'écarter les scénarios qui n'apparaissent pas souhaitables et de favoriser l'évolution vers un avenir meilleur.

International audience ; [Thinking about the future of the European Union using the methods of forecasting. According to the latter, it requires a good knowledge of the initial situation. We begin by singling out the nature of the demographic system of the European Union in the late 2000s. Then we propose several scenarios on the horizon of 2030. by combining the possible trends in key demographic parameters. Finally, analyzes and discussions held previously will ultimately provide recommendations whose purpose is to eliminate scenarios that do not appear desirable and promote progress towards a better future.] ; Réfléchissons à l'avenir de l'Union européenne en recourant aux méthodes de la prospective. Conformément à ces dernières, cela nécessite une bonne connaissance de la situation initiale. Nous commencerons donc par singulariser la nature du système démographique de l'Union européenne à la fin des années 2000. Puis nous proposerons plusieurs scénarios prospectifs à l'horizon de 2030. en combinant les tendances possibles sur les principaux paramètres démographiques. Enfin, les analyses et réflexions menées précédemment permettront, in fine, de proposer des recommandations dont l'objet est d'écarter les scénarios qui n'apparaissent pas souhaitables et de favoriser l'évolution vers un avenir meilleur.

My secret hope, before starting reading this book, was to discover some new avenues for reflection that would help to renew the theoretical debate on the European Union (EU). Unfortunately, however, Moravcsik's familiar reader will find only a summary in which the author develops the thesis he has developed over the past decade under the banner of 'liberal intergovernmentalism' (.). ; Mon secret espoir, avant d'entamer la lecture de ce livre, était d'y découvrir quelques nouvelles pistes de réflexion contribuant à renouveler le débat théorique sur l'Union européenne (UE). Mais hélas, le lecteur déjà familier de Moravcsik n'y trouvera qu'une synthèse dans laquelle l'auteur développe les thèses qu'il a élaborées depuis une dizaine d'années sous la bannière de l' "intergouvernementalisme libéral " (.).

International audience ; Since the end of the Cold War (1990), the enlargements of NATO and the European Union have not been zero-sum games. The integration of new Member States partially modifies the European Union and its relation to NATO. France is redefining its posture within NATO, hoping to put a brake on the development of the Europe of defense that it must first present. It will then be necessary to characterize relations between the United States and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This will give full meaning to the question of the return of France to the integrated command of NATO. Finally, we must ask ourselves whether the Lisbon Treaty is capable of building the foundations of a powerful Europe. ; Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide (1990), les élargissements de l'Otan et de l'Union européenne ne sont pas des jeux à somme nulle. L'intégration de nouveaux États membres modifie partiel-lement l'Union européenne et sa relation à l'Otan. La France redéfinit sa posture au sein de l'Otan, dans l'espoir de lever un frein au développement de l'Europe de la défense qu'il con-vient d'abord de présenter. Il sera nécessaire, ensuite, de caractériser les relations entre les États-Unis et les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale. Ce qui donnera tout son sens à la question du retour de la France dans le commandement intégré de l'Otan. Enfin, il convient de se de-mander si le traité de Lisbonne est à même de construire les bases d'une Europe puissance.

International audience ; Since the end of the Cold War (1990), the enlargements of NATO and the European Union have not been zero-sum games. The integration of new Member States partially modifies the European Union and its relation to NATO. France is redefining its posture within NATO, hoping to put a brake on the development of the Europe of defense that it must first present. It will then be necessary to characterize relations between the United States and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This will give full meaning to the question of the return of France to the integrated command of NATO. Finally, we must ask ourselves whether the Lisbon Treaty is capable of building the foundations of a powerful Europe. ; Depuis la fin de la Guerre froide (1990), les élargissements de l'Otan et de l'Union européenne ne sont pas des jeux à somme nulle. L'intégration de nouveaux États membres modifie partiel-lement l'Union européenne et sa relation à l'Otan. La France redéfinit sa posture au sein de l'Otan, dans l'espoir de lever un frein au développement de l'Europe de la défense qu'il con-vient d'abord de présenter. Il sera nécessaire, ensuite, de caractériser les relations entre les États-Unis et les pays d'Europe centrale et orientale. Ce qui donnera tout son sens à la question du retour de la France dans le commandement intégré de l'Otan. Enfin, il convient de se de-mander si le traité de Lisbonne est à même de construire les bases d'une Europe puissance.

International audience ; What do the borders of the European Union (EU) to its limits? The first part of this study shows how the EU presents scalable borders. The second part analyzes the issue of state candidates, so possible future enlargements which would mean a further decline in EU borders. Finally, examination of what the migration borders can be called will deepen the EU's geopolitical reality. ; Que nous apprennent les frontières de l'Union européenne (UE) de ses limites ? La première partie de cette étude montre combien l'UE présente des frontières évolutives. La deuxième partie analyse la question des candidats étatiques, donc des éventuels élargissements futurs qui signifieraient une nouveau recul des frontières de l'UE. Enfin, l'examen de ce que l'on peut appeler les frontières migratoires permet d'approfondir la réalité géopolitique de l'UE.

International audience ; What do the borders of the European Union (EU) to its limits? The first part of this study shows how the EU presents scalable borders. The second part analyzes the issue of state candidates, so possible future enlargements which would mean a further decline in EU borders. Finally, examination of what the migration borders can be called will deepen the EU's geopolitical reality. ; Que nous apprennent les frontières de l'Union européenne (UE) de ses limites ? La première partie de cette étude montre combien l'UE présente des frontières évolutives. La deuxième partie analyse la question des candidats étatiques, donc des éventuels élargissements futurs qui signifieraient une nouveau recul des frontières de l'UE. Enfin, l'examen de ce que l'on peut appeler les frontières migratoires permet d'approfondir la réalité géopolitique de l'UE.

International audience ; [Among its many concepts, the science of the population uses two apparently close terms: depopulation, or deficit of births over deaths, and population decline. Demographic developments in and within the European Union illustrate the nuances between these two concepts.] ; Parmi ses nombreux concepts, la science de la population utilise deux termes apparemment proches : dépopulation et dépeuplement. Les évolutions démographiques de et au sein de l'Union européenne permettent d'illustrer les nuances entre ces deux concepts.

International audience ; [Among its many concepts, the science of the population uses two apparently close terms: depopulation, or deficit of births over deaths, and population decline. Demographic developments in and within the European Union illustrate the nuances between these two concepts.] ; Parmi ses nombreux concepts, la science de la population utilise deux termes apparemment proches : dépopulation et dépeuplement. Les évolutions démographiques de et au sein de l'Union européenne permettent d'illustrer les nuances entre ces deux concepts.

This article describes the epidemiological situation of bacterial zoonoses in the countries of the European Union prior to its enlargement, based on documents provided by the European Commission and the International Office of Epizooty. Results from countries joining the EU in 2004 and their surrounding countries are also provided. ; La situation épidémiologique de zoonoses bactériennes dans les pays de l'Union Européenne avant son élargissement est rapportée à partir des documents établis par la Commission Européenne et l'Office International des Épizooties. Des résultats concernant les pays adhérents en 2004 et des pays géographiquement proches sont également fournis.

The crisis of the Liberal International Order (LIO) has resulted in, and been amplified by, the unilateral turn taken by the United States (US) under the Trump presidency. In this sense, 'America First' resulted in revisionism by the system leader vis-à-vis an order the US created and led for decades. This shift away from a historical US liberal hegemony has been even more consequential as it resulted in a leadership crisis and translated into episodes of rupture within the transatlantic community, which constitutes the backbone of the LIO. While the European Union (EU) initially positioned itself as a follower of the US, it has more recently appeared to oppose American 'illiberalism' through its rhetoric of 'principled pragmatism', expressed in an increasing number of issues. Building on the concept of leadership, this article analyses whether and to what extent the EU has the willingness to uphold LIO leadership and to what extent it is strategically equipped to do so. Following an analysis of the 2003 European Security Strategy and 2016 EU Global Strategy in order to comprehend better the EU's relationship with the LIO and its willingness to lead, the article builds on two brief case studies: the America First trade policy and the Iran nuclear agreement. In turn, this facilitates examination of the EU's capacity to lead and determination of the extent to which this leadership is accepted by other actors. The article argues that, while being limited by American preponderance over international issues, the EU is faced with a willingness-capacity gap but still attempts to uphold the LIO through pragmatic leadership by hedging.

Turkey has been a member of the Council of Europe since 1950, a member of NATO since 1953, associated with the EU Customs Union since 1963, candidate for the EU since 1987, and officially recognised candidate, and consequently benefiting from the benefits of this status, to the European Union since 3 October 2005. However, several years after the latter date, the question of full integration into the European Union remains open. Indeed, with the previous candidate countries, accession negotiations have never been so trapped. The issue of relations between Turkey and the European Union therefore merits an in-depth analysis. With this aim in mind, the geo-demographic characteristics and prospects of both entities should first be studied, bearing in mind the importance of such parameters for geopolitical knowledge. The specific nature of the development of relations between Turkey and the European Union must then be examined. Finally, consideration should be given to possible geopolitical logic, the analysis of which should make it possible to reflect on, or even respond to, the three terms set out: integration, complementarity or divergence. ; International audience Turkey is a member of the Council of Europe since 1950, a member of NATO since 1953, together with the Customs Union of the European Union since 1963, a candidate for the Union since 1987 and officially recognized candidate, benefiting in therefore the benefits of this status, the European Union since October 3, 2005. However, several years after that date, the question of its full integration into the European Union remains open. Indeed, with previous candidate countries, the accession negotiations never did much trampled. The relationship between Turkey and the European Union deserves a thorough analysis. For this purpose, it is first necessary to study the characteristics and geo-demographic perspectives of the two entities, given the importance of such parameters for geopolitical knowledge. The specificity of the evolution of relations between ...

International audience ; The European Union is generally an immigration area, for two reasons: firstly, many people live in countries that prove repellents political causes and / or economic; on the other hand, the EU is attractive. However, the European Union argues, relying on accounting arguments for a unified migration policy. But it is difficult to implement given the demographic, economic and historical situations of the Member States differentiated strong and safe and societal issues. ; L'Union européenne est globalement un espace d'immigration, pour deux raisons : d'une part, nombre de personnes vivent dans des pays qui s'avèrent répulsifs pour des causes politiques et/ou économiques ; d'autre part, l'UE est attractive. Or, l'Union européenne plaide, en s'appuyant sur des arguments comptables, pour une politique migra-toire unifiée. Mais celle-ci est difficile à mettre en œuvre compte tenu des situations démographiques, économiques et historiques fort différenciées des États membres ainsi que des questions sécuritaires et sociétales.

International audience ; The European Union is generally an immigration area, for two reasons: firstly, many people live in countries that prove repellents political causes and / or economic; on the other hand, the EU is attractive. However, the European Union argues, relying on accounting arguments for a unified migration policy. But it is difficult to implement given the demographic, economic and historical situations of the Member States differentiated strong and safe and societal issues. ; L'Union européenne est globalement un espace d'immigration, pour deux raisons : d'une part, nombre de personnes vivent dans des pays qui s'avèrent répulsifs pour des causes politiques et/ou économiques ; d'autre part, l'UE est attractive. Or, l'Union européenne plaide, en s'appuyant sur des arguments comptables, pour une politique migra-toire unifiée. Mais celle-ci est difficile à mettre en œuvre compte tenu des situations démographiques, économiques et historiques fort différenciées des États membres ainsi que des questions sécuritaires et sociétales.

This paper raises the question of a policy for conflict in the making for the EU : the European Defense and Security Policy. After a brief presentation of our analytical method, we structure the paper in three axes. First, where does ESDP come from and what are its main objectives ? Then, what is European specificity in developing specific crisis management tools, and how do theses tool work and socialize the diplomatic and politico-military actors involved ? Last but not least, how does ESDP interplay between Brussels and the member states ? What does ESDP change for them, and what are its obvious and more pregnant limits up to now? ESDP constitutes a way for the Europeans to exit the world order of the Cold War and aims at providing the EU with a median way of crisis and conflict management between the approaches developed by traditional international organizations as NATO, the UNO or the OSCE. ESDP incarnates also the commitment of the three leading countries in defense and security matters in Europe –France, Great Britain and Germany- to overcome the shock of the Balkans crisis where Europe had been characterized by its division and inability to act effectively to solve the conflict. Therefore the member states had built specific organs, tools and procedures in the framework of ESDP. The originality and added value of the EU with its crisis management policy as the heart of ESDP is to propose an integrated approach combining military and civilian instruments. This however raises several fundamental questions. ESDP still lacks cross-pillar coherence, particularly regarding the financing of ESDP operations. This also raises the question of the interplay between Brussels and the member states: deploying troops is still a national sovereign decision and EU states keep on analyzing situations in the light of their national security interest. Yet ESDP combined with the new trends in military socialization since the 80's constitute a strong incentive to reform both the armies and military education. Thus ESDP seems ...