Faza europeizacije hrvatske javne uprave započela je 2001. godine. Obuhvaća značajne promjene u središnjoj državnoj upravi, javnim službama (službama od općeg interesa), lokalnoj i regionalnoj samoupravi, službeničkom sustavu, upravnom obrazovanju, općem upravnom pravu te u sustavu pravne zaštite građana. U svim tim područjima razvijaju se značajni europski standardi, koji služe kao oslonac harmonizacije javnih uprava europskih zemalja. Europske standarde razvijaju Europska unija, Vijeće Europe, ali i same europske zemlje međusobnom razmjenom i učenjem. Reformama hrvatske uprave želi se ojačati upravne kapacitete, ostvarenje standarda dobrog europskog upravljanja i efektivni ulazak u zajednički europski upravni prostor. Europska je unija nametnula politiku i mehanizme kondicionalnosti te osigurala značajna financijska sredstva, projekte i stručnu potporu upravnim reformama u Hrvatskoj. Prilagodbe su u tijeku, a usprkos općenito dobrim rezultatima, ostaje značajni prostor za punu europeizaciju, u smislu postizanja odgovarajućih učinaka hrvatske javne uprave. ; Europeanization of the Croatian public administration formally started in 2001. This phase has encompassed important changes of the central state administration, services of general interest, local and regional self-government, civil service, administrative education and in-service training, general administrative law and system of legal protection of citizens. Reforms have been oriented towards strengthening administrative capacities, acquiring standards of good European governance, and effective entrance into common European Administrative Space. During that phase, till the Croatian accession, the European Union imposed conditionality policy and mechanisms, and ensured huge financial and expert support to the reforms. Reforms at the central level consisted of agencification, professionalisation and depoliticisation of the civil service, Europeanization of a significant part of sectoral public policies and strengthening openness and ethical standards. The purposes of reforms at the local and regional levels have been strengthening democratic legitimacy, reorientation towards economic development, and realisation of prerequisites for more efficient regional policy in line with European regional and structural policy. A new concept of services of general interest along with liberalisation, privatisation and commercialisation policy has been realised. Independent regulation of services of general economic interest and fostering better quality of non-economic services of general interest have been developed. Legal protection of citizens has been strengthened by introducing two-tier administrative justice and realisation of standards of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of the Council of Europe, parallel with some administrative simplification. The right to good administration, established by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, has attracted increased attention. Certain steps towards quality modern education for key administrative personnel have been made.
Cilj je ovoga rada raščlaniti razloge koji ukazuju na potrebu donošenja kodificiranih pravila upravnoga postupka u pravu Unije te ocijeniti kvalitetu predloženih rješenja. U ovome radu najprije se nastoji odgovoriti na pitanje postoji li u Europskoj uniji potreba za kodificiranjem pravila upravnoga postupka. To se čini analizom nekih njezinih propisa, ali i stajališta iznesenih u znanstvenoj i stručnoj literaturi. Ukazuje se na dosadašnje "kodifikacijske neuspjehe" te se kratko prikazuje geneza donošenja i danas aktualnoga prijedloga Uredbe o otvorenoj, učinkovitoj i neovisnoj upravi Europske unije. Zatim se analiziraju ciljevi ovoga prijedloga propisa i u njemu sadržana rješenja. Ona se uspoređuju s aktualnim rješenjima sadržanima u hrvatskom pravnom sustavu i pravnim sustavima nekih država članica Unije, kako bi se utvrdilo hoće li eventualno usvajanje predložene uredbe u praksi zahtijevati značajnije odstupanje u radu institucija, tijela, ureda i agencija Unije od pravila vođenja upravnoga postupka uvriježenih u nacionalnim pravnim sustavima država članica. Time se ukazuje na neke prednosti, ali i nedostatke predloženoga teksta. Konačno, zaključuje se hoće li Unija eventualnom predloženom "kodifikacijom" stvoriti nove pravne režime ili će se zadovoljiti zakonskim utvrđenjem već postojećih pravila u okviru jednoga propisa. ; The aim of this paper is to analyse reasons pointing out the need to codify the rules for administrative procedure in EU law and to assess the quality of suggested solutions. Firstly, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether the European Union needs to codify rules of administrative procedure. This is done by analysing some of its regulations as well as the views purported in scientific and professional literature. The "codification failures" to date are pointed out and the genesis of passing the today still current proposed "Regulations on open, effective and independent European Union Administration". Then, the aims of this proposed regulation and its contained solutions are ...
Predmet istraživanja diplomskog rada je jedinstveno tržište Europske unije. Cilj istraživanja je prikupiti podatke o jedinstvenom tržištu Europske unije na osnovu kojih će se iznijeti zaključak o utjecaju pandemije COVID-19, utjecaju BREXITA na jedinstveno tržište Europske unije te istražiti očekivanja za budućnost u vidu Digitalnog jedinstvenog tržišta Europske unije kroz Projekt EU4Digital Initiative. Nakon uvoda, metodologije istraživanja te navedenih izvora podataka definiraju se temeljne značajke Europske unije. Objašnjen je proces pristupanja Europskoj uniji te detaljnije razrađene situacije između država članica, država kandidatkinja i država potencijalnih kandidatkinja sa Europskom unijom. Nakon razrade osnovnih informacija o Europskoj uniji, prikazan je proces ulaska Republike Hrvatske u Europsku uniju te ekonomski učinci ostvareni ulaskom u Zajednicu. Ekonomski učinci promatrani su na osnovi uvoza, izvoza, nezaposlenosti, bruto domaćeg proizvoda i bruto domaćeg proizvoda po glavi stanovnika. Detaljno su objašnjenje "Četiri slobode" u okviru strategije jedinstvenog tržišta Europske unije, odnosno sloboda kretanja robe, sloboda kretanja kapitala, sloboda osnivanja i pružanja usluga, sloboda kretanja osoba. Osim suradnje država članica Europske unije na jedinstvenom tržištu, pobliže je prikazana i suradnja sa Istočnoeuropskim zemljama, poznato kao Istočno partnerstvo. Donesen je program za jedinstveno tržište Europske unije za razdoblje 2021. – 2027,. koji posjeduje šest temeljnih ciljeva u navedenom periodu. Brexit i Covid-19 najveće su promjene koje su se dogodile na području Europske unije od 2020. godine, a prethodno je suočena sa promjenama u digitalnoj tehnologiji. Cilj ovoga rada je sagledati cjelokupnu situaciju na području Europske unije te istražiti na koji način će digitalne tehnologije, odlazak Velike Britanije iz Europske unije te pandemija COVID-19, utjecati na jedinstveno tržište Europske unije. ; The subject of the thesis research is the single market of the European Union. The aim of the ...
Predmet istraživanja diplomskog rada je jedinstveno tržište Europske unije. Cilj istraživanja je prikupiti podatke o jedinstvenom tržištu Europske unije na osnovu kojih će se iznijeti zaključak o utjecaju pandemije COVID-19, utjecaju BREXITA na jedinstveno tržište Europske unije te istražiti očekivanja za budućnost u vidu Digitalnog jedinstvenog tržišta Europske unije kroz Projekt EU4Digital Initiative. Nakon uvoda, metodologije istraživanja te navedenih izvora podataka definiraju se temeljne značajke Europske unije. Objašnjen je proces pristupanja Europskoj uniji te detaljnije razrađene situacije između država članica, država kandidatkinja i država potencijalnih kandidatkinja sa Europskom unijom. Nakon razrade osnovnih informacija o Europskoj uniji, prikazan je proces ulaska Republike Hrvatske u Europsku uniju te ekonomski učinci ostvareni ulaskom u Zajednicu. Ekonomski učinci promatrani su na osnovi uvoza, izvoza, nezaposlenosti, bruto domaćeg proizvoda i bruto domaćeg proizvoda po glavi stanovnika. Detaljno su objašnjenje "Četiri slobode" u okviru strategije jedinstvenog tržišta Europske unije, odnosno sloboda kretanja robe, sloboda kretanja kapitala, sloboda osnivanja i pružanja usluga, sloboda kretanja osoba. Osim suradnje država članica Europske unije na jedinstvenom tržištu, pobliže je prikazana i suradnja sa Istočnoeuropskim zemljama, poznato kao Istočno partnerstvo. Donesen je program za jedinstveno tržište Europske unije za razdoblje 2021. – 2027,. koji posjeduje šest temeljnih ciljeva u navedenom periodu. Brexit i Covid-19 najveće su promjene koje su se dogodile na području Europske unije od 2020. godine, a prethodno je suočena sa promjenama u digitalnoj tehnologiji. Cilj ovoga rada je sagledati cjelokupnu situaciju na području Europske unije te istražiti na koji način će digitalne tehnologije, odlazak Velike Britanije iz Europske unije te pandemija COVID-19, utjecati na jedinstveno tržište Europske unije. ; The subject of the thesis research is the single market of the European Union. The aim of the ...
Iako su očekivanja Hrvatske od članstva u Europskoj uniji bila velika, ona se za sada ne ostvaruju. Hrvatska tone prema dnu Europske unije. Prema bruto domaćem proizvodu po stanovniku Hrvatska je na predzadnjem mjestu Europske unije. Samo je Bugarska iza Hrvatske, ali ona posljednjih godina ima veće stope rasta od Hrvatske. Uzrok hrvatske gospodarske stagnacije nije članstvo u Europskoj uniji, nego pogreške nacionalne makroekonomske politike i potpuni nedostatak industrijske politike, kao temeljne gospodarske politike. Kod donošenja novih mjera ne analiziraju se pogreške starih mjera ni uzroci današnje stagnacije, tako da se Hrvatska vrti u "začaranom krugu" nekonzistentnih politika. Europska unija je također suočena s najvećim izazovima od njezina nastanka. Ne ostvaruje se njezin osnovni ekonomski cilj – ujednačen razvoj svih članica. Kriza u Grčkoj je zemlju značajno vratila unatrag i pojačala antieuropske osjećaje, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo je na izlazu iz Europske unije, a u mnogim zemljama jačaju pokreti protiv Europske unije ili protiv njezinih pojedinih politika. Očito je da se dosadašnji koncept Europske unije istrošio. Promijenile su se ekonomske, tehnološke i političke okolnosti od njezina osnutka do danas, a na vidiku nema prijedloga za njezin budući razvoj u novim okolnostima. Globalni ekonomski i politički sustav kreiran na samom kraju Drugoga svjetskog rata se također počeo mijenjati. Sve su to okolnosti koje hrvatsku politiku stavljaju pred sve veće i složenije izazove. ; Although Croatian expectations from joining the European Union were high, so far they have not been met. Croatia is falling to the bottom of the European Union. According to gross domestic product per capita Croatia holds the second-last position in the European Union. Only Bulgaria is left behind, but not for long as it has been showing higher growth rates in recent years. The cause of Croatian economic stagnation is not its membership in the European Union, but the mistakes of national macroeconomic policy and the complete lack of industrial policy as a key economic policy. While enacting new measures, the mistakes of the old ones and the sources of stagnation are not analysed, making Croatia go into vicious circles of inconsistently crafted policies. The European Union has been facing some of its biggest challenges since its establishment. Its main economic objective, the convergence of Member States and their homogenised development, has not been achieved. The crisis in Greece has significantly downgraded the country and increased Euroscepticism, United Kingdom is ready to exit the European Union, and in many Member States anti-European Union movements or movements against specific European Union policies are on the rise. It is obvious that the existing concept of the European Union is no longer viable. There have been changes in the economic, technological and political sphere since its establishment and there are no specific suggestions as to its future development within the new context. The global economic and political system created after the Second World War has started changing as well. All these circumstances are bringing more considerable and more complex challenges to Croatian politics.
Pandemijska kriza uzrokovala je mnoge izazove na globalnoj razini. Europska unija pokušala je pravovremeno i optimalno odgovoriti na neke od izazova koji su zahvatili njezino područje, a autorica je uočila sljedeće: ekonomski pad; kriza zdravstvenog sektora; nepostojanje cjepiva; smanjenje mobilnosti građana unutar i izvan državnih granica; širenje dezinformacija te pitanje očuvanja europskih vrijednosti i propadanja demokracije. Uz to što će prikazati reakciju EU na pojedine izazove u 2020. godini, analizirat će i strategije triju država članica koje su primijenile različite pristupe borbi protiv virusa – strategiju Njemačke, Švedske i Mađarske. Autorica će doći do zaključka da je EU uspješno odgovorila na jedan dio navedenih izazova, dok je na drugi dio ipak mogla čvršće reagirati. U borbi s izazovima nije pomogla niti različitost strategija država članica, a neke od njih pronašle su i nove saveznike izvan EU. ; The pandemic crisis has caused many challenges on a global level. The European Union tried to respond in a timely and optimal manner to some of the challenges that affected its area, and the author detected the following: economic decline; health sector crisis; lack of vaccine; reducing the mobility of citizens inside and outside national borders; spreading misinformation and the issue of preserving European values and the decline of democracy. In addition to showing the EU's response to certain challenges in 2020, the strategies of the three member states that have applied different approaches to fighting the virus - strategies of Germany, Sweden and Hungary - will be analyzed. The author will come to the conclusion that the EU has successfully responded to one part of these challenges, while it could have reacted more strongly to the other part. The various strategies of the member states did not help in the fight against the challenges, and some of them even found new allies outside the EU.
Stupanje na snagu Ugovora iz Lisabona 2009. godine označilo je veliki iskorak u procesu dublje integracije u okviru Europske unije. Potpuno ukidanje kontrole na granicama između država članica, koje su ovu domenu dugo ljubomorno čuvale za sebe, predstavljalo je najveće iskušenje u kompliciranom procesu prenošenja nadležnosti u području politike migracije i azila na nadnacionalnu razinu. Činjenica da je sve veći broj državljana tzv. trećih država, u potrazi za boljim životom ili bježeći od rata, pristizao na teritorij Unije, zavrijedila je pozornost donositelja odluka da počnu pripremati teren za uspostavljanje jedinstvenog sustava reguliranja pitanja migracije i azila. U ovom radu bit će prikazan razvoj politike azila kao jedne od važnih sektorskih politika Europske unije. Cilj je prikazati kako je Europska unija kao sui generis politički sustav, uspijevala znatan dio ovlasti u ovom području prebaciti u domenu rada svojih institucija i s kojom je uspješnošću to postizala. Rad je podijeljen na četiri cjeline. U prvom dijelu analizira se politika azila kao sektorska politika u institucionalnom i zakonodavnom sustavu EU, dok se u drugom dijelu opisuje povijesni razvoj ove politike. Treći dio predstavlja kratki osvrt na europsku migracijsku krizu, dok četvrti dio sadrži zaključna razmatranja autora. ; Coming into force in 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon was a great step in the process of deeper integration within the European Union itself. The complete abolition of control at the borders between the member states, which had up to then been keeping a jealous watch over this domain, represented the biggest temptation during the complicated process of the transfer of authority in the field of migration politics and asylum to supranational level. The fact is that the constantly increasing number of the so-called "third country nationals," arriving to the EU territory in search of a better life or running away from war, proved to be worth of the attention of decision-makers, and gave them impetus to start preparing the ground for establishing a unique regulation system for migration and asylum matters. In this paper, the development of the asylum policy will be described as one of the important sectoral policies of the EU. The aim is to show how the EU as a sui generis political system was able to transfer significant amount of authority in this field into the domain of its institutions' work and how successful it was. The paper is divided into four major units. The first unit is related to asylum policy as a sectoral policy inside the institutional and legislative system of the EU. In the second unit we describe specific historical development of this policy. The third unit is reserved for a brief review of the European migration crisis, and the fourth part contains concluding considerations of the authors.
In this paper I analyse narratives and discourses mobilised in the prime-time videos Croatian Government aired on national television channels prior to the country's EU referendum, in which citizens were to be informed on the possible advantages and disadvantages of Croatia's accession to the EU. I adopt a double focus. First, I seek to identify some of the key communicative forms utilised in those videos for purposes of achieving the electoral consent to Croatia's entrance in the EU. Second, I discuss the significance of those videos for an understanding of Croatian government's relationship with citizens, that is, for the overall democratic process in which part of sovereignty is to be transferred to the supra-national level. By deconstructing linguistic (audiovisual) dynamics within the featured videos, I identify typical discursive components across the featured videos, that is, the implicit power relation between the producer of the videos (the Government) and the addressees (citizens), as articulated in the thematic consistencies (a systematic absence of the outcomes of EU entry negotiations) and structural patterns (a 'person in the street' performs posing a question to the camera and an anonymous voice responds through denial, ridicule or diversion from the posed question) within the analysed videos. My research suggests that the videos served not as information platforms (which they were supposedly designed to be) but as Government's propaganda. Instead of balanced information on Croatia's entry to the EU, the Government aired commercially formed advertisements in which it was 'selling' the alleged benefits of accession, guaranteed by nothing else but the mere 'entry'. Instead of demonstrating the results of Croatian negotiations with the EU, the videos told stories about miraculous economic welfares achieved by some of the member states. I contextualise the videos with reference to wider debates on political communications concerning the pre-accession period in some other member states, and to the legacy of authoritarian communications of the elites with the citizens in the specific Croatian context. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyses the impact of exercising the right to access to information & respecting of transparency for the prevention of corruption in the EU institutions. These two issues are the key principles of good governance & basic prerequisites for democratic participation, allowing citizens to effectively protect their fundamental rights & liberties through public scrutiny. The EU standards are assessed by comparison with the internationally recognized standards, & five indicators have been used: the scope of the right to access, the scope of exceptions, the administrative & appeal procedure, the protection of whistleblowers, administration performance openness & political will. The author wonders if the adopted regulations & rules of procedure are strict enough to prevent emergence of corruption & maladministration in the EU institutions. References. Adapted from the source document.
The texts focuses on constitutionalisation of democracy in the European Union and the phenomenon of democratic deficit through the failed Constitution for Europe and, thereafter, the Lisbon Treaty, which takes over the definition of democracy as the foundation of the European Union. In this context, the author also looks into the contribution of political scientist Zvonko Posavec, who was one of the first in Croatia to advocate the need for constitutionalisation of the European Union as a project of finalising the process of European integration. While writing about the need for constitutional foundation of the European Union, Posavec simultaneously reflects on representative democracy as the form of democracy on which the European Union is predominantly founded. Beside a valorisation of Posavec's works on democracy in the European Union, this paper deals with the problem of the democratic deficit in the European Union which is manifest in the lack of democratic legitimacy of EU institutions, with the sole exception of the European Parliament. The author finds, however, that the main deficit of the European Union is not the democratic process, but political alienation. He perceives the latter as alienation of citizens from the EU as a derivative community, non-transparent and distanced from the basic interests of the citizens and the media interest in politics. Although the European Union declaratively relies on basic democratic values, in practice democracy is experienced primarily through a democratic deficit contrasted by a more obvious bureaucratic surfeit of the European political construction. The author asserts that the Lisbon Treaty was a step towards founding the EU on democratic principles inasmuch as it introduced elements of participative democracy, although it did not accept proposals for introduction of direct democracy in the EU. Finally, the author puts forward some ideas which might reduce the degree of political alienation of citizens in relation to the European Union; this requires giving greater authority to the European Parliament, abolishing the monopoly of the legislative initiative of the European Commission, incorporating the Council of the European Union into the European Parliament as the second House, i.e. the European Senate, and consequently implementing the mechanism of consulting the citizens regarding the legislative initiatives of the EU. The author concludes that the democratic deficit and political alienation cannot be overcome in the European Union without overcoming the democratic deficits and concrete forms of political alienation in the member states which the European Union consists. Adapted from the source document.
In all the systems aspiring towards free trade it is of essence to reconcile this interest with the protection of other values; also, the member stets agree to certain restrictions of their regulatory autonomy for the system on the whole to strike an optimal balance among the relevant interests. In relatively heterogeneous systems such as the World Trade Organization (WTO), the members hold on to a significant portion of their regulatory autonomy in order to protect their values though this hampers the liberalization of trade. In relatively homogeneous systems, however, such as the European Union (EU), the members find it opportune to agree to tighter restrictions of their regulatory autonomy since thus they allow for increased trade without severely harming the other values. For Croatia it is good that the liberalization of trade & the restriction of regulatory autonomy have been gradual, occurring in four stages: the WTO membership, the Stabilization & Accession Agreement, negotiations on the EU membership & eventually the full EU membership. References. Adapted from the source document.
Pri analizi dvaju suprotstavljenih narativa povezanih s temom uspostave vojske Europske unije (EU) u europskom medijskom i političkom prostoru u ovome radu upotrebljava se teorija sekrutizacije te se temeljem analize diskursa i javnog mnijenja dokazuje da suprotstavljeni narativi ispunjavaju uvjete da ih prema definiciji Kopenhagenske škole svedemo pod pojam sekuritizacije. Prema autorima Kopenhagenske škole, sekuritizacija je govorni čin kojim provoditelj sekuritizacije do tada nepolitizirani odnosno politizirani predmet debate prikazuje kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju prema referentnom objektu koja zahtijeva hitne mjere. Prvi narativ koji rad analizira je neizvjesna sigurnosna situacija u Europi i oko nje koja bi mogla prerasti u egzistencijalnu prijetnju društvu Europske unije i europskom identitetu zbog nepostojanja vojske Unije. Drugi, tome oprečni narativ pak interpretira uspostavu vojske Europske unije kao egzistencijalnu prijetnju NATO savezu i suverenitetu država članica Unije. Rad postavlja pitanje je li sekuritizacija upotrebljiva poluga u nastojanju provođenja odnosno blokiranja čvršće intergracije EU na području obrane. Analizom diskursa glavnih aktera, provoditelja sekuritizacije i sigurnosnih strategija EU, Velike Britanije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država te analizom prihvaćanja narativa od strane publike, rad zaključuje da su ti oba narativa činovi sekuritizacije. Prvi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane europskih federalista na čelu s predsjednikom Europske komisije Jean-Claudeom Junckerom, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštiti postavlja društvo EU i europski identitet. Egzistencijalna prijetnja referentnim objektima dolazi od ruske politike, ali i neizvjesne sigurnosne situacije u neposrednom susjedstvu EU-a. Ovaj narativ kao rješenje nameće uspostavu vojske EU-a. Drugi narativ, sekuritiziran od strane euroskeptika, NATO saveza te političkih elita Velike Britanije, SAD-a i Rusije, kao referentne objekte koji se pod hitno moraju zaštititi postavlja suverenitet država članica EU i opstanak NATO saveza koji se nalaze u egzistencijalnoj prijetnji od strane uspostave vojske Europske unije, čija bi uspostava oduzela nacionalne vojske tj. suverenitet država članica u području obrane, a postojanje NATO saveza učinilo izlišnim ; The thesis proves that around the establishment of the European Union army, we can infer two opposing narratives in European Union's media and political space and that both meet the conditions to be called a securitization. The first narrative (positive securitization) that the thesis analyses argues that the precarious the security situation in and around Europe could become an existential threat to the society of European Union (EU) and European identity because of the paucity of the EU army. The second narrative (negative securitization) that the thesis analyses interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and the sovereignty of EU member states. Securitization is defined through the Theory of Securitisation by the scientists belonging to Copenhagen School (Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde) as a speech act by which an actor (securitizing actor) presents a specific issue, until then only politicised in the political or public space, as an existential threat to the referent object that requires extraordinary measures. For a speech act to be an act of securitization and not just an attempt of securitisation, public (or a target group) needs to accept the speech as such. Thus, the Theory of Securitization affirms that the chosen narratives are acts of securitizations through discourse analysis and public opinion analysis. Elements of securitization are before mentioned securitization actor, referent object and public, as well as functional actors, which indirectly affect security decisions by lobbing or directing the securitization actors, and context, as a speech act cannot be an independent factor in the securitization process but is dependent on historical, political, societal, economic, geographic, and other variables. The principal difference between Theory of Securitisation and the mainstream security theories: Traditional Security Studies (TSS) and Critical Security Studies (CSS), is that Theory of Securitization is not concerned if the issue that a speech act wants to present as a security issue, really is a security issue, but how a speech act presents the issue as a security issue. Unlike the Theory of Securitisation, TSS is a realistic security theory that examines is the issue a real security threat while CSS is a constructive security theory that examines the reality of security threat. Both, TSS and CSS, analyze already present security threat, while Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat. Positive securitisation, the precarious security situation in and around Europe that could become an existential threat to the society of the EU because of the paucity of the EU army, is securitised by European federalists headed by European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker and HR/VP Federica Mogherini. Referent objects that are in urgent need of protection are the EU society and the European identity (values and principles) that are in the existential threat of Russia and uncertain security situation in the immediate neighbourhood of the EU. As a solution for the existential threat, securitising actors impose the establishment of the EU army. Functional actors of positive securitisation are stakeholders in the European defence industry who have a purely economic reason for the backing of positive securitisation, and European elite which advocates the federalisation of the European Union. The prime public, core target group, for the positive securitisation should be the Heads of 28 EU member states who make decisions concerning Common Security Defence Policy (CSDP). As the decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous, and some member states, mostly United Kingdom (UK), steadily use the instrument of veto to block further development of the CSDP, the thesis assumes that the securitising actors of positive securitisation decided to expand the target group for their securitisation onto European Union society as a whole. Reasons behind the expansion of the target public, which thus makes the whole society of the European Union a the public is a pressure onto the Heads of EU member states since the citizens of the EU have a very favourable opinion about the further development of the CSDP and mostly positive opinion regarding the establishment of the EU army. Negative securitisation, which interprets the establishment of the EU army as an existential a threat to the NATO and the sovereignty of EU member states, is a complex form of securitisation. Instead of one securitising actor or one group of securitising actors with the same motive (European federalist with Juncker as champion in positive securitisation), negative securitisation is securitised by several securitising actors without the leading champion with sometimes the same and sometimes different motives: Eurosceptics, NATO, decision-makers in the United Kingdom, the United States (US) and Russia. Furthermore, negative securitisation accumulates the referent objects that are in urgent need of protection: the sovereignty of the EU member states and the survival of the NATO alliance. The only element of the negative securitisation that is unambiguous is the existential threat from the establishment of the EU army whose establishment would take away the national armies, i.e. the sovereignty of the EU member states and made the NATO alliance vulnerable. Hence, for the sake of simplicity of understanding the elements of negative securitisation and their synergy, the thesis uses the Classical Security Complex Theory (CSCT) for the proper consideration of the patterns of the security connections. Using discourse analysis of the speech acts and official documents the thesis shows how the decision-makers in the US (regardless of their political affiliation) securitise the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to NATO and future of Atlantic security cooperation. Same is evident with the NATO as a securitising actor. The decision-makers in the UK (mostly conservatives) securitise the establishment of the EU army and further development of CSDP as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states. Russia too securitises the establishment of the EU army as an existential threat to the national sovereignty of EU member states but does the deed backstage financially supporting nationalist and Eurosceptic EU parties and via cyber-attacks and disinformation campaign. Functional actors of negative securitisation are stakeholders in the non-EU defence industry and other industries which prosper due to unstable global security situation, private military organisations, non-independent think thanks, etc. The public for the negative securitisation is the Eurosceptic part of the EU society, but the core target group are the citizens of the UK. Securitising actors of the negative securitisation narrowed the public of their securitisation for the same reason why the securitising actors of the positive securitisation broaden theirs – decisions concerning CSDP must be unanimous. Consequently, the securitising actors of the negative securitisation to be successful in their securitisation need to persuade only citizens of the UK that their narrative is correct. As already mentioned, the Theory of Securitisation analyses the creation of the security threat, so very important for the understanding of the results of discourse analysis is the context behind the construction of the securitisation. In the case of the securitisations analysed in the thesis, the contexts of both narratives have foundations in the conflict between neorealist and neoliberal doctrines in foreign politics, different security strategies of the countries, and change in a global security system, as well as historical, political, societal, economic, geographic and other variables. No EU member state can be a superpower on its own in today's world. This notion and aim to hinder the possibility of another armed conflict in Europe prompted the creation of the Union. After more than 60 years of enlargement and integration, the EU is an economic superpower. Nevertheless, to protect its economic superiority as well as to impose its doctrine in foreign politics and expand its multilateral security strategy, the EU needs to be and defence union. This idea is not a new one but exists and was attempted to be implemented from the beginning of the EU existence. The securitising actors of the positive securitisation believe that with the establishment of the EU army, the EU can keep the US hegemony in the global security system and the Russian renewal of bloc-system aspirations under control. Some securitising actors of the positive securitisation also believe that the further integration of the EU is necessary to prevent the disintegration. Above all, is the strong desire of the EU elite for the federation of the EU. Expectedly, not least because of the postulate of the security dilemma, the US and Russia are afraid of the military-strong EU which could change the current global security system, while the UK believes that with the strengthening of the EU its military and political strength will wane or disappear. As the UK is the EU member state and its citizens are the most Eurosceptic the public in the EU, both and the US and Russia focused most of their securitisation's efforts toward the UK's citizens. The US also uses the UK as a tool of disruption in the EU – it's right to veto decisions about the further development of CSDP, integration of the EU in the defence field and the establishment of the EU army. The thesis hypothesises that the two opposed narratives that the thesis considers to be securitisations have generated the status quo in the development of CSDP. Through the discourse analysis of speech acts and the official documents of securitising actors of both narratives as well as analysis of the acceptance of narratives by the audience (public opinion analysis), the thesis positively answers the research question: Is the securitisation theory usable the instrument in the effort to implement/block more effective EU integration?
