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Intro -- EUROPEAN UNION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS -- EUROPEAN UNION: ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS -- CONTENTS -- PREFACE -- THE EUROPEAN UNION: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS -- Abstract -- What Is the European Union? -- How Does the EU Work? -- How Is the EU Governed? -- What Is the Lisbon Treaty? -- Why and How Is the EU Enlarging? -- Does the EU Have a Foreign Policy? -- Does the EU Have a Defense Policy? -- What Is the Relationship of the EU to NATO? -- What Is Justice and Home Affairs (JHA)? -- Does the EU Have a Trade Policy? -- How Do EU Countries and Citizens View the EU? -- Does the United States Have a Formal Relationship with the EU? -- Who Are U.S. Officials' Counterparts in the EU? -- How Are U.S.-EU Economic Relations Doing? -- References -- THE EUROPEAN UNION'S REFORM PROCESS: THE LISBON TREATY -- Abstract -- Background -- The Constitutional Treaty -- The Lisbon Treaty -- Key Reforms -- Implementing the Treaty -- Implications for the United States -- References -- THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT -- Abstract -- Role of the European Parliament -- Legislative Process -- Budgetary Process -- Supervision and Oversight Responsibilities -- Organization of the European Parliament -- Political Groups -- The EP President -- Committees -- Delegations -- Administration -- Location -- Languages -- Challenges -- The European Parliament and the U.S. Congress -- References -- EUROPEAN UNION ENLARGEMENT: A STATUS REPORT ON TURKEY'S ACCESSION NEGOTIATIONS -- Abstract -- The EU Accession Process [1] -- The Cyprus Dilemma [6] -- Turkey's Initial Path to European Union Accession -- Current Status of Turkey's Accession -- Possible Scenarios -- U.S. Perspectives -- Assessment -- References -- MARITIME POLICY AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION: AN INSTITUTIONAL AND REGULATORY APPROACH -- Abstract -- 1. Introduction

The European political map has been constantly changing since the World War II. The Czechoslavakia and Yugoslavia dissolved, Germany reunited and the European Union (EU) has been expanding. The original European Economic Community (EEC) has grown from 6 to 27 members and the process has been on-going. Enlargement is a permanent and continuous item on the EU agenda and by far one of the most speculated policies. Enlargement policy aims at preparing the countries concerned to become full members of the EU when they, as well as the EU, are ready. Therefore, EU has provided a well-designed institutional framework for enlargement. Nevertheless, it doesn't necessarily mean that EU enlarges only. Even though United Kingdom's EU departure represents the sharpest challenge of recent times, the cases of Algeria, Greenland and Saint Barthélémy show that withdrawal from the EU and the institutions that preceded it, is not an absolutely new phenomenon. The objective of this article is to depict and to compare the institutional framework and the historical background of the enlargement and withdrawing facts. A discussion of theorization falls outside the scope of this illustrative paper and it is aimed to provoke thinking. ; : İkinci Dünya Savaşı'ndan bu yana Avrupa'nın siyasi haritası devamlı değişmektedir. Çekoslavakya ve Yugoslavya dağılırken, Almanya birleşirken, Avrupa Birliği (AB) devamlı suretle genişlemektedir. 6 üyeyle kurulan Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu (AET) 27 üyeli bir topluluğa evrilirken, süreç de devam etmektedir. Genişleme, kalıcı ve sürekli bir unsur olarak her daim Avrupa gündemindedir ve en çok speküle edilen politika alanlarından da biridir. Genişleme politikası, ilgili ülkelerin AB'ye tam üye olmaya hazırlanmaları ve AB'nin de buna hazırlıklı olmasıdır. Bu nedenle, AB genişleme konusunda iyi tasarlanmış bir kurumsal çerçeveye sahiptir. Öte taraftan "AB sadece genişlemektedir" demek de doğru bir önerme değildir. Birleşik Krallık'ın (BK) AB'den ayrılması son zamanların en keskin sınamalarından biri olsa da Cezayir, Grönland ve Saint Barthélémy vakaları, AB'den ve onun selefi kurumlardan çıkış konusunun tamamıyla yeni bir fenomen olmadığını göstermektedir. Bu makalenin amacı, AB bağlamındaki katılım ve çıkış olgularının kurumsal çerçevelerini ve tarihsel arka planlarını ortaya koyarak bir kıyasa imkân vermektir. Kuramsal tartışmalar, betimleyici bu çalışmanın maksadı dışındadır ve özünde düşünceyi teşvik hedeflenmektedir.

This article provides an overview of the study of the European Union since the doldrums of the 1970s. We focus on three debates that have helped to shape the field. Has European integration centralised state control or is European integration part of a process of dispersion of authority? What is the role of identity in framing preferences over European integration? And, finally, is European integration part of a new political cleavage? We observe that the European Union is a moving target. It has a habit of throwing up new and unexpected facts which wrong-foot extant theories. We have no grounds for believing that this will not continue. Adapted from the source document.

Institutional design at IGCs -- Case selection -- Modeling institutionalism and intergovernmentalism -- Testing institutionalism and intergovernmentalism -- Winners and losers at Amsterdam -- Council votes and commissioners -- Exit threats, veto rights, and integration -- British accession : exit options and veto power.

This study introduces a population-ecological approach to the entry and exit of political parties. A primary proposition of population ecology is that organizational entry and exit depends on the number of organizations already present: that is, density. We propose that political parties mainly experience competition from parties in the same ideological niche (left, centre, right). Pooled time-series analyses of 410 parties, 263 elections and 18 West-European countries largely support our expectations. We find that political parties are more likely to exit when density within their niche increases. Also there is competition between adjacent ideological niches, i.e. between centrist and right-wing niches. In contrast to our expectations, neither density nor institutional rules impact party entry. This raises important questions about the rationale of prospective entrants.

Many international organizations and the vast majority of federations lack exit clauses. Existing theoretical explanations of this stylized fact focus on issues of credible commitment, signaling, and the risk of strategic exploitation. However, such accounts are unable to explain the adoption of Article 50 by the European Union, which allows unilateral withdrawal. I theorize and demonstrate empirically that in the case of the European Union, an exit-voice logic lies at its origin during the 2002–2003 European Convention. As a protection to undesired policy changes post entry, countries of the 2004 Eastern accession demanded an exit right. Underlying the fear for policy changes was their much lower level of economic development and corresponding differences in policy preferences. As a mirror image, rich outliers like the United Kingdom and Denmark also supported Article 50, which likely contributed to its final adoption through the Treaty of Lisbon.

This article examines the effects of Brexit on the internal boundaries and territorial future of the United Kingdom (UK). Divergent Brexit preferences, coupled with the process of negotiating and preparing for Brexit, have raised new questions about the ability of the UK to remain united. Focusing upon Scotland and Northern Ireland, where territorial challenges are most acute, the article draws upon and adapts Hirschman's voice, exit and loyalty framework to examine the strategic choices and options faced by institutional actors in each case when determining constitutional and political options in response to Brexit. The article contends that, while credible exit threats were used to bolster voice in the Brexit negotiations, the Brexit vote and subsequent process have exposed the limitations of territorial voice, and unleashed new exit dynamics. We enhance the framework by exploring the concept of re-entry, exploring the contrasting paths these territories would face to re-enter the European Union (EU).

The British vote to leave takes the European Union into new legal and political territory. With application of Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union on the cards for the first time, it is already clear that leaving is not simply the reverse of joining, neither procedurally nor politically. The remaining EU-27 will need to develop an "exit doctrine" defining the rules for dealing with the United Kingdom as soon as it officially announces its intention to leave. Article 50 leaves ample political options for shaping the highly complex processes for releasing the United Kingdom from membership, reshaping its relationship with the Union and revising the treaties for an EU-27. Already crisis-stressed and disorientated before Brexit, the Union needs a renewal of integration, starting with the member states and their role in the EU system. (author's abstract)

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK's decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy.

The possible exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have profound economic and political effects. Here we look at a particular aspect, the power distribution in the Council of the European Union. Since the Lisbon treaty the exit does not require new negotiations as the success of a voting initiative only depends on the number and total population of the supporting member states. Using the Shapley-Shubik power index we calculate the member states' powers with and without the United Kingdom and update earlier power forecasts using the Eurostat's latest population projections. There is a remarkably sharp relation between population size and the change in power: Brexit increases the largest members', while decreases the smallest ones' powers.