Suchergebnisse

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.

Povijest nastanka i djelovanja građanskih udruga u Lici može se pratiti još od 1835. godine kada je osnovana Narodna čitaonica u Senju. Ipak, tek su krajem 19. stoljeća stvoreni svi preduvjeti za brojnije osnivanje svih vrsta građanskih udruga u Lici te je od tada njihov broj u stalnom povećanju. Iako je nesumnjivo da su razne vrste udruga u Lici svojim djelovanjem pozitivno djelovale na ličko društvo, taj fenomen društvene mikro-povijesti nije bio predmet sveobuhvatnog proučavanja. Ovaj doktorski rad kronološki prati stvaranje prvih građanskih udruga (društava, zaklada, štedionica, klubova i podružnica) u Lici u vrijeme Vojne krajine, njihovo naglo povećanje u vrijeme Ličko-krbavske županije i promjene koje su ih zahvatile u vrijeme Kraljevine Jugoslavije te završava početkom Drugoga svjetskog rata kada su građanske udruge u Lici naglo nestale s povijesne pozornice. U radu je prikazano političko, gospodarsko i kulturno stanje u Lici koje je uvelike utjecalo na brzinu i kvalitetu nastanka novih udruga. Također su obrađene i građanske udruge izvan prostora Like jer je njihova kulturna i ekonomska interakcija bila važan element u razvoju ove regije. Stoga je cilj ovog doktorskog rada po prvi put u našoj historiografiji dati, ne samo sumarni prikaz građanskih udruga, već i razloge, uzroke te posljedice njihovog postojanja na prostoru Like i Senja, a sve u svrhu boljega razumijevanja kompleksnih i nedovoljno razjašnjenih povijesnih procesa u hrvatskoj povijesnoj regiji Lici. ; The beginings of organizations set up in Lika region reaches far into the past, in the time of medieval brotherhoods; however, the first civil organizations in Lika did not arise until the Military Border systems have been abolished and until the break through of the modernization processes that originated in the Civic Croatia. The city of Senj had partially different but also earlier organizations' development. The first known civic organization on the area that has been the subject of this doctoral dissertation was The National Library in the city of Senj, founded in 1835. Withal, this civil organization is the first one in Croatia. In Lika region, the first civil organizations were not founded until the abrogation of the Military Border which, at the same time, has been the starting point for the progression of one of the most important forms of modernization. In the first part of this scientific work, social stratification and differentiation in the everyday life of Lika's residents has been depicted, whereas the usage of an argumented research approach has served to explain complex political, military, economic and other mutual influences between Lika's peasants-soldiers and the authorities that have dominated during that time. Multiple conflicts, unsafe and economically marginalized area, unsettled property laws and so called 'cooperative phenomena' are just a part of the numerous reasons why Lika region has entered Croatian and Habsbourg Monarchy's cultural and social processes relatively late. An emphasis is on the development of education, literacy and culture as basic determinants of future development of the civil organizations. Second major group of the research questions deals with an emersion of the organizations on the Croatian and European area, as a result of new global political processes. This part of the disertation tries to answer the question 'which were the reasons for the organizations' establishment in the first place', so as 'to what extent the organizations have influenced the residents of Wienna, Zagreb and other cities of the Habsbourg Monarchy'? Special emphasis is put on the law regulations, that is, so called 'Imperial Decree' which has helped the organizations to establish and work. Also, this group of the research questions discusses the inherited differences that existed in an administration, mentality and the development itself between the former Military Border and the Civic Croatia. Comparative research has provided an evidence that the development of a new district – Lika-Krbava county – when compared to the other districts, has been minor. Also, the questions that have been the matter of this scientific work were 'which kind of the organizations were there in the first place, 'what is the nature of the organizations' and 'which is the real level on which these organizations have fulfilled their purposes and goals'. This kind of analysis is very important in order to understand Lika's history from the beginning of the 20th century; in this period economic and cultural life of the Lika's residents is highly inflenced by a new regime of the Kingdom of SHS and, later on, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This group of questions especially makes an exception of the city of Senj, as a kind of border exception, but also explains which political and economic circumstances and perplexities resulted in prosperity and stagnation of the city beneath the Nehaj Fortress. The third group of the research questions, using the archive sources of the civil organizations' rules, gives an overview of more than one hundred and fifty civil organizations according to the territorial regions (districts) that existed during the Lika-Krbava county and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. This section reveals the purposes, goals and the activities of administrative councils and assemblies of all major civic organizations (associations, clubs, affiliates, commities, foundations) found in the districts that existed during that time – Brinje, Donji Lapac, Gračac, Gospić, Korenica, Otočac, Perušić, Udbina and the cities Senj and Karlobag. In spite of major illiteracy, political and national antagonism and the fact that Lika was at the periphery in the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy, until the beginning of the World War I, a great number of the organizations has been established in Lika region. When talking about this in the first place, we must mention some proffesional societies, libraries, 'falcon' organizations, music organizations and economic organizations, although there were also some historical occurences such as the first theatrical group in Otočac, or one of the oldest tennis clubs in Croatia, the one in Gospić. Thereby, in the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, Lika is the region of the numerous changes, but even more is the region of the extreme contradictions. In the same (research) way, the attention has been dedicated to history of Lika's organizations outside Lika's area. Throughout this group of questions not all civic organizations outside Lika have been elaborated, only those whose members actively participated in the development of the possibilities for the future economic prosperity of Lika region. Therefore, this part of the paper tries to show the connection between Lika region and the other parts of the countries that existed during that time, where the descendants of Lika's residents have lived. This scientific work tries to answer the questions of the real connection of Lika's people outside Lika with the real problems which were perceived by them in a different way than by those who remained living in the homeland. The Society of Lika's people in Zagreb was Lika's major emigrant organization which intensively helped its agile members and offered a solution for a hard life in Lika region. The Society for the preservation of the Plitvice Lakes was one of the best known organizations in Croatia, however, its class and narcissistic behaviour could not have been accepted by most of Lika's residents. In spite of individual interests of a great number of members of Lika's civic organizations, what does remain is a constatation that the organizations, especially those whose members were peasants, have obtained a huge success when it comes to development of cooperatives, crafts, agriculture, but also education and culture. Also, what is notecable is the fact that efficiency of the numerous affiliates of federate economic organizations has increased, what leads to the conclusion that the overall progress in Lika was connected with the political and economic centres outside Lika. A key influence onto the organizations' development in Lika was the one by certain individuals such as Buda Budisavljević, Ivan Devčić, Dragutin Trstenjak, Ante Cividini, Ivan Krajač, Ivan Gojtan, Ante Lončarić, so as many other culturaly and publicly known people. In that way, this doctoral thesis has scientificaly confirmed an actual similarity of the associations and organizations in Lika with those in the rest of Croatia, but also that these similarities were, in fact, quite limited. Civic organizations are an important factor in every community, so as, of course, for Lika's identity which is historically saturated in turbulent ways. This work tries to make a contribution not just to better understanding of the civic organizations in Lika, but to contribute to understand the overall environment, that is, the atmosphere in Lika region. This gives new knowledge regarding micro-historical elements of one culture that has been a carrier of social, cultural, political and economic development of the region between the Kapela mountains in the north and South Velebit and the river Zrmanja stream in the south. This doctoral thesis is the first scientific contribution to better understanding of the civic organizations and their importance in the region under consideration. Although this thesis, through the depiction of work of the civic organizations in Lika, has tried to give an answer regarding broader social, political, economic, cultural and religious life of Lika and Senj's residents in the period of turbulent and modernisation processes, some questions remain only partially answerable. If we take into consideration the broadness, possibilities and influence of the organizations, this observation is logical, too. Also, here we can talk about a vast area which makes a closed whole only in certain segments. That is the reason why this overview of the work of the civic organizations in Lika asks for further research attention, especially when it comes to the analysis of economic changes which have occurred in Lika during the second part of the 19th and the first part of the 20th century. In order to accomplish this, besides the archival research, a potential researcher must pay attention to the statistical analysis. Moreover, this scientific work gives just a model of how to evaluate certain types of the civic organizations and how to compare them with the organizations similar to them. Although this doctoral thesis had to be done within a canonical time frame, it will be praiseworthy if we compare the civic organizations in Lika which exist today to those which have existed during the period of Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Of course, this kind of research calls for plenty of time, as well as considerable material assets, hence it can be done sometime in the future. Despite the fact that the tragic events during the World War II lead to the abolition of the civic organizations outside Lika region, the constitution of the Republic of Croatia has created the conditions for the reestablishment of the organizations. Nowadays, more than twenty organizations outside Lika work very actively and responsibly in order to interconnect Lika's emigrants and their descendants with their homeland, from where their ancestors arrived more than one hundred and fifty years ago.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANegativna medijska kampanja usmjerena protiv šumara, a posebice na predstavnike trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o., traje neprestano već nekoliko godina, a intenzivnije unatrag dvije godine. Sve je eskaliralo nedavno aferom s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene. Mediji su se brže-bolje natjecali tko će više oblatiti pojedinačne i kolektivne vinovnike događaja. Temeljem paušalnih analiza zamjeralo se Hrvatskim šumama svašta, od privremenog neplaćanja šumskog doprinosa gradovima i općinama (u vrijeme kompletnog zastoja države uvjetovanog epidemijom koronavirusa ta namjenska sredstva ionako nitko nije mogao trošiti na izgradnju i održavanje šumskih cesta) do pripreme podizanja kredita za likvidnost tvrtke, koja je u sklopu pomoći pristala na produljenje roka plaćanja drvne industrije za isporučenu sirovinu sa 60 na 100 dana od dana izdavanja računa za sve isporuke od početka 2020. godine. Primjedbe na korištenje valjda najpoznatijega parafiskalnog nameta u Hrvata za usluge općekorisnih funkcija šuma ne treba ni spominjati, jer nema bitnijeg poduzetnika ili bilo kojeg političara koji u cilju pomoći gospodarstvu ne spomene smanjenje ili ukidanje toga. Laicima nije ni poznato da su Hrvatske šume svojim kriznim planom u potpunosti izbacile ovaj način financiranja gospodarenja šumama za 2020. godinu. U vrijeme korona krize to su vjerojatno bili najispravniji poslovni potezi u cilju sačuvanja vlastite zaposlenosti, zaposlenosti kupaca i dobavljača, kao i likvidnosti tvrtke. Koga to zanima kad čitatelje zanimaju negativne vijesti i afere. Većini njih također nije poznato da se šumarstvo uvijek u kriznim vremenima pobrinulo samo za sebe, ali i za druge koje je nosilo na svojim plećima. U svim krizama šumarstvo je pomagalo drvnoj industriji, pa i otpisivalo dugove u raznim državama i uređenjima koji su vladali na našem prostoru, ali i snosilo posljedice objektivnih i subjektivnih poslovnih rizika aktera u drvnom sektoru.Moć objavljenih tekstova na mrežnim stranicama i društ­ve­nim mrežama je velika. U kratkom vremenu dopire do velikog broja čitatelja. Većina tekstova objavljuju se kao bom­bastični naslovi i podnaslovi. Čitanjem sadržaja tek upućenijem čitatelju je jasno što ne odgovara istini. Obično se prema kraju članka sadržaj ublažava, ali to pročitaju najuporniji čitatelji, dok im u percepciji ostaju negativne informacije iz naslova i s početka teksta. Na društvenim mrežama javljaju se mnogi od pojedinaca do udruga, a dosta njih i anonimno te pisanjem svojih komentara stvaraju negativno ozračje o šumarskoj struci. Čitajući brojne napise stječe se dojam da su šumari jedan od većih problema Lijepe naše.Bolji poznavatelji prilika priznat će da je šumarstvo uz poljoprivredu nositelj opstanka preostalih ruralnih krajeva. Šumarstvo koje je najzastupljenije u ruralnim i manje razvijenim područjima osigurava egzistenciju zaposlenicima Hrvatskih šuma, zaposlenicima brojnih izvoditelja radova u šumarstvu te tvrtki i obrta u drvnom sektoru, posredno svima koji prodaju svoje proizvode drvnim tvrtkama, a čuvar je najvećeg dijela ekološke mreže Republike Hrvatske. Kroz zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta od požara na krškom području važna je karika sačuvanja bioraznolikosti države, ali i kulise koja pomaže hrvatskoj grani gospodarstva od posebnog interesa – turizmu. U vrijeme Domovinskog rata šumarstvo je umjesto države gradilo i ceste kako bi povezalo dijelove Republike Hrvatske, gdje su nekada stanovnici putovali preko susjednih do matične države.U dragoj nam Hrvatskoj domovini danas postoji osam nacionalnih parkova i 11 parkova prirode u kojima je većina temeljnih fenomena šuma. Zaštita prirode u biti je sačuvana područja preuzela na upravljanje od šumara. Da se na tim područjima nije gospodarilo uz šumarske postulate i s ekološkim obzirom, ne bi se danas dičili s parkovima kao što su Plitvička jezera, Risnjak, Sjeverni Velebit ili Mljet. U krškom dijelu Hrvatske, gdje se nalazi većina zaštićenih parkova, nikad nije nestalo šume upravo zbog dva i pol stoljetnog gospodarenja s njom. Današnje generacije se ne sjećaju izgleda šuma u prijašnjim razdobljima. Većina najvrjednijih šuma hrasta lužnjaka posječena je kompletno između 1820-ih i 1920-ih godina. Danas stasaju nove generacije tih uzgojenih šuma koje su u biti proizvod hrvatskih šumara. Nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata sjeklo se količinski skoro kao i danas, jer nije bilo drugih resursa pa se država obnavljala i dolazila do potrebnih financijskih sredstava. Uz sve to zahvaljujući mudrosti i radu više generacija šumara, današnja je pokrivenost države pod šumama 44 posto, a sa šumskim zemljištima i 49 posto. Nažalost, većina javnosti ne može shvatiti pojam vječnih šuma koje nisu stalno u istoj dobi, jer jednako kao i druga bića imaju svoje razvojne stadije. Njihova vječnost se proteže kroz slijed generacija šume. Sječa starih zrelih šumskih sastojina preduvjet je nove generacija šume kojoj se svi iskreni šumari najviše vesele, jer je uspješno napravljena smjena generacija i sačuvana opstojnost šume na istoj površini. Taj prijelaz je u nizinskim šumama vidljiviji, no postoje i gorske šume na kojima se tako očiti prijelaz ne vidi, pa to i promatračima manje upada u oko.Neupućeni ili zlonamjerni ne znaju ili zaboravljaju na desetljetne pritiske ponajprije na državno šumarstvo radi pogodovanja pojedincima i tvrtkama u cilju podizanja nekad više maslinika i vinograda, a danas više gradnji vjetroelektrana i pašarenja na obraslim i neobraslim šumskim zemljištima. Hrvatski šumari baštine pojam potrajnog gospodarenja, pojma danas poznatijeg kao održivo gospodarenja, kojim su se borili da se površine pod šumom ne smanjuju. Tako, ako se u funkciji razvoja kojemu se nitko pametan neće protiviti ako je održiv i racionalan, negdje i krče šume radi prenamjene odobrene prostornim planom, smanjena površina pod šumama se nadoknađuje podizanjem nove šume na drugom mjestu. Koliko god se državno šumarstvo najčešće smatralo kočničarem razvoja, ono je zapravo bilo branitelj zakonskog djelovanja, dok su često pa i danas neki investitori, ali i državne institucije, vršili pritisak ubrzavajući proceduru u svoju korist bez pravne podloge. Hrvatske šume d.o.o. sa svim svojim prednostima i manama samo su dio slike koju danas imamo u Republici Hrvatskoj. Način kadroviranja i upravljanja jednak je kao i u ostalim javnim poduzećima i trgovačkim društvima u većinskom državnom vlasništvu. Kao u svakoj struci postoje previdi i pogreške, ali postulati hrvatskoga šumarstva su isprobani i dokazani kroz više od 250 godina. Današnje manje kvalitetne izvedbe u pojedinim šumama posljedica su raznih faktora i ne razlikuju se od pogrešaka koje se u svim djelatnostima događaju (zar se djelomično pogrešno ne obavi operacija, sagradi zgrada ili sastavi stroj?). Čak i u recentnom slučaju s vjetroelektranom Krš-Pađene Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pozitivno su odradile svoju zadaću naplatom duga investitoru za služnost ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'HR','u iznosu prema pravilniku važećem u vremenu pokretanja investicije. Hrvatske šume većinom su u svom djelovanju između čekića i nakovnja, s jedne strane pritisak korisnika drvne sirovine za što većom sječom i proizvedenom i plasiranom količinom ili korisnika prostora preko služnosti ili zakupa, a s druge strane sve veći pritisak za zaštitom staništa i jedinki što usložnjava i poskupljuje proizvodnju.Resorno ministarstvo, koje osim što je krajem 2011. godine prvi put nakon 1919. godine ispustilo u svom imenu naziv šumarstva, uz taj simbolički čin postalo je maćeha vlastitom čedu, budući resorni ministar/ministrica kao jednočlana skupština trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. svojim nalozima prema upravi toga Društva djeluju u korist svih aspiranata na sve vrste proizvoda i usluga iz šume i šumskoga zemljišta. Tako se najvrjedniji trupci prodaju po dogovornim cijenama, koje već dugi niz godina nisu usklađene s tržišnim, čak ni s manje razvijenim susjednim zemljama, ogrjevno drvo i drvni ostaci se prodaju po dugogodišnjim ugovorima, bez obzira na promjene tržišnih uvjeta, a neobraslo šumsko zemljište, čak i tartufi, moraju se prepustiti svakome tko zaželi, čak i ako se ne pridržava zakonske regulative.Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo učestalo ističe politizaciju cijeloga sustava kao jedan od najvećih problema našega društva. Politike mijenjaju kompletne Uprave društva, garnirane s većom ili manjom kvotom uhljeba, svake četiri godine, a ponekad i u kraćim terminima. Tako postavljena vodstva dužna su provoditi naloge te iste politike, pa bile one i protuzakonite. Na taj se način tvrtke, kao u našem slučaju Hrvatske šume d.o.o., povlače po medijima kao kriminalne organizacije, ili se čak protiv njih organiziraju javni prosvjedi. Kako se pritom osjećaju zaposlenici, naše kolege koji s ljubavlju i odgovorno obavljaju svoj posao, možemo naslutiti?Prateći sva zbivanja postoji bojazan da se ne priprema teren kako bi se državne šume dale u koncesiju nakon što se trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume proglase nesposobnim za upravljanje. Na brojnim primjerima poznato je kako koncesije uglavnom donose samo eksploataciju bez ulaganja u šume. Većina europskih država bogatih šumama imaju jake svoje državne tvrtke za gospodarenje državnim šumama i čuvari su tih šuma, ali i prostora kao i života na njima.Svrha ovoga teksta nije obrana bilo koga unaprijed, jer o nečijoj nevinosti i krivnji odlučivat će institucije kojima je to posao. U državi gdje se vode mnoge besplodne rasprave, koje se većinom tiču prošlosti, treba početi racionalnije sagledavati sadašnjost i ne povoditi se za huškačkom histerijom. Potrebno je popuštati okove politike i prepuštati struci da radi ono što najbolje zna, a to je u šumarstvu gospodarenje šumama i šumskim zemljištima. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe negative media campaign directed against foresters, and particularly against the representatives of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, has been going on for several years and has gained in intensity in the past two years. It all escalated recently with the scandal concerning the wind power plant Krš-Pađene. The media rushed to smear individual and collective entities involved in the event. Based on impromptu analyses the company Croatian Forests was criticised for all kinds of things, including temporary non-payment of forest contributions to cities and municipalities (at the time when the state was at a complete standstill due to the coronavirus epidemics these earmarked funds could not be spent on the construction and maintenance of forest roads anyway), as well as raising a loan to boost the company's liquidity. Namely, the company agreed to extend the payment period of the wood industry for the delivered raw material from 60 to 100 days from the date of issuing the invoice for all deliveries from the beginning of the year 2020. Let us not even mention all those remarks on the use of probably the most well-known parafiscal levy in Croatia related to non-market forest functions. There is not one entrepreneur or politician who has not requested the reduction or abolition of this levy as a way of helping the economy. Lay people are not even aware of the fact that the crisis plan of Croatian Forests envisages complete elimination of this form of financing forest management for 2020. At the time of the coronavirus crisis these are probably the best business moves aimed at preserving employment in the company, employment of the customers and suppliers, as well as the company's liquidity. But who wants to read about this when negative news and scandals are much more interesting? Most people do not know either that at times of crises forestry has always taken care not only of itself but also of others dependent on it. In all crises forestry has helped the wood industry, written off debts of various states and political systems reigning in these areas, but also borne the consequences of objective and subjective business risks of those working in the wood sector.The power of the texts published on websites and social networks is enormous. They reach large numbers of readers in a very short time. The majority of the published texts feature bombastic headlines and sub headlines. Only when the whole text is read does it transpire what is the truth and what is not. Usually the content of an article is softened towards the end, but the whole article is read only by the most persevering reader, while the majority retain only the negative information from the headlines and the beginning of the text. Social networks are full of individuals and associations whose comments, often anonymous, create a negative image of the forestry profession. All these comments give an impression that foresters are one of the biggest problems of Our Beautiful Homeland.Those better acquainted with the situation realize that forestry and agriculture are the pillars of survival in the remaining rural areas. Forestry, which is most represented in rural and less developed areas, provides a livelihood for employees of Croatian Forests, employees of numerous contractors in forestry and companies and crafts in the wood sector, and indirectly of all those who sell their products to wood companies. Forestry also guards and cares about the largest part of the ecological network in the Republic of Croatia. By protecting forests and forestland from fires in karst areas it forms an important link in the conservation of biodiversity in the state, but also creates a setting which helps the Croatian economic branch of particular interest - tourism. During the Homeland War it was forestry professionals who constructed roads needed to connect parts of the Republic of Croatia at the time when residents had to travel through neighbouring countries in order to reach their home country.In our beloved homeland there are eight national parks and eleven nature parks in which forests constitute the basic phenomena. Basically, nature conservation has taken over the preserved areas for management from foresters. If these areas had not been managed according to forestry postulates and ecological considerations, we would not be able to boast of parks such as Plitvice Lakes, Risnjak, North Velebit and Mljet. In the karst part of Croatia, where the majority of protected parks are located, forests have never disappeared thanks to two and a half century long forest management. Present day generations do not know what forests looked like in earlier periods. The majority of the most valuable forests of pedunculate oak were completely cut down between the 1820s and 1920s. Today we witness the growth of new generations of managed forests, which are essentially the product of Croatian foresters. After World War Two the quantities of forests that were cut down almost equalled present day quantities because there were no other resources and the state needed the necessary financial means for rebuilding and renovation. Moreover, thanks to the wisdom and hard work of several generations of foresters, the present forest cover in Croatia amounts to 44 percent and forestland to 49 percent. Regrettably, most people do not comprehend the concept of eternal forests, which are not always of the same age, because just like other beings they have their development stages. Their eternity extends through generations of forests. Cutting down old, mature forest stands opens the door to a new generation of a forest, and all foresters rejoice in it because it testifies to a successful change of generations and the survival of the forest in the same area. This transition is visible in lowland forests, but there are also mountain forests in which such an obvious transition is not striking, so it is less noticeable to observers.Those less well informed or malicious do not know about or close their eyes to decades of pressures on the state forestry. These pressures are aimed at enabling individuals and companies to receive different benefits: in the past it was olive groves and vineyards, today it is the construction of wind power stations and grazing in vegetation-covered or bare forest areas. Croatian foresters staunchly adhere to the concept of sustainable management, under which they fight against reducing forested areas. Thus, if forests are sometimes cut down for conversion purposes as regulated by spatial plans, reduced forested areas are immediately replaced with new forests in another place. Although state forestry has often been thought as a hindrance to development, it has in fact defended lawful activities in circumstances in which some investors, as well as state institutions, have exerted pressure by speeding up the procedure in their favour without any legal basis. ') INSERT INTO slTekst VALUES('202002290',2,'EN','The company Croatian Forests Ltd, with all its strengths and weaknesses, is only a part of the overall picture in the Republic of Croatia. Personnel recruitment and management is the same as in other public companies and state-owned companies. Just like in any other profession, there are omissions and mistakes, but one things is always the same: the postulates of Croatian forestry have been tested and verified for over 250 years. Present-day activities of lesser quality in some forests are the consequence of various factors and they do not differ from mistakes taking place in all other professional spheres (is not it true that sometimes a surgical operation may go wrong, or a building can be poorly constructed or a piece of machinery badly assembled?). Even in the most recent case of the Krš-Pađene wind power station, Croatian Forests Ltd have done their homework well by collecting the debt to the investor for easement in the amount according to the regulations valid at the time of starting the investment. In most of its activities Croatian Forests Ltd are between the hammer and the anvil: on the one hand, there is constant pressure by users of wood resources for more felling and more produced and sold quantities, and on the other, there is growing pressure to protect habitats and species, which all makes production more complex and more expensive. The relevant ministry, in addition to dropping the word forestry from its name at the end of 2011 for the first time after 1919, has also become an evil stepmother to its own child, since the line minister, as a one-member assembly of the company Croatian Forests Ltd, by his/her orders to the Company management acts to benefit all aspirants to receive all kinds of products and services from forests and forestland. Thus, the most valuable logs are sold at negotiated prices which have for years been out of touch with market conditions, fuel wood and wood residues are sold under long-term contracts regardless of changed market conditions, and bare forest land, and even truffles, must be given over to anyone who wants them, even if legal regulations are not complied with. The Croatian Forestry Association frequently points out that politicization of the entire system is one of the biggest problems of our society. Entire company managements are changed by politics every four or fewer years and nepotism is an inherent part of the system. Managements installed by politics in this way are forced to carry out the orders of the same policies, even if they are illegal. This is how companies, in our case Croatian Forests Ltd, are dragged through the media as criminal organisations; even public protests are organized against them. Can we even guess how the employees, our colleagues who do their jobs responsibly and lovingly, feel?All these events raise fears of the terrain being prepared for giving state forests for concession after the company Croatian Forests is declared incapable of forest management. There are many examples of concessions generating exploitation of forests without any investments in them. The majority of European countries with abundant forest areas have strong state companies which manage and guard state forests, their areas and the life in them.This text does not aim to defend anybody in advance: someone's innocence or guilt will be decided on by relevant institutions. In the state in which fruitless debates about the past are held, it is time to turn to the present in a more rational manner and not succumb to harangues and hysteria. Politics should loosen its grip and leave it to the profession to do what it knows best: in the case of forestry, it is the management of forests and forestland.Editorial Board

Tijekom druge polovice dvadesetog stoljeća, a posebice tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća, naša iskustva i razumijevanje obitelji i rodnih uloga znatno su se izmijenili. Pojave nezamislive našim djedovima i bakama danas su znatno vidljivije i društveno prihvatljive: razvod, ponovno sklapanje braka nakon razvoda, izvanbračna zajednica, eksperimentalni odnosi, homoseksualni brakovi ili partnerstva sa ili bez djece, jednoroditeljske obitelji, demokratskiji odnosi između roditelja i djece, zaposlenost žena, očev dopust itd. Osim povećane varijacije u obiteljskim oblicima i promijenjenih odnosa unutar obitelji, znanstvenike u području društvenih znanosti zanimaju i druga pitanja koja utječu na svako društvo na makro-razini, kao što su na primjer broj djece u obitelji ili pitanje stopa fertiliteta i starenja društva. Dok su prije dvadeset ili trideset godina važna pitanja povezana s obiteljskim životom uključivala zaposlenost žena i posljedice zaposlenosti žena za obitelj, danas je žarište premješteno na ravnotežu između posla i privatnog života i usklađivanje posla i obiteljskog života, zajedno s rodnim ulogama u obiteljima i kućanstvima. Još uvijek važno pitanje za obitelji i istraživanja unutar društvenih znanosti, pitanje plaćenog posla žena produbljeno je pitanjima o rodnim ulogama, raspodjeli moći unutar kućanstava u odnosu na plaćeni posao, o neplaćenom kućanskom radu, odgovornosti za skrb i dodatnoj rodnoj jednakosti u obje sfere rada. Složenija analiza ovih promjena, osim što koristi opće procese modernizacije kao okvirni kontekst, trebala bi isto tako uzeti u obzir mjere socijalne politike, politiku zapošljavanja i promjenjive uvjete na tržištu rada. Znanstvenici u području društvenih znanosti posebno su zainteresirani za međukulturalne varijacije kako bi razumjeli i objasnili međusobne poveznice i promjene. Iz tog razloga tema obitelji i izmijenjenih rodnih uloga istraživana je u četiri kruga unutar Međunarodnog programa društvenih istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme - ISSP). Prvi modul pokrenut je 1988. godine, drugi 1994. i treći 2002. godine. Odabrani podatci iz posljednjeg ISSP modula (provedenog u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine) temelj su za analize u radovima koji su uključeni u ovaj tematski broj Revije. International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) International Social Survey Programme - ISSP (Međunarodni program društvenih istraživanja) najstarije je kontinuirano godišnje međunarodno istraživanje u području društvenih znanosti. Članovi istraživačkog programa su istraživačke organizacije diljem svijeta, od kojih svaka predstavlja jednu zemlju. Od 2005. godine Institut za društvena istraživanja predstavlja Republiku Hrvatsku u ovom projektu. ISSP obuhvaća niz tema koje su važne za društvene znanosti (uloga vlade, društvene nejednakosti, nacionalni identiteti, vjera, zdravstvo, radne orijentacije, državljanstvo, okoliš, društvene mreže, slobodno vrijeme i sport) i nameće stroge standarde anketnog istraživanja kako bi se riješile poteškoće koje su svojstvene međunarodnom anketnom istraživanju. Od skromnih početaka 1984. godine, ISSP se razvio te danas uključuje 48 zemalja članica, koje su odgovorne za provođenje ISSP istraživanja na svom području svake godine. Godišnje teme ISSP istraživanja razvijaju se tijekom nekoliko godina, pod nadzorom izabranog pododbora, te se unaprijed testiraju u različitim zemljama članicama. Na godišnjem plenarnom sastanku raspravlja se o upitniku koji se koristi u svim zemljama te se finalizira isti. ISSP istraživanje posebno je usmjereno na razvojna pitanja koja su: 1) smislena i relevantna za sve zemlje i 2) koja se mogu izraziti na ekvivalentan način na svim relevantnim jezicima. ISSP baza podataka, smještena u bazi podataka za društvena istraživanja GESIS Leibniz Institut u Kölnu, priprema paket podataka koji je slobodno dostupan. Mnoge navedene teme ponavljaju se u redovitim razmacima (neke od njih tri ili četiri puta), što omogućuje istraživačima proučavanje međunacionalnih varijacija i promjena tijekom vremena. ISSP označava nekoliko novosti u području međunacionalnog istraživanja. Prvo, suradnja između organizacija je rutinska i kontinuirana. Drugo, trajna suradnja istih institucija čini međunacionalno istraživanje temeljnim dijelom agende nacionalnih istraživanja svake zemlje sudionice. Treće, ISSP načela zahtijevaju da se sve institucije članice uključe u razne faze planiranja i kreiranja modula istraživanja i svaki član ima pravo glasa u odlučivanju. Četvrto, kombinirajući metodologiju ponavljanja u vremenskim razmacima i međunacionalnu perspektivu, koriste se dva moćna istraživačka alata za proučavanje društvenih procesa. Teme modula iz 2012. godine Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge uključuje: rodnu ideologiju; stavove prema ženskoj zaposlenosti tijekom životnog ciklusa; stavove prema braku; organizaciju dohotka u partnerskoj zajednici; rodnu podjelu kućanskih poslova; podjelu kućanskih poslova – pravičnost i sukob; moć i odlučivanje u partnerskoj vezi; sukob posao-obitelj; rod, skrb i socijalna politika; stavove prema djeci; model obitelji u vezi s favoriziranom i stvarnom podjelom plaćenog i neplaćenog rada uključujući upravljanje vremenom u kućanstvu; alternativne oblike obitelji. Pregled članaka Odabrani podatci u tri rada u ovom broju (djelomično ili isključivo) bave se četvrtim krugom ISSP istraživanja Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge iz 2012. godine. Iako se ne temelji na ISSP podatcima, četvrti rad s jedne strane uklapa se u temu modula i temu ovoga broja, a s druge strane nudi i međugeneracijsku usporedbu i psihosocijalnu perspektivu. Dok tri rada obrađuju nacionalnu (hrvatsku) razinu analize, Ivana Dobrotić i Tanja Vučković Juroš nude međunacionalnu (europsku) perspektivu u radu naslovljenom Tko bi trebao financirati rani predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje? Višerazinska analiza 24 zemlje. Autorice istražuju učinak čimbenika na individualnoj i državnoj razini na stavove o financiranju ranog predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja, a posebno istražuju utječe li socijalizacija u određenom režimu socijalne države na stavove o odgovornosti države u pogledu predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Autorice isto tako istražuju objašnjava li bolje tipologija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema ranom predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama. Njihovo najvažnije otkriće je da alternativna Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. Stoga naglašavaju važnost programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama. U svojem radu Uvjerenja o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskih dopusta i značajke povezane s njima Ivana Jugović istražuje stavove o roditeljskom/porodiljnom dopustu i čimbenike koji objašnjavaju takve stavove u hrvatskom kontekstu. Kao prediktore tih stavova istražuje rodne razlike, uvjerenja o rodnim ulogama, socio-demografske podatke, pohađanje vjerskih obreda, vrstu radne organizacije i nejednakosti u dohocima partnera. Rezultati pokazuju da su stavovi o rodnim ulogama jedini statistički značajan prediktor. Što manje ispitanici vjeruju da bi rodna podjela poslova trebala biti podijeljena na tradicionalan način, to je veća vjerojatnost da će podržavati ravnomjernu podjelu dopusta između roditelja. Autorica smatra da je teorija rodne ideologije prikladnija za objašnjavanje stavova o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskog dopusta u usporedbi s teorijom vremenske alokacije. Zaključuje da do pomaka prema podržavanju korištenja dopusta na rodno ravnopravniji način vjerojatno neće doći sve dok stavovi o rodnim ulogama općenito ne postanu ravnopravniji. Napisan iz perspektive filozofije roda, treći rad U ime oca: rasprava o (novom) očinstvu, njegovim pretpostavkama i preprekama, autorice Ane Maskalan, spada u pionirske radove o očinstvu u hrvatskom kontekstu. Autorica započinje od temeljnih pojmova otac i očinstvo i njihovih doslovnih i simboličkih značenja, te daje kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran s odabranim teorijama o očinstvu. Autorica pronalazi prikladni kontekst za istraživanje modernog očinstva u povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna distanciranost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitivnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u okviru koncepta jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Analizirajući podatke o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi o djeci iz istraživanja ISSP 2012 o obitelji i promjenjivim rodnim ulogama, autorica zaključuje da iako je došlo do brojnih pozitivnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom još je dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako smatra da je važno uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva. U svome radu Realizacija participatornih prava djece i psihosocijalna prilagodba djeteta: stavovi djece i roditelja Nina Pećnik, Jelena Matić i Ana Tokić Milaković nude zanimljivu međugeneracijsku perspektivu koristeći reprezentativne uzorke učenika sedmih razreda (trinaestogodišnjaka) i njihovih roditelja. Analizirale su percipiranu realizaciju prava djeteta na skrb, zaštitu i participaciju unutar modernih hrvatskih obitelji, veze između realizacije participatornih prava i dječje percepcije demokratske klime u njihovim obiteljima, kao i neke pokazatelje psihosocijalne prilagodbe djece. Autorice su koristile podatke o mjerenju realizacije prava djeteta unutar obitelji, upravljačkom stilu u obitelji, samopoštovanju, samokontroli, problematičnom ponašanju i djelotvornosti otpora. Oko polovice djece izvješćuje o potpunom poštivanju njihovih prava da slobodno izraze svoja mišljenja i ideje, kao i pravo da utječu na donošenje odluka koje utječu na njih. Procjene »upravljačkog stila« u njihovima obiteljima pokazuju da više od četvrtine djece doživljavaju svoje obitelji kao diktature, anarhije ili post-revolucionarne države. Autorice su povezale veću realizaciju participatornih prava s doživljavanjem vlastite obitelji kao demokracije, s višim samopoštovanjem djeteta i manje problematičnih ponašanja, sa češćim odupiranjem vršnjačkom pritisku da konzumiraju sredstva ovisnosti (cigarete, alkohol), kao i s roditeljskim opažanjem o većoj samokontroli djeteta. Roditelji, u usporedbi sa svojom djecom, pokazuju tendenciju precjenjivanja razine ispunjenja dječjih prava na zaštitu fizičkog integriteta, dostojanstva, sudjelovanja u odlučivanju i primanju brižne skrbi. Naposljetku, željela bih zahvaliti svim autoricama koje su doprinijele ovom tematskom broju i tako proširile naše znanje o promjenama u obitelji i rodnim ulogama u Hrvatskoj, ali i općenito. Isto tako, ovom bih prilikom željela potaknuti istraživače u Hrvatskoj da češće koriste ne samo modul Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge, nego i druge ISSP module u svojim analizama. Baza podataka ISSP nudi komparativne datoteke koje uključuju 33 modula za nacionalnu i međunacionalnu analizu, kao i analizu u vremenskoj perspektivi, a poveznica se može pronaći pod nazivom Archive and Data na www.issp.org. Gošća urednica tematskoga broja: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov ; During the second half of the twentieth century and especially over the past few decades our experience and understanding of family and gender roles has changed remarkably. Phenomena unthinkable to our grandparents nowadays are much more evident and socially acceptable: divorce, remarriage after divorce, cohabitation, experimental relationships, homosexual marriages or partnerships with or without children, single parent families, more democratic relations between parents and children, women's employment, paternity leave etc. Besides the increased variation in family forms and changed relationships inside the families, social scientist are interested in other issues that affect every society at the macro-level such as for instance the number of children in families or the issue of fertility rates and greying societies. While twenty or thirty years ago the important question concerning family life included women's employment and its consequences for the family, today the focus is more on work-life balance and how to reconcile the work and family life, together with gender roles in families and households. Still relevant both for the families and social science research, the question of women's paid job is widened with the gender roles, power distribution within the households with respect to paid work, unpaid household work, care responsibilities and furthermore, gender equality in both spheres of work. More complex analysis of these changes, besides using a general modernization processes as the framing context, should take into account social policies, employment policies and changing labour-market conditions as well. Social scientists are particularly interested in cross-cultural variations in order to understand and explain these interconnectedness and changes. That is the reason why the theme on family and changing gender roles has been researched in four waves within the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The first module was run in 1988, the second in 1994 and the third in 2002. Selected data from the last 2012 ISSP module (fielded in Croatia in 2013) are basis for analysis in articles included in this thematic issue of the journal. About the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) The International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is the oldest continuing annual cross-national research within the social sciences. Its members are survey organizations from around the world, each representing one nation. Since 2005 the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb has been represented Republic of Croatia in the project. The ISSP covers a range of topics important within the social sciences (the role of government, social inequality, national identities, religion, health, work orientations, citizenship, environment, social networks, leisure time and sports) and implements rigorous standards of survey research in order to address the difficulties inherent in multinational survey research. Since its modest beginning in 1984 ISSP has grown to include 48 members, each of whom are responsible for the ISSP surveys being implemented in their country each year. The annual topics for ISSP surveys are developed over several years, led by an elected sub-committee (drafting group) and pre-tested in various member countries. The annual plenary meeting then discusses and finalize the questionnaire which is fielded in all countries. The ISSP research concentrates especially on developing questions that are: 1) meaningful and relevant to all countries, and 2) can be expressed in an equivalent manner in all relevant languages. The ISSP data archive situated in GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences at Leibnitz Institute in Köln prepares a combined dataset that is freely available. Many listed topics are repeated at regular intervals (some of them even three or four times), allowing researchers to examine cross-national variations and changes over time. ISSP marks several new departures in the area of cross-national research. First, the collaboration between organizations is routine and continual. Second, the on-going collaboration of the same institutions makes cross-national research a basic part of the national research agenda of each participating country. Third, ISSP principles require that all member institutions be involved in various phases of planning and designing survey modules, and each member has a say in decision making. Fourth, by combining a cross-time methodology with a cross-national perspective, two powerful research designs are being used to study societal processes. Topics of the 2012 module Family and changing gender roles include: gender ideology; attitudes and behavior on female employment over the life-cycle; attitudes towards marriage; organizing income in a partnership; gendered division of household work; sharing of household work - fairness and conflict; power and decision-making within partnership; work-family conflict; gender, care, and social policy; attitudes towards children; model of families concerning preferred and actual division of paid and unpaid work including time management in household; alternative family forms. Overview of the articles Selected data presented in three articles in this volume (partially or exclusively) deal with the 2012 fourth wave of the ISSP module Family and changing gender roles. Although not based on the ISSP data, the fourth article fits into the theme of the module and the thematic issue as well, offering on the other hand intergenerational comparison and psychosocial perspective. While three articles cover national (Croatian) level of analysis, Ivana Dobrotić and Tanja Vučković Juroš offer the cross-national (European) perspective in their article Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries. They examine the effect of the individual and country-level factors on the childcare financing attitudes, particularly whether socialization in a particular welfare regime influences attitudes about the state's responsibility related to childcare. The authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorisation of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Their most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Families" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. Therefore they emphasise the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. In her article Beliefs about the Gender Division of Parental Leave and Characteristics Associated with Them Ivana Jugović explores attitudes about paternal/maternity leave and factors explaining these attitudes in Croatian context. As predictors of these attitudes she examines gender difference, gender-role beliefs, socio-demographics, church attendance, type of working organization and partners' income disparity. Results show the gender-role attitude as the only statistically significant predictor. The less the respondents believe that the gender division of labour should be traditionally divided, the more likely they are to support equally shared leave between parents. Author finds the gender ideology theory more applicable in the explanation of attitudes about the gender division of parental leave compared to time-allocation theory. She concludes that shifts towards supporting gender egalitarian leave take-up will most likely not occur until attitudes towards gender roles in general become more egalitarian. Written through a philosophy of gender perspective the third article In the Name of the Father: A Discussion on (New)Fatherhood, its Assumptions and Obstacles by Ana Maskalan is among pioneer works on fatherhood in Croatian context. Author starts with the basic concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings, together with a short historical overview combined with selected theories of fatherhood. The appropriate context to examine the modern fatherhood author finds in historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment represent a major obstacle to a fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood, but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Analysing the data on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare from ISSP 2012 survey on family and changing gender roles, author concludes that, although many positive changes have been made, Croatian society has got a long way to go to reach both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, she finds important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. Ninoslava Pećnik, Jelena Matić and Ana Tokić Milaković in their article Fulfilment of the Child's Participation Rights in the Family and the Child's Psychosocial Adjustment: Children's and Parents' Views offer an interesting intergenerational perspective using the representative samples of seventh grade students (thirteen-year-olds) and their parents. They examined perceived fulfilment of the provision, protection and participation rights of the child within contemporary Croatian families, the links between participation rights fulfilment and children's perception of a democratic climate in their families, as well as some indicators of children's psychosocial adjustment. Authors used data on measures of the child's rights fulfilment in the family, family governing style, self-esteem, self-control, behaviour problem, and resistance efficacy. Approximately half of the children reported full respect of their right to freely express their opinions and ideas, and to influence decision making that affects them. Assessments of the 'governing style' in their families reveal that, over a quarter of children see their families as dictatorships, anarchies, or post-revolutionary states. Higher participation rights fulfilment Pećnik et al. find linked with perceiving own family as a democracy, child's report of higher self-esteem and fewer behaviour problems, more frequently resisting peer pressure to use substances (cigarettes, alcohol), as well as with parent's report of greater child's self-control. Parents, in comparison to their children, tend to overestimate the level of fulfilment of children's rights to protection of physical integrity, dignity, participation in decision-making and to receiving loving care. Finally, I wish to thank all authors who contributed to this thematic issue and widened our knowledge on changes in family and gender roles in Croatia but in general as well. Also, I encourage social scientist in Croatia to use in their analysis not only the module Family and changing gender roles but other ISSP modules as well more frequently. ISSP data base offers comparative files that include 33 modules for national, cross-national and cross-time analysis link to which can be found under Archive and Data at www.issp.org. Guest editor of the thematic issue: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov