This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open. ; This paper is an attempt to analyse European leadership and the role played by a reunited Germany in the European Union. The author proposes five fundamental theses: 1) the reunification of Germany ruined the balance of power in Europe; 2) the Eastern enlargement of NATO and the EU has moved the zone of political and military influence of the USA to the line of the Bug river; 3) the Germans have confirmed their position as a European power; 4) the foreign policy of Angela Merkel is a continuation of Gerhard Schroder's policy, meaning a transfer of the focus from European policy to prioritising German national interests; 5) the German issue has remained open.
In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner.
In multiculturalism, "exit", or to be more precise, "right to exit" is very often thought of in terms of a condition of state's non-interference in the minority groups. However popular, this account seems to be flawed with a number of controversial assumptions, questionable theoretical and practical implications and can lead to significant paradoxes. First of all, treating "exit" as a state's non-interventionism condition also means that in fact representatives of minority groups should actually leave their communities in order to obtain all of the civil rights and liberties – be treated as "full", not "partial" citizens. Various other problems connected with this account (i.a. the issue of general function of "right to exit" and civil rights and liberties or mutual relations between these two categories) presented and discussed in the paper justify a proposal of change of approach towards concept of "exit". Either one should take really seriously the assumed normative character of it and construct a whole separate theory of "right to exit" from scratch, or maybe one should simply stop treating leaving one's oppressive culture in terms of "right" or "freedom" and understand it only in descriptive manner. ; 3 ; 1 ; 103 ; 124 ; 6 ; Filozofia Publiczna i Edukacja Demokratyczna
The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation betweentwo continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations. ; The article concerns the idea as well as the form of international cooperation between states and international organizations, illustrated by the example of the relationship between the European Union and the Pacific region. There is some useful literature on the subject but this needs be to completed. The influences of the world's leaders collide on the Pacific Ocean, which gives this area primacy in geopolitical domination, slowly downgrading the Atlantic Community. The main purpose of the paper is, therefore, to research the possibilities and methods of legal and extrajudicial cooperation between two continents which are very distant from each other. This work underlines the difference between official policy, presented by the regional intergovernmental organizations, and the individual policies of member states, who are not tied down by Brussels politics and may maintain their own foreign relations.
The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader. ; The current financial crisis has significantly highlighted the issue of leadership in the European Union. The topic is both timely and worthy of analysis. The author tries to outline the theoretical approach to political leadership with regard to the current political scene in the European Union. A politician has to meet four criteria to be deemed a leader: his decisions are strategic, they exert permanent influence, he has a sufficient political background, and he has the highest position in a given political composition. The author makes the following hypothesis: on the basis of factor analysis (as regards the four factors above) only two current politicians are the true leaders of the EU, namely the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel, and the President of France, Francois Hollande. Both politicians meet the four attributes presented gabove to at least the minimum degree, thus becoming (international) EU leaders. The paper also discusses the issue of distinguishing between an (international) statesman and (international) leader.
The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
The purpose of this text is to present the results of a research in which the author analysed succeeding crisis situations that could constitute the basis for some of the changes in the political system of the EC/EU and subsequently made an attempt to delineate a certain scheme behind such behaviours. It is justified to seek the answer to the following question: What is the underlying reason for introducing changes in such situations and is it possible to pinpoint certain shared elements in different cases?To achieve that goal the author takes a closer look on the "empty chair" crisis, Schengen Area crisis and the recent financial crisis in Europe. In order to confirm the actual value of the conducted research, the author will make an attempt to relate his observations to the current geopolitical situation in Eastern Europe with reference to the EU competences in the existing political system.
The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted. ; The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.
The EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy was adopted by the European Council on June 28, 2016. It defines the common interests of the EU and its member states. It was based on the following objectives: security of citizens and territory, prosperity, democracy, global order, which are to lead to the creation of a credible, reactive and cohesive European Union. The principles which the European Union began to follow are unity, cooperation with others, responsibility, and deepening external partnerships.It is worth noting that cybersecurity in the European Union is a prerogative of the Member States unlike cyberterrorism which is a shared competence. Nevertheless, the EU has a key role to play in creating the conditions for the ability of Member States to improve, cooperate and build trust.This article will attempt to demonstrate that the effectiveness of actions taken by European Union bodies in the field of cyber terrorism depends on the type of instruments at the disposal of the EU and the Member States and the legal basis of the relevant regulations. The problem is that there are legal inaccuracies and interpretation discrepancies in the provisions of legal regulations at the EU level regarding the division of competences regarding cyberspace protection, which in fact lead to a delay in the establishment of mutual cooperation between the EU and the Member States. ; Globalna strategia UE na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa została przyjęta przez Radę Europejską 28 czerwca 2016 r. Określa wspólne interesy UE i państw członkowskich. Opiera się na następujących celach: bezpieczeństwie obywateli i terytorium, dobrobycie, demokracji, ładzie światowym, które mają doprowadzić do stworzenia wiarygodnej, reaktywnej i spójnej Unii Europejskiej. Zasady, którymi zaczęła kierować się Unia Europejska, to jedność, współdziałanie z innymi, odpowiedzialność, pogłębianie partnerstw zewnętrznych.Warto zauważyć, że cyberbezpieczeństwo w Unii Europejskiej jest prerogatywą państw członkowskich w przeciwieństwie do cyberterroryzmu, który należy do kompetencji dzielonych. Mimo to UE ma do odegrania kluczową rolę w tworzeniu warunków dla zdolności państw członkowskich, aby ulepszać, współpracować i budować zaufanie. W niniejszym artykule zostanie podjęta próba wykazania, że na skuteczność działań podejmowanych przez organy Unii Europejskiej w zakresie polityki cyberterrorystycznej zależy od rodzaju instrumentów będących w dyspozycji UE i państw członkowskich oraz podstawy prawnej odpowiednich regulacji. Problemem pozostają nieścisłości prawne i rozbieżności interpretacyjne w zapisie regulacji prawnych na poziomie unijnym w zakresie podziału kompetencji dotyczących ochrony cyberprzestrzeni, które w rzeczywistości prowadzą do opóźnienia powstania wzajemnej współpracy między Unią a państwami członkowskimi[1] https://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/pdf/eugs_pl_.pdf. (dostęp: 3.02.2021 r.).
Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the 1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.
Po przeszło 12 latach realizacji EPS i dwóch wstrząsach politycznych – kryzysie ukraińskim i arabskiej wiośnie, nadszedł czas kompleksowej oceny i rewizji niektórych założeń.W 2015 r. rozpoczęły się konsultacje dotyczące nowego kształtu EPS, tak by polityka ta z jednej strony nadal wypełniała swoją zasadniczą funkcję wspierania i promocji praw człowiekai demokracji w państwach sąsiedzkich, ale z drugiej strony by UE mogła efektywniej wpływać na swoje bezpieczeństwo zewnętrzne. Po ponad półrocznym okresie konsultacji, w których udział wzięły zarówno instytucje UE, państwa członkowskie, a także organizacje pozarządowe, w listopadzie 2015 roku Komisja Europejska przedstawiła założenia reformy EPS, które można określić jako nową Europejską Politykę Sąsiedztwa. W artykule przedstawiony zosta dotychczasowy model EPS, w tym także przesłanki ustanowienia polityki w 2004 r., następnie ukazana została ewolucja EPS, a w kolejnej części artykułu omówione zostały założenia nowej EPS na podstawie analizy dokumentów instytucji UE. ; After over 12 years of implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the two political upheavals – Ukrainian crisis and the Arab Spring, it is time for its comprehensive assessment and review of certain assumptions. In 2015 began consultations on a new shape of the ENP, so that the policy on the one hand might continue to fulfill its essential function of supporting and promoting human rights and democracy in neighboring countries, but on the other hand, the EU can effectively influence their external security. After more than six months of consultations, which was attended by the EU institutions, Member States and non-governmental organizations in November 2015, the European Commission presented the principles of the reformof the ENP, which can be described as the new European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper presents the current model of the ENP, including evidence to establish policy in 2004., then isshown the evolution of the policy and in the next part of the article is discussed the establishment of a new ENP based on analysis of documents of the EU institutions.
Po przeszło 12 latach realizacji EPS i dwóch wstrząsach politycznych – kryzysie ukraińskim i arabskiej wiośnie, nadszedł czas kompleksowej oceny i rewizji niektórych założeń. W 2015 r. rozpoczęły się konsultacje dotyczące nowego kształtu EPS, tak by polityka ta z jednej strony nadal wypełniała swoją zasadniczą funkcję wspierania i promocji praw człowieka i demokracji w państwach sąsiedzkich, ale z drugiej strony by UE mogła efektywniej wpływać na swoje bezpieczeństwo zewnętrzne. Po ponad półrocznym okresie konsultacji, w których udział wzięły zarówno instytucje UE, państwa członkowskie, a także organizacje pozarządowe, w listopadzie 2015 roku Komisja Europejska przedstawiła założenia reformy EPS, które można określić jako nową Europejską Politykę Sąsiedztwa. W artykule przedstawiony został dotychczasowy model EPS, w tym także przesłanki ustanowienia polityki w 2004 r., następnie ukazana została ewolucja EPS, a w kolejnej części artykułu omówione zostały założenia nowej EPS na podstawie analizy dokumentów instytucji UE. ; After over 12 years of implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the two political upheavals – Ukrainian crisis and the Arab Spring, it is time for its comprehensive as sessment and review of certain assumptions. In 2015 began consultations on a new shape of the ENP, so that the policy on the one hand might continue to fulfill its essential function of supporting and promoting human rights and democracy in neighboring countries, but on the other hand, the EU can effectively influence their external security. After more than six months of consultations, which was attended by the EU institutions, Member States and non-governmental organizations, in November 2015, the European Commission presented the principles of the reform of the ENP, which can be described as the new European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper presents the current model of the ENP, including evidence to establish policy in 2004., then is shown the evolution of the policy and in the next part of the article is discussed the establishment of a new ENP based on analysis of documents of the EU institutions.
Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego. ; The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view.
The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view. ; Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Podobnie jak w Wielkiej Brytanii, Eurosceptyczne partie w Szwecji, Finlandii i Danii oczekują decyzji o wyjściu z UE, co nazywane zostało jako: Swedix, Fixit czy Dexit. W jaki sposób społeczeństwa państw nordyckich zareagowały na kryzys ekonomiczny w 2008, napływ migrantów, a w konsekwencji brak wspólnych europejskich wartości? Można zauważyć, że Szwedzi, Finowie i Duńczycy wierzą w pozytywny wpływ UE na ich kraj, ale to poparcie spada. Celem artykuły jest analiza podejścia państw nordyckich do kryzysu Unii Europejskiej. ; Similarly to UK, Eurosceptic parties in Sweden, Finland and Denmark are pushing for an exit from the EU, which has been dubbed a Swexit, Fixit or Dexit. How the society of the Nordic countries have reacted for the economic crises in 2008, influx of migrants, and consequently – the lack of common European values? It found that Swedes, Finns and Danes believe that being in the EU is a positive thing, but an encouragement has been descended. The aim of the article is to analyse the attitude of the Nordic countries towards the European Union crisis.
