Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.
The study investigates genesis of the European Union Social Policy and the changes in common social issue over the years. The European Union is not only economic and monetary integration, it is also unify the activities in the social areas. Integration endeavors are not only based on the European Union further enlargement to new members, but also are based on adoption of new regulations on social issues, with the need to enforce them by the Member States. EU regulations only of an economic nature, without social guidelines may lead to incomplete and unstable functioning of the European Union and Single European Market. Over the past decade, the process of European integration has intensified and included more issues and life areas, therefore the position of social policy has strengthen consistently. The increasing globalization and regionalization of economic and social life causes more important role for international institutions such as the European Union, in solving various social matters. European countries are more acutely affected by problems such as high unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and the progressive aging of the population. Consequently cooperation at EU level can lead to stop these processes and can find ways to eliminate the negative effects that appeared among the citizens of Europe.
When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.
The aim of the study is to evaluate changes in the net international investment position in the European Union in the years 2006–2014 in the context of compliance within the framework of the announced process of macroeconomic disturbances. It was reviewed of the most important theoretical concepts. The goal of the article is a critical analysis of the literature of the subject and analysis of statistical data regarding the international investment position of countries for the period 2006–2014. On this basis, it was made an attempt to assess the current movement behavior of the MPI net balance in the EU. In the EU there are significant differences in capital flows measured by the net international position. The outbreak of the crisis in 2008 caused changes in trend in the development of the capital structure in MPI. During 2006–2014 increased the absolute value of the assets and liabilities of MPI. In most EU countries deepens the negative balance of financial flows of international investment position to GDP of the countries. ; Celem opracowania jest próba ocenienia zmian, jeśli chodzi o międzynarodową pozycję inwestycyjną netto45w krajach Unii Europejskiej w latach 2006–2014 w kontekście przestrzegania zaleceń w ramach ogłoszonej procedury zakłóceń makroekonomicznych. W niniejszej pracy dokonano przeglądu najważniejszych koncepcji teoretycznych, będących punktem wyjścia dalszych rozważań. W tym celu przeanalizowano literaturę przedmiotu oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej krajów w latach 2006–2014. Na tej podstawie spróbowano ocenić współczesne tendencje dotyczące salda netto MPI w UE. W krajach UE występują znaczące różnice w przepływach kapitału mierzonego międzynarodową pozycją netto. Wybuch kryzysu w 2008 r. wywołał zmiany w tendencji w kształtowaniu się struktury kapitału w MPI. W okresie 2006–2014 następuje wzrost absolutnych wartości aktywów oraz pasywów MPI. W większości krajów UE pogłębia się ujemne saldo przepływów finansowych międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej względem PKB badanych krajów.
The European Union currently operates three types of competence: exclusive, shared and supporting (complementary and harmonization). For each country, it is very important autonomous power of taxation and the ensuing independence in shaping tax policy. Countries acceding to the European Union, however, have to reckon with the fact that 80 Artur Kuś Studia z Polityki Publicznej since joining will not have a kind of monopoly on the creation of a fully independent and autonomous tax regulations. EU tax law is primarily the proper functioning of the EU internal market. The aim of the tax legislation is mainly provide income for the state. Thus, the main feature of the national tax law is fiscal function and the EU's - the proper functioning of the internal market. EU tax law in the broad sense (sensu largo) is the collection of EU law (primary and secondary) concerning and affecting the tax law of the Member States. EU tax law in the strict sense (sensu stricto) is a set of rules while EU law relating to and used directly in the tax law of the Member States of the EU. In the simplest terms it can be assumed that these are the rules relating to the taxation mainly indirect taxes.
The creation of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI), the political and economic format for 12 EU countries, is accompanied by a growing interest on the part of world powers and non-EU countries in the region. The aim of the research is to analyse the involvement of three Eastern European countries, namely Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova in projects developed under TSI. The research used a neorealistic approach. These countries belong to the post-Soviet area and, apart from Belarus, show a willingness to cooperate with Western institutions, which arouses a strong reaction from the Russian Federation. The research will result in determining their participation in projects implemented by TSI, including energy, transport, and digital infrastructure. These countries are on the way to working more closely with the Initiative, possibly under the new TSI plus format. The United States supports the expansion of the Three Seas Initiative.
The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted. ; The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.
The EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy was adopted by the European Council on June 28, 2016. It defines the common interests of the EU and its member states. It was based on the following objectives: security of citizens and territory, prosperity, democracy, global order, which are to lead to the creation of a credible, reactive and cohesive European Union. The principles which the European Union began to follow are unity, cooperation with others, responsibility, and deepening external partnerships.It is worth noting that cybersecurity in the European Union is a prerogative of the Member States unlike cyberterrorism which is a shared competence. Nevertheless, the EU has a key role to play in creating the conditions for the ability of Member States to improve, cooperate and build trust.This article will attempt to demonstrate that the effectiveness of actions taken by European Union bodies in the field of cyber terrorism depends on the type of instruments at the disposal of the EU and the Member States and the legal basis of the relevant regulations. The problem is that there are legal inaccuracies and interpretation discrepancies in the provisions of legal regulations at the EU level regarding the division of competences regarding cyberspace protection, which in fact lead to a delay in the establishment of mutual cooperation between the EU and the Member States. ; Globalna strategia UE na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa została przyjęta przez Radę Europejską 28 czerwca 2016 r. Określa wspólne interesy UE i państw członkowskich. Opiera się na następujących celach: bezpieczeństwie obywateli i terytorium, dobrobycie, demokracji, ładzie światowym, które mają doprowadzić do stworzenia wiarygodnej, reaktywnej i spójnej Unii Europejskiej. Zasady, którymi zaczęła kierować się Unia Europejska, to jedność, współdziałanie z innymi, odpowiedzialność, pogłębianie partnerstw zewnętrznych.Warto zauważyć, że cyberbezpieczeństwo w Unii Europejskiej jest prerogatywą państw członkowskich w przeciwieństwie do cyberterroryzmu, który należy do kompetencji dzielonych. Mimo to UE ma do odegrania kluczową rolę w tworzeniu warunków dla zdolności państw członkowskich, aby ulepszać, współpracować i budować zaufanie. W niniejszym artykule zostanie podjęta próba wykazania, że na skuteczność działań podejmowanych przez organy Unii Europejskiej w zakresie polityki cyberterrorystycznej zależy od rodzaju instrumentów będących w dyspozycji UE i państw członkowskich oraz podstawy prawnej odpowiednich regulacji. Problemem pozostają nieścisłości prawne i rozbieżności interpretacyjne w zapisie regulacji prawnych na poziomie unijnym w zakresie podziału kompetencji dotyczących ochrony cyberprzestrzeni, które w rzeczywistości prowadzą do opóźnienia powstania wzajemnej współpracy między Unią a państwami członkowskimi[1] https://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/pdf/eugs_pl_.pdf. (dostęp: 3.02.2021 r.).
The paper presents the basic assumptions about countries being regarded by the public in the context of environmental awareness. In addition to reviewing theoretical achievements the results of previous studies of public opinion in this dimension were presen- ted. For the purpose of this paper it was adopted to analyze the interrelationships between the state of the environment and the actions of the European Union countries in the area of its protection and their perception in the public opinion in the international arena. The study used the Spearman rank correlation. ; W artykule przedstawiono podstawowe założenia dotyczące postrzegania państw na arenie międzynarodowej w kontekście świadomości ekologicznej. Oprócz przeglądu dokonań teoretycznych przedstawione zostały wyniki dotychczasowych badań opinii publicznej w tym wymiarze. Za cel artykułu przyjęto przeanalizowanie zależności zachodzących pomiędzy stanem środowiska naturalnego i działaniami państw Unii Europejskiej w obszarze jego ochrony a ich postrzeganiem przez opinię publiczną na arenie międzynarodowej. W badaniach wykorzystano analizę korelacji rang Spearmana.
Poland had to meet various political, legal and economic criteria in order to become a member of the European Union; the EU itself also had to prepare for it in institutional and financial respect. Although fulfilling acquis communautaire standards, then accession negotiations and completion of formalities lasted 10 years and the anti-EU campaign before a national referendum about Polish integration with the EU caused serious doubts and concerns connected with the accession, still on the 1 May 2004 Poland became a member of the EU. Now, after 10 years of membership there are several questions how Poland has used its presence in this organization. Has it been a time of prosperity and success or rather a failure and a historical mistake? What and how has Poland been changed over this time? Have social doubts connected with the EU integration been allayed? These are just a few questions raised in this article and the author tries to answer them.
The paper presents the issue of the varied standards o f living in the European Union. The first part of the paper discusses theoretical matters concerning the measurement of various dimensions of the quality o f life examined by the European Union (EU-SILC, EQLS) and an international organization HelpAge International (GAWI). The second, fundamental part of the paper analyzes selected objective and subjective indicators, such as equivalent levels o f disposable income (Gini coefficient), the situation o f households in different countries as well as the quality of life o f senior citizens (aged 60 plus). The third part o f the paper is an analysis of the assessment of the threat o f poverty and social exclusion in the European Union. ; W artykule przedstawiono problematykę zróżnicowania poziomu życia mieszkańców Unii Europejskiej. W pierwszej części zaprezentowano zagadnienia teoretyczne dotyczące mierzenia różnych wymiarów jakości życia w ramach badań prowadzonych przez Unię Europejską (EU-SILC, EQLS) oraz międzynarodową organizację HelpAge Intermational (GAWI). W drugiej zasadniczej części artykułu analizie poddano wybrane obiektywne i subiektywne wskaźniki: poziomu ekwiwalentnych dochodów do dyspozycji (współczynnik Giniego), sytuacji gospodarstw domowych w poszczególnych państwach, a także jakości życia mieszkańców w wieku 60 lat i więcej. Trzecia część artykułu przedstawia analizę oceny poziomu zagrożenia ubóstwem i wykluczeniem społecznym w Unii Europejskiej.
"Monografia powstała na podstawie analiz teoretycznych i badań praktycznych wykonanych w naturalnym środowisku respondentów w Polsce i na Ukrainie. Jest wynikiem wspólnych międzynarodowych badań w ramach istniejącego na Wydziale Zarządzania Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego Centrum Współpracy Naukowo-Badawczej: Polska-Ukraina, w skład którego wchodzą przedstawiciele nauki z Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Ługańskiego Państwowego Uniwersytetu im. Tarasa Szewczenki w Starobielsku na Ukrainie oraz Narodowej Akademii Nauk Ukrainy. Wykonane badania wskazują na wybrane społeczne i ekonomiczne problemy związane z procesami internacjonalizacji polskich i ukraińskich organizacji. Publikacja jest rezultatem II Międzynarodowej Naukowej Konferencji zatytułowanej "Internacjonalizacja przedsiębiorstw - uwarunkowania, strategie, wyniki badań", która ma charakter teoretyczno-metodyczno-praktyczny, a także cykliczny, naprzemienny z organizowanym na terenie Ukrainy seminarium naukowym o podobnej tematyce."--
The aim of this article is the comprehensive analysis of possible benefits and disadvantages of Turkey's European Union membership from the point of view of both of the sides of the accession process, and the attempt to predict the probable consequences of two political scenarios: accession of Turkey to the EU which is equivalent to being a full member with the same rights as remaining 27 countries, or the fiasco of Turkey's accession process to the UE. The first part of this article contains the analysis of economic, political and sociocultural benefits that both of the sides will gain and the balance of the costs that each side will have to bear. The analysis that is being carried out in the second part of this article is concerned with possible consequences of 'worst and best scenario' fulfillment. However, as it is being shown in this part of article, between two mentioned above extremes there is one more possible way of progress of events: heavily supported by the chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Angela Merkel 'privileged partnership' for Turkey instead of full EU membership. How it has been repeatedly said by Turkish political leaders, none form of partnership should be even considered because offers of cooperation different from full EU membership are insult to Turkey. However, taking into consideration the fact that EU is still being affected by economic and political crisis, it may have not possibility to offer Turkey anything more than remaining the 'status quo'. Possible results of this progress of events like Turkey's turn to the Islamic neighbouring countries and European Union's loss of a chance of attaching great importance to global geopolitics, are also taken into consideration. ; The aim of this article is the comprehensive analysis of possible benefits and disadvantages of Turkey's European Union membership from the point of view of both of the sides of the accession process, and the attempt to predict the probable consequences of two political scenarios: accession of Turkey to the EU which is equivalent to being a full member with the same rights as remaining 27 countries, or the fiasco of Turkey's accession process to the UE. The first part of this article contains the analysis of economic, political and sociocultural benefits that both of the sides will gain and the balance of the costs that each side will have to bear. The analysis that is being carried out in the second part of this article is concerned with possible consequences of 'worst and best scenario' fulfillment. However, as it is being shown in this part of article, between two mentioned above extremes there is one more possible way of progress of events: heavily supported by the chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany Angela Merkel 'privileged partnership' for Turkey instead of full EU membership. How it has been repeatedly said by Turkish political leaders, none form of partnership should be even considered because offers of cooperation different from full EU membership are insult to Turkey. However, taking into consideration the fact that EU is still being affected by economic and political crisis, it may have not possibility to offer Turkey anything more than remaining the 'status quo'. Possible results of this progress of events like Turkey's turn to the Islamic neighbouring countries and European Union's loss of a chance of attaching great importance to global geopolitics, are also taken into consideration.
The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations. ; The author discusses EU military missions in Africa carried out within the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Making reference to five African missions he analyzes the experience generated by these operations and tries to explain to what extent they might have been conducive to further commitment of the EU in crisis management in Africa. In his opinion, in the future the EU will continue to be present in Africa, yet it is hardly to be expected that its missions will qualitatively differ from present operations.
Analyzing the course of accession negotiations of Turkey to the European Union and taking into an account the experience of previous enlargements, the issue of free movement of persons appears to be one of the most difficult and controversial subject. EU members societies report concerns about job losses and reduced wages in the case of immigration of cheaper labor. In addition, ethnic prejudices and cultural, religious, social and language differences in the European Union hold the demand for foreign workers.Based on the theory and analysis of current migration flows of the Turkish population to European Union countries, it appears that the most important factors influencing decisions to migrate, and thus also on its size, there are differences in income. An important factor is also the presence of a number of Turkish minorities in European countries.In order to balance the benefits and losses associated with Turkish migration will be analyzed the trends in Turkish immigrants participation in the European Union and Germany. ; Analizując przebieg negocjacji akcesyjnych Turcji do Unii Europejskiej oraz biorąc pod uwagę doświadczenia dotychczasowych rozszerzeń, kwestia swobodnego przepływu pracowników okazuje się być jednym z najtrudniejszych i najbardziej kontrowersyjnych tematów. Społeczeństwa krajów członkowskich Unii zgłaszają obawy związane z utratą miejsc pracy oraz redukcją płac w wypadku imigracji tańszej siły roboczej. Ponadto uprzedzenia narodowościowe oraz różnice kulturowe, religijne, socjalne i językowe hamują w Unii Europejskiej popyt na zagranicznych pracowników.W oparciu o teorię migracji oraz analizy dotychczasowych przepływów ludności tureckiej do krajów Unii Europejskiej okazuje się, że najistotniejszymi czynnikami wpływającymi na podejmowanie decyzji o migracji, a więc także o jej wielkości, są różnice w dochodach. Ważnym motywem jest także występowanie licznych mniejszości tureckich w państwach europejskich.W celu zbilansowania korzyści i strat związanych z turecką migracją zbadane zostaną tendencje w zakresie udziału tureckich imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej i Niemczech.
