Suchergebnisse

Po przeszło 12 latach realizacji EPS i dwóch wstrząsach politycznych – kryzysie ukraińskim i arabskiej wiośnie, nadszedł czas kompleksowej oceny i rewizji niektórych założeń.W 2015 r. rozpoczęły się konsultacje dotyczące nowego kształtu EPS, tak by polityka ta z jednej strony nadal wypełniała swoją zasadniczą funkcję wspierania i promocji praw człowiekai demokracji w państwach sąsiedzkich, ale z drugiej strony by UE mogła efektywniej wpływać na swoje bezpieczeństwo zewnętrzne. Po ponad półrocznym okresie konsultacji, w których udział wzięły zarówno instytucje UE, państwa członkowskie, a także organizacje pozarządowe, w listopadzie 2015 roku Komisja Europejska przedstawiła założenia reformy EPS, które można określić jako nową Europejską Politykę Sąsiedztwa. W artykule przedstawiony zosta dotychczasowy model EPS, w tym także przesłanki ustanowienia polityki w 2004 r., następnie ukazana została ewolucja EPS, a w kolejnej części artykułu omówione zostały założenia nowej EPS na podstawie analizy dokumentów instytucji UE. ; After over 12 years of implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the two political upheavals – Ukrainian crisis and the Arab Spring, it is time for its comprehensive assessment and review of certain assumptions. In 2015 began consultations on a new shape of the ENP, so that the policy on the one hand might continue to fulfill its essential function of supporting and promoting human rights and democracy in neighboring countries, but on the other hand, the EU can effectively influence their external security. After more than six months of consultations, which was attended by the EU institutions, Member States and non-governmental organizations in November 2015, the European Commission presented the principles of the reformof the ENP, which can be described as the new European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper presents the current model of the ENP, including evidence to establish policy in 2004., then isshown the evolution of the policy and in the next part of the article is discussed the establishment of a new ENP based on analysis of documents of the EU institutions.

Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego. ; The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view.

The main objective of this paper is to present the attitude of the European Union to the issue of food security. Price volatility in the global market has a significant impact on the economic security of the participants. This particulary applies to commodity price volatility. Excessive volatility in commodity price effects both producers and consumers has a serious implication for food security. In the context of globalisation in a period characterized by sudden changes in food prices, such as for 2007–2008, the food situation in many poor developing countries worsend. It was expected that the increase in food prices in 2010 may lead to the further spread of the phenomenon of malnutrition and further intensification of tensions and unrest among the weaker consumers in the world. An important role in changing this situation can be played by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and European Union. Food security issues also for the European Union are very important and actual both from theoretical and practical point of view. ; Celem głównym artykułu jest przedstawienie istotnej kwestii stanowiska Unii Europejskiej wobec bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. W UE ochrona zdrowia ludzkiego, zdrowia zwierząt i roślin na każdym etapie procesu produkcji żywnościowej ma priorytetowe znaczenie. Problem ten jest ściśle związany z nadmierną niestabilnością cen surowców, w tym także artykułów żywnościowych, co wpływa zarówno na producentów, jak i na konsumentów i wywołuje poważne skutki dla bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego. Warto podkreślić, że w okresie charakteryzującym się nagłymi zmianami cen żywności, takim jak lata 2007–2008, nastąpiło pogorszenie sytuacji żywnościowej w wielu ubogich krajach rozwijających się. Przewidywano, że wzrost cen żywności z 2010 r. może doprowadzić do dalszego rozszerzenia się zjawiska niedożywienia, zapotrzebowania na pomoc humanitarną oraz dalszej intensyfikacji napięć i niepokojów społecznych wśród słabszych konsumentów na świecie. Ważną rolę w zmianie tej sytuacji może odegrać Światowa Organizacja Handlu (WTO) oraz Unia Europejska. Kwestie bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego także dla Unii Europejskiej są równocześnie niezwykle ważne i aktualne zarówno z punktu widzenia teoretycznego, jak i praktycznego.

Po przeszło 12 latach realizacji EPS i dwóch wstrząsach politycznych – kryzysie ukraińskim i arabskiej wiośnie, nadszedł czas kompleksowej oceny i rewizji niektórych założeń. W 2015 r. rozpoczęły się konsultacje dotyczące nowego kształtu EPS, tak by polityka ta z jednej strony nadal wypełniała swoją zasadniczą funkcję wspierania i promocji praw człowieka i demokracji w państwach sąsiedzkich, ale z drugiej strony by UE mogła efektywniej wpływać na swoje bezpieczeństwo zewnętrzne. Po ponad półrocznym okresie konsultacji, w których udział wzięły zarówno instytucje UE, państwa członkowskie, a także organizacje pozarządowe, w listopadzie 2015 roku Komisja Europejska przedstawiła założenia reformy EPS, które można określić jako nową Europejską Politykę Sąsiedztwa. W artykule przedstawiony został dotychczasowy model EPS, w tym także przesłanki ustanowienia polityki w 2004 r., następnie ukazana została ewolucja EPS, a w kolejnej części artykułu omówione zostały założenia nowej EPS na podstawie analizy dokumentów instytucji UE. ; After over 12 years of implementation of the European Neighbourhood Policy and the two political upheavals – Ukrainian crisis and the Arab Spring, it is time for its comprehensive as sessment and review of certain assumptions. In 2015 began consultations on a new shape of the ENP, so that the policy on the one hand might continue to fulfill its essential function of supporting and promoting human rights and democracy in neighboring countries, but on the other hand, the EU can effectively influence their external security. After more than six months of consultations, which was attended by the EU institutions, Member States and non-governmental organizations, in November 2015, the European Commission presented the principles of the reform of the ENP, which can be described as the new European Neighbourhood Policy. The paper presents the current model of the ENP, including evidence to establish policy in 2004., then is shown the evolution of the policy and in the next part of the article is discussed the establishment of a new ENP based on analysis of documents of the EU institutions.

Ensuring internal security is one of the core objectives of European integration in the context of the establishment of an area of freedom, security and justice of the European Union (E.U.). The aim of the internal security policy of the E.U. is to support Member States with regard to the maintenance of law and order and the safeguarding of internal security. In the last 20 years in the area of internal security of the E.U. many important initiatives, political agendas and legal instruments at the E.U. level have arisen. This article aims to show the development of the internal security policy of the E.U., its most important guidelines and the challenges in the coming years.

The study investigates genesis of the European Union Social Policy and the changes in common social issue over the years. The European Union is not only economic and monetary integration, it is also unify the activities in the social areas. Integration endeavors are not only based on the European Union further enlargement to new members, but also are based on adoption of new regulations on social issues, with the need to enforce them by the Member States. EU regulations only of an economic nature, without social guidelines may lead to incomplete and unstable functioning of the European Union and Single European Market. Over the past decade, the process of European integration has intensified and included more issues and life areas, therefore the position of social policy has strengthen consistently. The increasing globalization and regionalization of economic and social life causes more important role for international institutions such as the European Union, in solving various social matters. European countries are more acutely affected by problems such as high unemployment, poverty, social exclusion and the progressive aging of the population. Consequently cooperation at EU level can lead to stop these processes and can find ways to eliminate the negative effects that appeared among the citizens of Europe.

The paper consists of three parts. The first one describes the conditions in which foreign trade with UE countries is carried out. Those conditions are a result of dozens of years of Common Agricultural Policy followed by EEC countries whose objectives and system conditions for their realisation have been presented in the paper. The evolution of objectives and measures taken to achieve them have also been shown. The second part addresses the need to protect the food market in Poland, suggesting to make use of the UE's experience in that respect, including mainly the implementation of certain system conditions and necessary instruments required to provide protection of the market. The third part gives an account of what has happened so far in the area of the realisation of the Agreement about a Liaison between Poland and the European Union countries in the sector of food processing and agriculture. The 'agricultural' part of the Agreement has been presented and the possibilities of trading plus first attempts of its evaluation have also been presented. They do not look too good for Poland which seems to receive disadvantaged treatment in comparison with the countries associated in the EU. The ratification of GATT agreements relatively reduces those benefits, too. Therefore, the need to renegotiate the agricultural part of the agreement may be required if the promised benefits for Poland were to remain on paper only. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

When analyzing the importance of Maghreb in Spain's foreign policy, attention should be paid to its geostrategic location, between Europe and Africa. This gives priority to southern Mediterranean countries. The historical experiences and socio-cultural pluralism (the clash of Christian and Muslim civilizations) are also important. The mutual economic relations deserve attention. Spain's relations with the Maghreb are often seen only through the prism of relations with Morocco. They can be described as so-called relación obcesiva. For decades, bilateral relations focused primarily on issues such as immigration, Spanish possessions in North Africa, and the issue of Western Sahara. The main goal for Spain was to stabilize not only Morocco but all of the Maghreb. The strategic importance of the region was due to its geographical proximity, economic and trade potential as well as cultural influences.

Demokratični deficit je že več desetletji stalnica akademskih razprav o Evropski uniji. Vsebina raziskovanj se je skozi čas bistveno spremenila, ohranja pa se temeljna misel, da se demokracija v Evropski uniji sooča z velikimi težavami. Zaupanje Evropejcev v Evropsko unijo je nizko, podobno velja tudi za občutek povezanosti z njenimi organi, zato je očitno, da so spremembe nujno potrebne. Z vsako večjo reformo pride do sprememb, ki bistveno vplivajo na razmerja moči med evropskimi institucijami in na njihov odnos do Evropejcev. Najvidnejše spremembe v zadnjih desetletjih so krepitev moči Evropskega parlamenta, ki se je razvil v vplivno institucijo, uvajanje institutov neposredne demokracije in druge reforme, ki jih je prinesla Lizbonska pogodba. Napredek pa je, žal, na drugi strani uravnotežen s pojavom mehanizmov in institutov, ki demokratična varovala zaobidejo. To so na primer ukrepi, ki so bili sprejeti kot odziv na dolžniško krizo evroobmočja in v velikem delu sploh ne spadajo med formalne pristojnosti Evropske unije. V svojem magistrskem delu sem analiziral in kritično ovrednotil procese, ki so bistveno vplivali na ključne organe Evropske unije, njihove spreminjajoče se medsebojne odnose ter predvidene učinke aktualnih reform. Pregledal sem širok izbor literature preteklih desetletji in predstavil različna teoretska izhodišča, na podlagi katerih avtorji skušajo opredeliti in analizirati demokratični deficit in z njim povezane tematike. Ključna ugotovitev mojega magistrskega mojega dela ni le, da so aktualne reforme premalo ambiciozne in demokratičnega deficita ne morejo odpraviti, ampak predvsem da demokratični deficit ni le kategorija akademskih razprav, temveč je zelo močno politično orodje in odločilno usmerja razvoj Evropske unije. Demokratični deficit je zato stalnica evropske demokracije in ne more nikoli biti povsem odpravljen, saj se ob razvoju Evropske unije vedno znova pojavlja v drugačnih oblikah, ki terjajo nove reforme in kritične analize akademikov, intelektualcev, državljanov, politikov in vseh drugih zainteresiranih strani. ; The democratic deficit has been a constant of all academic research on the European Union for the past few decades. While the scope of the research has changed considerably, the basic idea remains the same – democracy in the European Union is in serious trouble. Europeans' trust in the EU is low and the same goes for their connection with European institutions, therefore it is clear that changes are required. Every major reform alters the balance of power between European institutions and their relationship with European citizens. The most visible changes of the past decades are: the empowerment of the European parliament that has been transformed into an influential institution, the introduction of instruments of direct democracy and other reforms brought upon by the Treaty of Lisbon. Unfortunately, progress is balanced out by the emergence of various mechanisms and instruments that surpass all democratic checks and balances. For example, the measures that were adopted as a response to the European debt crisis were mostly not based on formal competencies of the EU. In my Master's thesis I analysed and critically evaluated the processes that crucially influenced the most significant European institutions, their ever-changing relationships and the anticipated effects of the current reforms. I examined a substantial body of literature from past decades and presented diverse theoretical starting points that the authors use to define and analyse the democratic deficit and related topics. The most significant finding of my Master's thesis is not only that the current reforms lack ambition and cannot eliminate the democratic deficit, but also that the democratic deficit is more than just a category of academic research and can often act as a strong political tool that decisively influences the development of the European Union. Therefore, the democratic deficit is a permanent element of European democracy and can never be fully eliminated as it always reappears in new forms that require constant reforms and critical analysis by academia, intellectuals, citizens, politicians and other stakeholders.

Skrajno desne ideje so v evropskem prostoru prisotne že stoletja. Včasih zaradi določenih situacij pridejo na plano, v kratkem pa potem tudi izginejo. Evropska unija, ki se je izgradila na pogorišču skrajnih idej in sistemov, se je ponovno srečala s težko situacijo. V letu 2008 je staro celino zajela svetovna finančna kriza, ki je do temeljev pretresla dotedanjo uspešno evropsko integracijo in pri tem obudila skrajne ideje. Finančni krizi je po nekaj letih sledila migrantska, ki je že tako težko situacijo naredila še težjo. V določenih državah so se začele prebujati skrajne populistične in nacionalistične ideje, ki so krivca za nastalo situacijo iskale znotraj Evropske unije, v njenih institucijah in migrantih, ki so zaradi različnih razlogov prihajali v varno Evropo. Vzpon skrajno desnih strank je imel v posameznih državah različne motive, zakaj je stranka prišla na oblast oz. je imela v državi velik pomen. Vprašanje, ki se pojavlja ob trenutni situaciji v Evropski uniji, je, kako bodo skrajne ideje vplivale na nadaljnjo integracijo oz. dezintegracijo Evropske unije. ; Far-right ideas have been present in the European area for centuries. Certain situations cause them to emerge every now and then, before they disappear again not long after. The European Union, which was built on the ruins of radical ideas and political systems, is once again facing this menacing threat. In 2008, the old continent was hit by the global financial crisis, which shook the so far very successful European integration to its core and began to awake certain extremist notions. After a few years, the financial crisis was followed by the migrant crisis, which had since only exacerbated the situation. Populist and nationalist ideas, which were starting to resurge in some European countries, were looking for a scapegoat for the new state of affairs in the European Union and within the walls of its institutions and migrants, who were arriving into safe Europe for various reasons, made for a perfect target. The rise of far-right political parties had different motives in individual countries, regardless whether a particular party seized power or simply grew in prominence. The question that the European Union is facing at the moment is how these extremist ideas will influence further integration or disintegration of Europe.

The aim of the study is to evaluate changes in the net international investment position in the European Union in the years 2006–2014 in the context of compliance within the framework of the announced process of macroeconomic disturbances. It was reviewed of the most important theoretical concepts. The goal of the article is a critical analysis of the literature of the subject and analysis of statistical data regarding the international investment position of countries for the period 2006–2014. On this basis, it was made an attempt to assess the current movement behavior of the MPI net balance in the EU. In the EU there are significant differences in capital flows measured by the net international position. The outbreak of the crisis in 2008 caused changes in trend in the development of the capital structure in MPI. During 2006–2014 increased the absolute value of the assets and liabilities of MPI. In most EU countries deepens the negative balance of financial flows of international investment position to GDP of the countries. ; Celem opracowania jest próba ocenienia zmian, jeśli chodzi o międzynarodową pozycję inwestycyjną netto45w krajach Unii Europejskiej w latach 2006–2014 w kontekście przestrzegania zaleceń w ramach ogłoszonej procedury zakłóceń makroekonomicznych. W niniejszej pracy dokonano przeglądu najważniejszych koncepcji teoretycznych, będących punktem wyjścia dalszych rozważań. W tym celu przeanalizowano literaturę przedmiotu oraz dane statystyczne dotyczące międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej krajów w latach 2006–2014. Na tej podstawie spróbowano ocenić współczesne tendencje dotyczące salda netto MPI w UE. W krajach UE występują znaczące różnice w przepływach kapitału mierzonego międzynarodową pozycją netto. Wybuch kryzysu w 2008 r. wywołał zmiany w tendencji w kształtowaniu się struktury kapitału w MPI. W okresie 2006–2014 następuje wzrost absolutnych wartości aktywów oraz pasywów MPI. W większości krajów UE pogłębia się ujemne saldo przepływów finansowych międzynarodowej pozycji inwestycyjnej względem PKB badanych krajów.

The European Union currently operates three types of competence: exclusive, shared and supporting (complementary and harmonization). For each country, it is very important autonomous power of taxation and the ensuing independence in shaping tax policy. Countries acceding to the European Union, however, have to reckon with the fact that 80 Artur Kuś Studia z Polityki Publicznej since joining will not have a kind of monopoly on the creation of a fully independent and autonomous tax regulations. EU tax law is primarily the proper functioning of the EU internal market. The aim of the tax legislation is mainly provide income for the state. Thus, the main feature of the national tax law is fiscal function and the EU's - the proper functioning of the internal market. EU tax law in the broad sense (sensu largo) is the collection of EU law (primary and secondary) concerning and affecting the tax law of the Member States. EU tax law in the strict sense (sensu stricto) is a set of rules while EU law relating to and used directly in the tax law of the Member States of the EU. In the simplest terms it can be assumed that these are the rules relating to the taxation mainly indirect taxes.

The creation of the Three Seas Initiative (TSI), the political and economic format for 12 EU countries, is accompanied by a growing interest on the part of world powers and non-EU countries in the region. The aim of the research is to analyse the involvement of three Eastern European countries, namely Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova in projects developed under TSI. The research used a neorealistic approach. These countries belong to the post-Soviet area and, apart from Belarus, show a willingness to cooperate with Western institutions, which arouses a strong reaction from the Russian Federation. The research will result in determining their participation in projects implemented by TSI, including energy, transport, and digital infrastructure. These countries are on the way to working more closely with the Initiative, possibly under the new TSI plus format. The United States supports the expansion of the Three Seas Initiative.

The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted. ; The evolution of the ambitions of the Ukrainian authorities regarding integration with the EU is discussed in the paper. The current attitudes of political parties represented in Parliament towards the European Union, as well as the attitude of Ukrainian society towards the integration of the country with the EU is analyzed. Attention is focused on the Eastern Partnership as the EU's response to the aspirations of the Ukrainian political elites toward integration with the EU. The process of working out a new agreement between Ukraine and the EU, that is to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, is analyzed. In the conclusions the principal barriers to the integration of Ukraine with the EU are highlighted.